Category: Opinion

  • The cap really fits Odole Kessington Adebutu’s head

    POOLS punting is a risky investment and anyone who makes good out of that business must have something extra going for him.

    Two people who upped pools betting in Nigeria after the Lebanese withdrew from the business are Chief Solomon Ayoku and Chief Kessington Adebutu. From pools betting to casino, the duo were bonded like Siamese twins until death separated them and took away Ayoku, alias “Gbengbeleku” a few years ago.

    After mourning his bosom friend for some time, Adebutu charged further afield and introduced his most innovative punting business to date, otherwise called “Baba Ijebu”; whose red machines dot the landscapes in the corners and crannies of our clime and around which the young and old gather like a swarm of bees all days of the week. He has made a fortune from pools betting and casino business.

    t beyond his exploits in pools business, Chief Kessington Adebutu’s foray into philanthropy has become legendary. There’s hardly any institution of higher learning in many parts of this country that hasn’t got Kessington Adebutu’s stamp of huge financial encouragement. Ditto in several social strata. To be sure, in church matters, for example, his contributions to the physical and spiritual expansion of evangelism are also outstanding. He once affected my church positively with his huge financial input to the aesthetics upgrade of the place of worship..

    It is therefore commendable that the Ooni of Ife, Oba Enitan Ogunwusi found our lovable and highly principled business mogul worthy of being installed as the Odole of the Source, after the illustrious leader of the Yoruba race, Pa Obafemi Awolowo and the legal giant, Chief G. O. K Ajayi, both of blessed memory.

    The Odole cap can’t fit anyone better in Yorubaland, especially at this time, than Chief Kessington Adebukunola Adebutu. I can only wish him more feathers to his richly decorated hat!

     

  • Who says Buhari hasn’t got keen sense of humour?

    Bayo Osiyemi

     

    FOR years, the debate had been on whether or not President Muhammad Buhari had any sense of humour. Some said he is dry and as stone-faced as they come; that, all he has, is morbid fascination with the horrors of warfare.

    I had engaged those with this mindset that I could never agree with them that Muhammad Buhari, who rose through the ranks to become a General in the Nigerian Army before venturing into politics, was humour-less.

    Three things (Ws) are associated with soldiers: work, wine and women. For starters, laybacks or lazy drones cannot survive the rigours of military training. Whoever made it through the fastidious exercises in the Army will survive life with all its hazards. And it is a rarity to have soldiers who don’t fall in love with the bottle or the daughters of Eve.

    To even think soldiers are humour-less is to deny that water and blood run in their veins like other human beings!

    Thank you, my genteel general of a President. He has proven that he is a bundle of humour, perhaps hidden behind the veneer of his steely exterior. It is not just because of the wicked rumour that he was taking a new wife (every capable Muslim is enjoined to marry up to four wives) but more because of his ingenuity in creating a new ministry in the federal bureaucracy fit to be occupied by Sadia Umar Farouq.

    Who else fits the role of being minister for humanitarian affairs, disaster management than Hadjia Sadia? She’s proven and tested in the realm of humanitarianism and disaster management; and no one is in a better position than the discoverer himself, Mr President.

    Buhari marries his minister, so what? I pronounce with magisterial conviction that the man hasn’t offended any known law or convention by that singular act. Whoever wants to exclaim “ho”, “ha”, should be reminded that love is a very strong and emotive matter that can set child against parent or friend against friend.

    Bashorun Moshood Kashi Abiola, in his life time, fell in love with his appointee, Doyin Aboaba, in the Concord Newspapers company then, and the association was as fruitful as it was professionally rewarding.

    Late fuji musician, Sikiru Aýinde Barrister fell in love with his best friend’s daughter and the union was fruitful. When the hypocrites and cynics wanted to make a mountain out of that molehill, he waxed a record to say he hadn’t done anything contrary to his religious tenet. He dug into the Koran to find a parallel for his adventure.

    Two or three other musicians had coveted love in their songs and likened it to a huge temptation that cannot easily be resisted. They are right, hence love is described by researchers as “an unconditional affection with no limits”. So if our own Buhari, at any point decides to marry his minister who is 30 years younger, he is in good company.

    His French counterpart, Emmanuel Macron, who at 39 when he became his country’s President, was the youngest in France history, seduced Brigitte, 64, who he first fell for at 15 when she was then his 39-year-old drama teacher.

    The French President’s wife taught her husband at a private school in Amiens, France, run by strict Catholic Jesuits. Her first son from her previous marriage, Sebastian is two years older than her new husband while her eldest daughter, Laurence is the same age as Macron and ran their school theatre where her mother’s husband, the French President was a budding actor.

    Unashamedly, the President’s wife, sometime ago said of her 25 years younger student and now husband: “Little by little, I was totally charmed by his intelligence. He wasn’t like the others.” Love has spoken.

    The only snag here in the Buhari case is in the likely contest between discipline and emotion, will the President summon the courage to boot out his ministerial wife if she commits an unpardonable offence in office? After the sack for official disdemeanour, will she still be welcomed in her husband’s home? A dilemma? Maybe, maybe not; the answer is in the womb of time!

  • Tinubu and ABUAD’s recognition of service

    By Tunde Rahman

     

    The Afe Babalola University, Ado-Ekiti’s letter intimating Asiwaju Bola Tinubu of that institution’s decision to confer on him an honorary doctorate degree and giving reasons for finding him worthy of the honour was unequivocal. It was also very insightful. The motivation for the award was even more eloquently put when the Acting Vice-Chancellor of the university, Professor Smaranda Olarinde, spoke on the issue. Elucidating on the rationale for the choice of the former Lagos governor and APC National Leader, Prof. Olarinde said Asiwaju Tinubu was not selected on the basis of his soaring political credentials because ABUAD is not a political entity.

    “We didn’t consider Senator Bola Tinubu owing to his political career. He was only found worthy because of his immense contributions to humanity and his various selfless services that surpass that of anybody in Nigeria,” she said, adding also that Asiwaju Tinubu had “helped thousands to rediscover lost destinies, given hope to the hopeless and provided a compass for those wandering in the wilderness of difficulties and uncertainties”.

    That statement encapsulated virtually all that the All Progressives Congress National Leader represented and continues to represent in Nigeria today and even beyond the country. To appreciate the critical point made by ABUAD in according Asiwaju Tinubu this honour, it is pertinent to wonder why a person like the Jagaban would give up a blossoming, still rising and secure career in the lucrative oil industry, from which he resigned as treasurer of Mobil oil, to chart a new course in the slippery, unpredictable terrain of Nigerian politics?

    There was absolutely no guarantee that he would achieve any meaningful success in his unpredictable chosen path when he made the plunge into the stormy waters of politics back in the late 1980s during military President, General Ibrahim Babangida’s, tortuous political transition programme. Surely, not many people would summon the courage to take such a risk leaving the known for the unknown, the certain for the hazy, but Asiwaju did.

    What then was Asiwaju’s motivation in taking this decision? Could it be the acquisition of wealth? But he already had that aplenty as a top manager of the funds of an oil multinational that was certainly richer than many states in the country at the time. And with money comes a certain degree of power even for the affluent person who is not in politics. But then, the ABUAD award goes to the very defining essence of Tinubu’s politics. His has been an exemplary politics of selfless service to his fellow human beings, particularly the downtrodden, either when he was in office as governor of Lagos State between 1999 and 2007 or for the past 12 years that he has been a private citizen, even though a very public political personality.

    On many occasions Tinubu has stuck out his neck and made daring sacrifices to make his society better. Whether as a pro-democracy activist, where he emerged one of the leading lights who worked towards the termination of military rule in the land, as a two-term governor of Lagos State during which he revolutionalized Internally-generated Revenue after the illegal seizure of the state allocation by the Obasanjo regime as well as laid the foundation for the ongoing radical modernization of Lagos or as a resilient opposition figure who helped, along with a few others, to build a coalition APC into a formidable political machine that ousted an incumbent at the centre for the first time in Nigeria’s history, Asiwaju’s efforts and politics have always been geared towards the common good. His trajectory speaks to courage and commitment to justice and excellence.

    There seems to be a meeting of minds between Asiwaju Tinubu and ABUAD founder and Chancellor Aare Afe Babalola (SAN) in the pursuit of excellence and the beauty of engraving indelible names in the sands of time. Created about a decade ago, ABUAD is today a first class citadel of knowledge and a beacon of excellence for research as well as moral and capacity-building. The achievements of the university within those 10 years are quite impressive. This should not be surprising because Aare Babalola, a prodigious legal luminary, is noted for excellence, just like Asiwaju.

    The authorities of ABUAD were certainly stating the undeniable fact when they stressed Tinubu’s indelible contributions to changing lives and turning destinies around. While a great majority of the affluent in most societies have a tendency to hoard their wealth, a substantial portion of Asiwaju’s fortune goes to succor the poor and disadvantaged. It is virtually impossible for those in need to come to him with a need and not have that challenge addressed to a considerable degree. Tinubu’s residence in Ikoyi is undoubtedly the busiest in that high-brow area of Lagos hosting an endless stream of people from all classes of society but most particularly the less privileged. The ABUAD recognition will no doubt encourage more endowed Nigerians to emulate Tinubu’s lifestyle of giving.

    Tinubu and Aare Babalola have mutual respect and admiration for each other. The ABUAD founder described Asiwaju as a man of ideas. Ideas rule the world, he told the APC National Leader last Monday in Ado-Ekiti. “It is not about the number of degrees one acquires; it is if you have the power of ideas, the power to turn dream into reality. Nations become big based on ideas that turn things around,” he added, while extending an invitation to Asiwaju to come and spend quality time, “of up to a week,” at the university to explore its facilities as some leaders across Africa and beyond had done. Tinubu himself was fulsome in his admiration of Aare Babalola. Impressed by what Aare had done with ABUAD within the little time, he likened the accomplishment to “what one person with a great idea and stoutness of heart can do”.

    But this piece is about the investiture ceremony to which I must return. It was one unique and interesting event organized as part of activities for ABUAD’s 10th year anniversary and 7th convocation. Asiwaju was gifted a doctorate degree in Public Administration (honoris causa). He was not alone. Other awardees were the Sultan of Sokoto, His Eminence, Alhaji Muhammadu Sa’ad Abubakar 111; Obi of Onitsha, His Royal Majesty Igwe Nnaemeka Achebe, and an entrepreneur and Chairman/Chief Executive Officer, Green Energy International Limited, Prof. Anthony Adegbulugbe. It was an illustrious quartet.

    Equally distinguished is the array of personalities who graced the occasion. Four governors namely- Alhaji Adegboyega Oyetola of Osun, Mr. Babajide Sanwo-Olu (Lagos), Prince Dapo Abiodun (Ogun) and Alhaji Aminu Tambuwal of Sokoto -, Minister of Interior, Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola, former APC Interim Chairman, Chief Bisi Akande, former Minister of State for Defence, Chief Ademola Seriki, and former Presidential Liaison Officer, Senate and Mutawale of Borno, Alhaji Kashim Ibrahim-Imam, among many others, attended the event. The host-governor, which is the governor of Ekiti State and Chairman of the Governor’s Forum, Dr. Kayode Fayemi, was part of President Buhari’s delegation to the 2019 Russia-Africa Summit in Sochi, Russia. He was represented by his deputy, Chief Egbeyemi.

    It was, however, an emotional moment for Asiwaju when after the investiture the Sultan of Sokoto who was chosen to speak on behalf of the awardees in turn chose the former Lagos governor to speak for them and in fact led him to the podium.

    And Asiwaju rose to the occasion. Speaking extempore, he thanked ABUAD and the founder of the school, Aare Babalola, for finding the four of them worthy of the honorary degrees. Commending the university for doing the right things in the right way and Aare Babalola for the vision and determination to establish the university, he said ABUAD’s record had been exemplary within its 10 years of existence.

    He urged his fellow awardees to do all within their capacities so that they hand over a steady helm and a vibrant and strengthened nation to the young ones. For Asiwaju, education is everything. He left behind some quotable quotes: “Education is the light of a nation and ignorance its darkness. Only with that light can we hope to see where we are and to discover the path we must go to realise our greatness as a nation development.

    “…To educate a generation is to secure the future. Thus, it is indeed my honor to be here with you for this university stands as a shining beacon, casting the light of education upon our nation and its people. ABUAD thus serves as a vital piston in the machinery of national progress. Our young people deserve and require quality education that will unlock their utmost potentials. This will engender critical thinking and build their capacities for self and national development.”

    I can go on and on. While I was ruminating on that ceremony, the statement of ABUAD acting Vice Chancellor on the significance of the honorary degree again raced through my mind. The beauty of ABUAD awards, she said, is that they are awarded to persons who are deserving of such honors, having excelled in character and useful application of such intellect and excellence.

     

    • Rahman, former Editor, Thisday on Saturday and Sunday Newspapers, is Media Adviser to Asiwaju Tinubu.
  • FG’s budgets: Expansionary or austerity through the backdoor?

    By Kola Ibrahim

    The Buhari government claimed to have embarked on expansionary budgets, despite adverse economic conditions, as a way of spurring development and economic growth. Indeed, between 2015 and 2018, the government’s actually-implemented budget size was N23.38 trillion. But these budget sums should be situated within the existing economic situations. At N306 to a dollar, the value of the budgets (both the approved and actual) are actually less than presented. For instance, the 2016, 2017 and 2018 actually-implemented budgets of N5.36 trillion, N6.46 trillion and N6.8 trillion respectively translate to $17.6 billion, $21.2 billion and $22.3 billion in dollar term, compared to $21 billion (at N197/$1) spent in 2014. This means that the actual budgetary spending in 2014 in dollar terms was more than what was spent in 2016 and 2017 years of ‘expansionary’ budgets and almost at par with what was spent in 2018.

    When we even factor inflation – which grew from nine percent in May 2015 to 17.55 percent in 2016, 15.37 percent in 2017 and 11.35 percent in May 2019 – into the equation, then it will be glaring that the actual values of Buhari government’s supposed expansionary budgets were actually lower than those of previous government. This does not imply that the Jonathan government’s budgets actually benefitted majority of the population; indeed a significant percentage of the funds found their ways into private pockets of politicians and big business people with uncompleted projects littering the country. But this reality put a big question mark on the sincerity of the government towards development. This means, for example, that the so-called capital votes are really less than the 2014 vote.

    Currently, in dollar terms, the Buhari government has borrowed $35 billion – N 10.68 trillion (about 65 percent increase since 2015) as at first quarter 2019, with the government paying as much as $18.9 billion (N5.806 trillion) for debt servicing between 2015 and 2018, an amount that is more than the total capital spending, more than 80 percent of total deficit, and more than half of what the government borrowed, all within the same period. In fact, the total spending on debt servicing is far more than the combined budgets for education, healthcare and water resources within this period (2015-2019). This means that the federal government is either borrowing to pay interests on debts (service debt) or paying more interests than spending on development.

    In the 2017 fiscal year, the government spent N1.8 trillion to service debts while it spent N1.5 trillion for capital votes i.e. debt servicing was more than capital votes by over N300 billion. The Buhari government, rather than stop this drift to the abyss, has rather worsened it with its unparalleled appetite for debts. Currently the debt servicing to total implemented budget is around 40 percent, which poses problem for the country in the short or long term. The government is of course basing its borrowing appetite on a more elusive debt to GDP ratio, which is more virtual than debt-to-budget or debt servicing-to-budget.

    It is true that austerity, as an economic term, involves cutting government’s spending, especially budgets, as a way of reducing or eliminating deficits. This is usually carried ot during economic downturn like recession, or when government’s debts or public debts are unsustainable, and government has to offset the debts, or reduce public capacity to borrow, or assume private debts and force austere living on the majority. In any case, austerity will mean attack on the working people and the poor, who have no buffer or absorber for economic shocks. This is why underfunding of social services (and their commercialization or privatization), higher taxes for the poor, high unemployment and exploitation of the working people (through salary cuts, attacks on pensions, casualization, etc.) usually accompany austerity policies. On the other hand, the rich and capitalist class (or investors), use the opportunity to recoup lost profits through greater exploitation of working class, and exploiting government’s austerity to take more from public till.

    However, that the Buhari government is not implementing a shrinking budget or austere budget nominally does not mean that instruments of austerity are not being deplored. It does not also mean that the expansionary budgets have benefited the working people. What we have seen is the government implementing some form of austerity programmes for the poor as reflected in hike in fuel prices, electricity tariffs, school fees across the country, currency devaluation, stagnated salaries, and now through hike in VAT, and other sundry levies and taxes; not to mention the planned increase in fuel price.

    While it is true that there have been nominal increases in budgets for education and healthcare, this, as noted above, does not necessarily reflect real increase when devaluation and inflation are factored in. But a closer look at the implemented budgets shows that there has been lower allocations to education and healthcare between 2016 and 2018, than pre-Buhari era. For instance, capital vote for education utilized in 2011, 2012, 2013 and 2014 were N28.5 billion (55%), N47.6 billion (86%), N36.2 billion (50%) and N20.7 billion (40%) respectively. On the other hand, the utilized capital votes for 2015, 2016, 2017 and 2018 were N13.1 billion (56%), N20.8 billion (59%), N31.6 billion (55%) and less than 45% respectively. This means that in nominal value, real value and percentile implementation, capital education spending was worse off under Buhari than previous period. While the recurrent expenditures increased under Buhari government, this is lower, as percentage of total budgets and when inflation and devaluation are factored in, than under Jonathan/PDP government. Between 2011 and 2014, the average budget to education was 10.4 percent, but between 2015 and 2018, under Buhari government, the average was 9.0 percent. And worse still, percentage implementation, while poor under PDP and APC, was worse under APC.

    While it is true that low revenue made many aspects of the budgets difficult to implement, the fact that the proposed capital items in the budgets and the aspects of the budgets implemented did not reflect in any improvement shows that the so-called spending are aimed at nominally increasing GDP as a way of showing fake growth and exit from recession. The latest employment report from NBS showing consistently growing unemployment, four quarters after officially exiting recession (unemployment is expected to have eased out or gone back to pre-recession period at this stage) is a pointer to the fakeness of the so-called expansionary budget. Therefore, we must dig deeper than the textbook definitions.

    The main areas where the huge budgets have gone to are debt servicing and capital expenditure especially on government bureaucracy (office buildings, furniture, military hardware, etc.), roads and rails. Aside the fact that many of these projects are funded through loans, the effects of these projects on the economy in terms of spending is minimal. According to government’s chest-beating data, more than 1,262 km of roads have either been constructed or rehabilitation in the three and half years of Buhari government. Also, more than N3 trillion has reportedly been spent on capital projects, with about half of this going to roads. Yet, according to government, this only generated less than 79, 000 jobs (mostly part-term or casual jobs associated with construction industry), while most of the roads projects, especially the crucial ones are not completed or half completed.

    The effects of this ‘huge’ spending on roads and rails on other sectors of the economy has been minimal or infinitesimal. The banking sector is still not strong enough (even though the bank investors rake in billions in profits), government’s independent revenue and tax collection has not improved reflecting the poor performance of private businesses, employment generation remain anemic, etc. It is therefore not out of place to state that the huge capital outlay on roads and rails, aside being funded through loans (and many of the projects handled by foreign companies) are aimed at enriching the few in corridors of power and big business, under the guise of developing the country or stimulating the economy.

    The summary of all this is that the Buhari government, with the hike in fuel prices, devaluation of naira,  hike in electricity tariffs, government-instigated inflation, huge debt overhang and debt servicing, and actually shrinking budgets (masked as expansionary budgets), has introduced austerity measures/policies through the backdoor. This is bound to worsen in the coming period as the government try to wriggle out of the problems it created in the first instance: create the illusions of expansionary budgets, funded mostly through huge borrowing, but introduce anti-poor policies that undermine purchasing power, while enriching the rich few in the corridors of power and big business.

     

    • Ibrahim is an author, labour activist and social/public policy consultant.
  • Citizens under siege

    By Gabriel Amalu

    Last week, just as Intersociety, a civil society organisation, released a report that the police and the army have extorted Nigerians of the southeast and south-south geo-political zones to the tune of about N306 billion in the past 50 months, the Governor of Enugu State, Rt. Hon. Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi, delivered to the state Commissioner of Police, Ahmad Abdurahman, keys to 65 patrol vans to help secure the state. Like Ugwuanyi, other governors across the regions, also empower the police, to secure their states.

    But according to the New Telegraph, a special research report conducted by Intersociety, showed that the police and the army have within the review period, allegedly raked in about N306 billion, through more than 6,900 roadblocks, scattered across the two regions. While it is commonly claimed that policemen and women jostle to be posted to major cities in the regions for untoward reasons, it is unimaginable that such insidious and invidious extortion could be going in the regions.

    Of note, the last 50 months cover the period that President Muhammadu Buhari has been in power as civilian president, and if his opponents are to be believed, he is accused of harbouring a special distaste for the two regions, because majority of the citizens from there have refused to identify with him. Could it be that the report is an attempt to call a dog a bad name, in other to hang it, or is it possible that such flagrant abuse of public power is going on in the president’s regime?

    No doubt, the alleged extortion, is audacious. N306 billion in 50 months from citizens in the name of providing security for them? All persons of goodwill should call on the president to order a discreet inquiry into the Intersociety report, and make the findings public. Because, whether the president cares or not, as the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, it is his name that history may record as being in charge while instead of providing security, the army and police are extorting citizens from the south-east and south-south zones.

    The field survey and research covered 11 states, made up of Edo, Delta, Akwa Ibom, Rivers, Cross River, Bayelsa, Anambra, Abia, Enugu, Ebonyi and Imo, from August 2015 to October 2019. The report claimed there are 600 military and 6,300 police roadblocks across the southeast and south-south. It further claimed that while police roadblocks extorted N250 billion, the military roadblocks raked in N56 billion. It broke down the monthly collection to N6.4 billion and yearly collection to N76 billion yearly in the past four years.

    The charge becomes less preposterous, because unfortunately the president has not been warmly welcomed politically in the two zones. So, those who have accused the federal government of discriminatory tendencies against the zones, would readily point to political differences as the motive. While it will not be reasonable to hold the president personally responsible for such obnoxious conducts, he owes the citizens in that part of the country the responsibility to provide them equal protection as those from other regions.

    The report also parleys into the hands of those working to divide the country. So, if the report is true, unless the federal government takes steps to discourage such extortionist tendency, it may be accused of complicity in the criminality. Going forward, the seasonal military exercise in the southeast, formerly called operation egwu eke, and now known as atilogwu udo, may be viewed by people of the region, as an extortionist agenda of the army. Same for operation crocodile smile in the south-south. Would the exercise escalate tension or reduce it?

    The report would also tally with the claim by some groups that the southeast and south-south are like occupied territories. The argument being that while the zones are not exposed to external aggression, they have excessive concentration of security checkpoints per square kilometre. In some places in the southeast, you will not drive more than one kilometre without meeting a checkpoint. While one can argue that checkpoints are there to secure the people from armed robbery, kidnapping and sundry crimes, the people become citizens of a vassal state, when the security agencies freely extort them without any consequences.

    The situation in the zones become even more tendentious, when a major cause of insecurity in the zones, is caused by armed herdsmen, who are viewed in some quarters as part of the grandiose plan to occupy and exploit. So, under the circumstance in the zones, it remains a choice between the devil and the deep blue sea. They either live with the exploitation from the security agencies or if they demand their withdrawal, then they will be exposed to the murderous attacks of armed herdsmen.

    The governors of the states in the zones must be in a quandary how to deal with the situation. Ironically, despite the reported presence of 34,000 armed personnel of the army, navy, air force and police; not to talk of the huge resources expended by the various states to support them, the states concerned are not fully secured. Recently, because of the criminal activities of the armed herdsmen, the states are also expending tax payers’ money to train vigilantes, forest guards and other groups to complement the security agencies.

    Again, because security agencies are controlled by the federal government; the states despite handing them security equipment bought at huge costs, are not in a position to demand optimal performance from the agencies. After providing the required resources, they would have to beg them to perform. This column in the past decade always joined other well-meaning Nigerians to demand for a change in the policing architecture of Nigeria, and the Intersociety report is one more reason for urgent change.

    Of note, last week, the oil producing states visited the president, and all the visiting governors are from the two zones. Same last week, the president also announced that N10 billion has been budgeted for the rehabilitation of the Enugu runway, which was closed down for repairs. Also, the Minister for Works Babatunde Fashola SAN, promised that the Second Niger Bridge would be ready in 2021. While the federal government should quickly rehabilitate the Enugu runway and indeed finish the international wing of the airport, it deserves pundits for delivering on the two promises.

    On their part, the police and the army should take their indictment by Intersociety seriously. Before taking the easy way of merely dismissing the report, the accused institutions should conduct investigation to determine whether the findings are true. While extortion by police at checkpoints are common, the nation should be alarmed if its army has joined such infamy.  

  • Constitutional vandalism in Kogi

    By Inibehe Effiong

    The purported impeachment of the Deputy Governor of Kogi State, Mr. Simon Achuba, by the Kogi State House of Assembly, and the alleged nomination of one Edward Onoja as his replacement by Governor Yahaya Bello, are acts of constitutional vandalism and a nullity and should be deprecated by all lovers of democracy and adherents of the rule of law.

    Let me say clearly that the impeachment proceedings initiated against Achuba by the Kogi State House of Assembly ended by operation of law (automatically) the moment the House received the Report of the seven-man investigation panel dated October 18, which completely exonerated Achuba of (all) the five allegations of gross misconduct brought against him by the House.

    Impeachment is not, and not never be deployed as a malignant weapon for insatiable political vendetta. It was not the intention of the framers of the 1999 Constitution to give a House of Assembly, omnipotent powers in the process of removing elected governors and deputy governors. This is apparent from the role ascribed to the Chief Judge of a state and the institutional independence given to the seven-man investigation panel under Section 188 of the Constitution.

    There are only two definitive conclusions that the panel is mandated to reach under the constitution, and they have variant implications. The panel must arrive at one of the two conclusions without ambiguity.

    First, the panel can report to the House that the allegations of gross misconduct against a governor or deputy governor as the case may be, have been proved. In that case, the House “within fourteen days of the receipt of the report, the House of Assembly shall consider the report, and if by a resolution of the House of Assembly supported by not less than two-thirds majority of all its members, the report of the Panel is adopted, then the holder of the office shall stand removed from office as from the date of the adoption of the report.”. See Section 188 (9) of the Constitution.

    Second, “Where the Panel reports to the House of Assembly that the allegation has not been proved, no further proceedings shall be taken in respect of the matter.” See Section 188 (8) of the Constitution.

    I have perused the Report submitted by the seven-man investigation panel constituted by the Chief Judge of Kogi State on August 26, to investigate the allegations of gross misconduct brought against the deputy governor.  The Report was signed and endorsed by the Chairman, Mr. John Baiyeshea, SAN, and by all the six members of the Panel. In its conclusion, the Panel stated and reported to the Kogi State House of Assembly as follows:

    “In line with Section 188 (8) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended) quoted herein before, we hereby report to the Kogi State House of Assembly that the allegations contained in the Notice of Allegations admitted in evidence by this Panel as Exhibit C7 have NOT BEEN PROVED.”

    The Constitution has expressly determined the destiny of the impeachment proceedings upon the exoneration of the subject of the investigation by the investigation panel. There is no ambiguity as to what should happen where the panel reports to the House of Assembly, as in the instant case, that the allegations have not been proved. The Constitution states that “no further proceedings shall be taken in respect of the matter”.

    However, the course of action would have differed if the panel were to report that the allegations against Mr. Achuba have been proved. Since the opposite conclusion was reached, the only permissible consequence is that no further proceedings can be taken in respect of the matter.

    To avoid any mischievous argument in favour of the constitutional delinquents in Kogi State, one point should be clarified. Section 188 (10) of the Constitution states that “No proceedings or determination of the Panel or of the House of Assembly or any matter relating to such proceedings or determination shall be entertained or questioned in any court.”  This ouster clause on the face value suggests that steps taken by the House of Assembly in relation to the impeachment proceedings cannot be questioned in court.

    That is not the correct construction of the intendment of that subsection. The Supreme Court in 2007 laid down the conditions that must be strictly complied with before recourse can be made to the ouster clause in subsection (10) supra. In the case of INAKOJU & ORS v. ADELEKE & ORS (2007) LPELR-1510(SC), the Apex Court listed the conditions as follows:

    “1. The provisions of Section 188(1) to (9) must be strictly complied with before a Governor or Deputy Governor can be constitutionally removed from office. 2. It is only when the provisions of Section 188(1) to (9) are complied with that the ouster clause of Section 188 (10) can be invoked 

    in favour of the House and to the disadvantage of the removed Governor or Deputy Governor. 3. It is only when Section 188(1) to (9) is complied with that the jurisdiction of the courts is constitutionally ousted.” (Pp. 129, paras D – F).

    Impeachment is a process, it is not an event. There can be no accidental impeachment. The process has several stages which must be adhered to strictly and religiously. Any procedural infraction renders the entire process a nullity.

    That is the point that the Supreme Court made in the above case of INAKOJU & ORS v. ADELEKE & ORS where the court nullified and voided the purported removal of the then governor of Oyo State, Mr. Rashidi Lodoja.

    It is a sad commentary that lawmakers in the Kogi State House of Assembly have shamelessly reduced themselves to pawns of Governor Yahaya Bello, a man who’s scandalous, incompetent and unenviable record of public service remains unbeatable in the present day Nigeria. The lawmakers have by their inordinate acts, sent a message to the world that they are agents of constitutional vandalism with no regard for the rule of law and the tenets of democracy.

    Kogi State and by extension Nigeria, has been registered in the global map of state sponsored impunity as a result of the sustained rape of basic constitutional values by tyrants who have found solace in complicit and morally bankrupt law enforcement institutions.

    The constitutional vandals in Kogi State should be reminded of the immutable words of the Supreme Court of Nigeria in the Inokuju’s case on the role of the legislature and the executive in our constitutional democracy. The court rebuked that:

    “The Legislature is the custodian of a country’s Constitution in the same way that the Executive is the custodian of the policy of Government and its execution, and also in the same way that the Judiciary is the custodian of the construction or interpretation of the Constitution. One major role of a custodian is to keep under lock and key the property under him so that it is not desecrated or abused. The Legislature is expected to pet the provisions of the Constitution like the way the mother pets her day-old baby. The Legislature is expected to abide by the provisions of the Constitution like the way the clergyman abides by the Bible and the Imam abides by the Koran. And so, when the Legislature, the custodian, is responsible for the desecration and abuse of the provisions of the Constitution in terms of patent violation and breach, society and its people are the victims and the sufferers” (Pp. 131, paras. B – E).

    The sinister, ludicrous and ‘treasonous’ insinuation by the Kogi State House of Assembly that it has “removed” or “impeached” Achuba should not only be dismissed with unrestrained contempt, but should be visited with appropriate legal sanctions which should include the immediate arrest and prosecution of the impostor, Edward Onoja, and his accomplices.

    I also call on the Inspector General of Police and all security agencies in Nigeria not to lend their cohesive instruments to the subversive and patently unconstitutional actions of Governor Bello and his cronies in the Kogi State House of Assembly. The security men attached to the deputy governor should be restored immediately. Mr. Achuba still enjoys immunity under Section 308 of the Constitution. Thus, he can neither be arrested nor detained.

    We all have a collective duty to halt Nigeria’s continuous descent into a banana republic. History will vindicate the just.

    • Effiong is a Lagos-based legal practitioner and human rights activist.
  • Afe at 90, Abuad at 10: legacy of leadership

    By Opeyemi Bamidele

     

    An age-long adage acknowledges the fact that some men are born great, many achieved greatness while some had greatness thrusted on them.

    Interestingly, any keen reader of his enviable story in the last five decades or more, would of course readily admit that Chief Afe Babalola is a unique profile in dramatic trajectory from grass to grace. In other words, ‘Aare’ is an ebullient and iconic personality who did not have the childhood luxury of being born with a silver spoon. He does not even fall in the category of those young men who had fortune smiling on them on a platter of gold.

    But, today, he is a highly respected professional giant, an award winning technocrat, a renowned legal luminary, a successful business mogul, a superb elederstatesman, a revered community leader, a compassionate and unrelenting philanthropist and, above all, a life coach and mentor to many accomplished gentlemen and ladies of repute.

    Born 90 years ago in a humble agrarian family in the ancient city of Ado-Ekiti in Ekiti State of Nigeria, Aare Emmanuel Afe Babalola has carved a niche for himself in the lexicon of success and social transformation, even though he did not pass through a formal secondary school education.

    For a man who only managed to acquire a basic formal education to have risen to the prestigious status of an excellent university administrator and a highly celebrated entrepreneur in the nation’s education sector, it is instructive that the compelling lessons and principles of his greatness should not only be celebrated but must also be emulated, especially by all well-meaning youngsters of this generation.

    Afe Babalola had a unique life experience at his tender age which must have shaped his life commitment to industry and generosity. He lost his parents when he was extremely young. Due to the economic hardship he had to contend with, he braced for life conquest rather than accepting the tragic twist of fate. The young Afe Babalola made up his mind early enough to face the realities of life with a view to ruling his world as a consummate warrior. His determination to conquer his environment and earn himself an enviable placement among his peers prompted him to pursue his academic studies most diligently and relentlessly to enable him build an excellent, cutting-edge professional career in life, to create wealth in a legitimate manner, to help the needy and to contribute meaningfully to the upliftment of Nigeria and the world at large, such that his name and his lofty legacies might be written in gold on the sand of time.

    Aare Afe Babalola attended Emmanuel Primary School, Ado-Ekiti, where he obtained his Standard Six Certificate. He is always proud to say that the very qualitative primary education he had was what served as a strong springboard for his subsequent educational attainments. After working for years as a pupil teacher, Chief Babalola enrolled for the Senior Cambridge School Certificate examination by private study from Wolsey Hall, Oxford.

    He later obtained the A’level Certificate of London University before he proceeded to London School of Economics and then the University of London where he obtained a second Bachelor’s degree in Law. Chief Afe Babalola was called to the England Bar in 1963. Same year, he became a Member of the Lincoln’s Inn, London.

    Armed with the requisite certification to pursue a sprawling and volatile legal career with an informed bias in Constitutional Advocacy and Criminal Justice, Baba Afe started off as a Litigation Officer in the law firm of Olu Ayoola and Co.  However, given his penchant for freedom and the passion to conquer and dominate his professional world without let or hindrance, he established his own legal firm, Afe Babalola and Co. (Emmanuel Chambers) in 1965, barely two years at the Bar. Over the years, by dint of hard work, professional focus and consistency as well as a very unique style of service delivery, Chief Babalola rose to national prominence and became a household phenomenon in the nation’s justice sector, having, at various times, served as an indefatigable and most brilliant Legal Consultant to the federal and state governments, political juggernauts, corporate bodies and several royal families across the nation for the settlement of sundry legal and constitutional disputes of national and international pedigree. To this extent, in 1987, the Legal Privileges and Awards Committee of the Inner Bar deemed it fit to elevate him to the highest rank in the legal profession in Nigeria, Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN).

    The most intriguing character of Babalola ’s personality is that in spite of his career accomplishments as a prominent legal practitioner, he felt that what could make him a fulfilled man was to have an ample opportunity to contribute morally, financially and educationally to humanity; both through his private philanthropic initiatives and also through government institutions. This was the insatiable passion that former President Olusegun Obasanjo saw in him when he appointed him in 2001 as the Pro-Chancellor and Chairman of the Governing Council of the University of Lagos. He held the position till 2008 during which he was decorated as the Best Pro-Chancellor of Nigerian Universities consecutively in 2005 and 2006. He was Chairman of the Committee of Pro-Chancellors of Nigerian universities.

    Today, by the special grace of God, Chief Afe Babalola, the Aare Bamofin of Yoruba land, holds degrees from several universities, including Ekiti State University for the award of Doctor of Letters (LL.D) in 2002; LL.D of the University of London; LL.D of the University of Lagos; LL.D of the University of Jos; LL.D of the Federal University of Technology, Akure (FUTA); LL.D of the Kogi State University. In fact, he was the first African to be conferred with Doctor of Laws (Honoris Causa) of the University of London in 2015. Given his monumental philanthropic gestures and remarkable contribution to nation-building, he was conferred with the prestigious National Award as Officer of the Order of the Federal Republic (OFR) and subsequently Commander of the Order of the Niger (CON) by the Federal Government.

    Over the years, having been a consistent benefactor to the nation’s education sector, making contributions to the standardisation of quality and the provision of enduring, world-class infrastructural facilities such as lecture theaters, auditoriums, faculty buildings, libraries and laboratories; and having garnered extensive skills and copious experience in university administration, Chief Babalola envisioned the need to establish a First Class and up-to-date university to serve as a benchmark in academic standards and facilities for other universities in Nigeria. For this reason, an expansive World-class private institution, the Afe Babalola University, was established in 2009 and is domiciled on a very large expanse of land, precisely 130 hectares, in Chief Afe’s home town, Ado-Ekiti, Ekiti State.

    The university offers academic programmes in six Colleges of Natural Sciences, Law, Engineering, Social and Management Sciences, Medicine and Health Sciences as well as Postgraduate Studies. The institution’s College of Engineering is built on about three and half acres of land and is well equipped with sophisticated state-of-the-art facilities from Europe and the Americas and is reputed to be one of the largest in Africa.

    In the same vein, ABUAD’s College of Medicine and Health Sciences and its Multisystem Teaching Hospital is second to none in Nigeria, given the various medical facilities and the professional expertise with which patients are handled with utmost care.

    Shortly after my Senatorial primaries late last year, I visited Chief Afe Babalola in his office within the university premises in company of my wife and some of my political associates to say a big thank you to him for his invaluable fatherly support and for keeping faith with us always and in all ways. After the usual pleasantries, he instructed one of his senior officials to take us for an inspection round the Multisystem Hospital and, believe you me, we saw a masterpiece of architecture design, an avalanche of medical infrastructure, some of which can only be found in first class hospitals abroad. A tour of the facilities around the university deeply revealed the in-depth passion, insight and vision of a foremost educationist, a well experienced university administrator and a dynamic and foresighted entrepreneur. To this extent, I wholeheartedly recommend ABUAD Teaching Hospital to the Federal and State Governments, families and individuals in Nigeria. Rather than travelling abroad on medical tourism and encouraging needless capital flights to other climes, let us be proud to patronize our own public and private institutions.

    At a prime age of 90, Aare Afe Babalola remains a great pride and an illustrious ambassador of the people of Ekiti State, the Yoruba people of the South-West and Nigeria.

    As we join the world to celebrate his 90th birthday anniversary as well as 10 years of monumental and unprecedented achievements of the prestigious Afe Babalola University today, I profoundly felicitate with this icon and profusely thank him for making us proud in Ekiti State. I am proud to identify with his remarkable success anywhere in the world as well as the legacy of leadership and foresight his name and the institution called ABUAD have come to represent. It is in recognition of this that other accomplished and well renowned men in history, including our own enigmatic Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, will stand beside Aare Afe today to be conferred with yet another honorary Doctorate degree of ABUAD. May this legacy live on and may the good Lord keep Aare Afe for us to continue to tap from his wealth of knowledge and wisdom as he continues to age with abundant grace.

    • Bamidele is chairman of the Senate Committee on Judiciary, Human Rights and Legal Matters.
  • Nigeria’s opposition is missing

    Garba Shehu

     

    LAST week, the Nigeria’s Senate majority leader reintroduced anti-sexual harassment legislation to parliament, following a serious exposé by the BBC of a sex for grades scandal at the University of Lagos.

    The bill had been tabled before – in 2016 – but it was not passed: some members of our party, working with the opposition, then stronger in numbers than today, blocked it.

    This time around, there has been no such attempt by the opposition Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, to scupper the legislation. We cannot tell whether they remain opposed to it, for they have been too busy to let the 200 million citizens of Nigeria know. Instead, last week – whilst this matter was in the Senate, and the first Federal Budget, following our February General Election, was being tabled before the House – the opposition’s full attention was elsewhere: on the affairs of the President, who we were told by the internet, was planning to marry in secret to one of his cabinet ministers.

    The interminable nonsense of fake news is hardly unique to Nigeria. In the United States, Britain – indeed across much of the democratic world – we see waves of falsehoods and untruths peddled across digital and mainstream media. It has led to journalists and the press to become less trusted than almost any other profession or estate. Yet elsewhere, whether the fake facts emanate from governments or oppositions, neither have sought to abdicate their unique responsibilities in the act of governance.

    In Nigeria, the opposition is close to reneging completely on the compact it holds with the voters. Every modern democracy exists for its checks and balances. Voters may elect a government to govern, but they also elect an opposition – to oppose, to scrutinise, and to hold the majority to account. In the absence of either weight or counterweight, the scales of democracy become imbalanced. This cannot continue for long without the full functioning of governance being affected.

    Whether citizens voted for President Buhari and the All Progressives Congress (APC), or for the opposition’s presidential candidate and his People’s Democratic Party (PDP), no one voted for failure. They may have voted differently on policy and personality, but regardless of a voter’s choice of candidate and party, for their vote they expect responsibility. No voter expected, nor wanted, the opposition somehow to simply go missing. But that, effectively, is what they have done.

    Immediately after the February election that saw President Buhari re-elected to a second four-year term, and his APC secured a workable majority both in the Senate and House, the PDP went to court to challenge the result.

    The world over, election losers tend towards “lawfare” once they have lost the campaign battle in the field. None can begrudge the PDP their day in court: yet it was never in doubt that they would fail to persuade the judiciary to overturn President Buhari’s four million votes and 14 percent margin of victory over his opponent.

    “Biased judges!” screamed the opposition. Perhaps, judges do tend to be biased – towards the facts. Yet those, it would seem, matter no longer to the opposition at all – for last week they opened their next salvo in lawfare by taking their exact same, fatally flawed case to Nigeria’s Supreme Court. We must sincerely hope the opposition have the wherewithal to appreciate they will fail once more, given the facts and the math remain the same.

    Read Also: Corruption is Nigeria’s war, says Shehu

    The opposition’s over-excretions are leaving a mess for the elected government to clean up. These do not just extend to the fact that even the most serious, and well-intentioned anti-sexual harassment legislation needs scrutiny, or the fact that the opposition yelled “corruption, padding!” at the Federal Budget – even before it had been tabled. More importantly, it leaves a stain on the terms of acceptable debate.

    The median age of our 200 million population is 18 years old. Over 100 million Nigerians have access to the internet, and to cell phones. Many will, of course, see the opposition’s fake news and failure to hold the government to account fully and sanely for what it is: dereliction of duty. But, there will be those who do not.

    Nigeria is leading the fight in Africa against terrorists claiming to be adherents of Islam. This battle is being won – but not without cost. Our fight matters, not just to our country, or West Africa – but to the whole world. We are defeating the terrorists both through military and through educative means. We hold up to the terrorists the inalienable truth that society is better when there is reasoned debate, the exchange of views, argument without harm – and that it is through this process of consent which leads to unity.

    Without that process working as it should, not only is good governance threatened, but it imperils the principle of our system of governance – based on scrutiny of the executive based on facts – and makes it out to be a sham. It imperils the principle of governance by consent, which is the firewall against impressionable young people being swayed towards terrorists, whom it emboldens. Nigeria’s opposition is missing. We need them back.

     

    • Garba Shehu is Senior Special Assistant to the President (Media & Publicity)
  • For Curtis Olujimi Adeniyi-Jones, 1947-2019

    Adebayo Williams

     

    THERE are some people who go through life without allowing it to get through to them.  With charming insouciance they take everything in their stride, completely indifferent to sudden fame or swift misfortune and its furious arrows. Jimi Adeniyi-Jones, aka Jimi-Jah, who passed to eternal glory in the second week of August, was undoubtedly one of this special breed.

    He was a natural rebel and iconoclast; a man of the people to boot. A scion of the illustrious and highly regarded Adeniyi-Jones clan of Sierra Leone and Nigeria, Jimi had a total disdain for upper class pretensions and elitist chicaneries. He would always be found drinking and making merry with the lowliest of the low or raising hell with the wretched of the earth. This rowdy populism and contempt for the norms of high society made him immensely popular both as a student and as a student union leader at the old University of Ife.

    It was at this university that we first met in October 1971. We were fresh undergraduates and concessional entrants with Jimi provisionally admitted to read Law while I was granted admission to the Faculty of Arts. The preliminary Law students and the Arts undergraduates did practically the same courses. Beside these, there was also the omnibus Use of English course which pulled everybody together.

    You have to give this to the Ife university authorities of that glorious epoch. With high-minded altruism and a touching nobility of spirit, they admitted the best and brightest to the university from every corner of the country and abroad without any concession to tribe, creed, region or religion. The result was a pan-Nigerian platform for elite-bonding and visioning which survives till date and which remains the most vital ingredient of the unusual political dynamism to be found among students of that fabled institution.

    If Nigeria is to be rescued from political infamy, this template of elite absorption and grooming for higher responsibility ought to be revisited in the light of the current culture of berserk self-recruitment among the political elite which can only lead to social disaster particularly in a country already close to combustion.

    Even within the context of the survival of the fittest, it has been proved beyond reasonable doubts that in the evolution of human society, institutions, organizations, guilds and nations, the selfless genes always prevail against the forces of brute necessity and utter selfishness no matter the initial odds.

    Yet in a galaxy of stars, there will always be superstars. It was hard for any observant person not to notice Jimi Adeniyi-Jones in those early days at Ife.  He was a Nigerian cultural and linguistic conundrum: A Yoruba boy who spoke only English and Ibo languages. His smattering of Yoruba language when uttered was always a cause for much hilarity among speaker and listeners alike. It turned out that although born of a Yoruba/Saro father, Adeniyi-Jones was raised in the east by his Ibo mother.

    Looking closely at Adeniyi- Jones, he appeared older and far more mature than the average undergraduate of the time. It turned out that he had finished secondary school much earlier, in 1965 at the highly elitist Government College, Umuahia only to find himself embroiled in the civil disturbances following military intervention and the subsequent civil war.

    It was easy to understand and appreciate why Jimi decided to come back home and to the land of his forefathers.  He was deeply fascinated by Yoruba culture, its intricate nuances and remarkable subtlety. Within a year, the fellow from Aba was speaking passable Yoruba. Often this lingo would be interspersed with Pidgin English or domesticated phrases from Igbo language.

    His mode of linguistic acquisition was not for the fainthearted or the squeamish. He would sometimes proceed by robustly mimicking native speakers of the language, particularly Ogbomosho and Ekiti dialects or by wickedly mispronouncing the names of towns and villages he had encountered on his way to Lagos: Ajebandele, Akiriboto, Odeomu, Majeroku, Ikire and Ogunmakin suffered grievously.

    At some other instances, he would compel yours sincerely to regale him with the impossible sounding names of some secondary schools in Yorubaland: Atakumosa, Iganmode, Gboluji, Akinorun, Igbo-Elerin, Ladigbolu etc. He had picked up this elitist pastime from fellow aristos who dismissed local secondary schools as the haven of provincial yokels. Until they got thoroughly beaten in class, that is.

    Even in the scholarly anonymity of university life, particularly in a university like old Ife which was beginning to attract global attention as a citadel of excellence, it was impossible not to notice a man with such a mesmerizing and arresting personality. Always stylishly and elegantly turned out, there was a raffish streak about him and a hint of the gamey elan of the rogue boy who had done time among far older women and had mastered the ways and wiles of the fairer sex.

    By some stroke of providence and in an unexpected turn of events, Adeniyi-Jones was to leverage on his growing popularity among the students’ populace in a dramatic and unexpected manner. In retrospect, it is hard to imagine if the Aba fellow ever thought of himself for one second as a student politician or imagined himself as a president of a volatile and dynamic student populace. He was just too carefree and guileless for that.

    But opportunity beckoned. The Oluwasanmi administration began on a note of high admiration and mutual affection. Never in the history of Nigeria had a university administrator endeared himself to the students in such a profound and paradigm-shifting manner. But nothing lasts in the tropics. At a point, a restless segment of the student population felt that the Oluwasanmi administration had become intolerant and authoritarian in its ways.

    Who else to lead this assault on the bastion of tyranny and vengeful intolerance but the hell-raising, Aba-raised scion of Yoruba aristocracy and joyous non-conformist? What began as a plot from the pit of hell and a political joke taken too far began to take firm root in the imagination of the students’ populace. But by the time the authorities knew what has hit them, it was too late.

    The election that brought Adeniyi-Jones to the portals of the presidency of the Ife Students’ Union in 1973 was a paradigm-shifting event in the annals of Student Unionism at the university. It led to a drastic realignment of political forces having broken the back of the traditional powerbrokers, shadowy godfathers, the religious lobby and the SACOBA cabal otherwise known as the Fajuyi Hall mafia. (SACOBA is the acronym for St Andrews College Old Boys Association)

    In a dress rehearsal of tumultuous events to come, the Adeniyi-Jones’ victory parade on election night turned into a rowdy carnival which unilaterally invaded Moremi Hall, the female hostel, with the girls either joining the ground-breaking carousal or quickly shutting their doors. Yet later that same night, yours sincerely was already drafting the presidential inaugural speech with the completely unhinged president elect lapsing into a drunken reverie while screaming imprecations at one’s ancestors.

    The presidential inaugural address climaxed with the rousing statement. “We are now leaving an era of cooperation for an era of confrontation”. The Vice Chancellor, Hezekiah Oluwasanmi, obviously could not believe his ears. Hitherto used to a crowd of fawning and adulating students, this was a bridge too far. He had vowed to nip the rebellion in the bud.

    Thereafter, a tense cat and mouse game subsisted with the union leaders baiting the authorities while the administration responded with threats and hints of expulsion.  A typical student union release usually ended by copying a mysterious “JBJ” who was described as the “Chairman of the Joint Action Committee “. With Jimi Adeniyi-Jones now departed, only Ayo Olukotun who was then the Secretary of the Union and yours sincerely know who was “JBJ”.

    The raging tension on campus culminated in a university inquiry. Among its terms of reference was that it should examine “the tone and tenor of the Presidential Speech of February 1st, 1974”. It was an attempt to kill off the students’ rebellion. But it backfired spectacularly. On the first day of the inquiry, a swaggering Adeniyi-Jones arrived at the venue with yours sincerely and many others in tow. Outside a crowd of irate students lay in wait.

    Rather than addressing the issues at stake, Adeniyi-Jones simply went after a member of the panel, the university Bursar and a man of Lebanese extraction, putting him to task about his locus standi in a matter concerning Nigerians. “ Mister man, are you a Nigerian?” Adeniyi-Jones screamed at the poor fellow.

    Pandemonium erupted. Professor Adeagbo Akinjogbin quickly packed his papers openly regretting the threatening atmosphere. It was the first and last time the panel sat. Thereafter, the authorities decided to back off, hoping and praying that Adeniyi-Jones would conclude his term without any further fracas. A year and a few months after as Adeniyi-Jones was bidding the university goodbye so was the Oluwasanmi administration.

    Olujimi Adeniyi-Jones remained a political enigma till the very end. Many must wonder why a man who put up such a sterling and heroic performance as a student union leader would subsequently disappear from the political radar never to be heard of again. But this was precisely what happened. After being called to the bar in 1976 and subsequent Youth Service in Kaduna, Adeniyi-Jones went back to quiet Law Practice in Aba, shunning politics and the lure of office. It was from there that he answered the final call on the 12th of August. May his great and noble soul rest in perfect peace.

  • Does Buhari want to live in people’s hearts forever? 

    By Bayo Osiyemi

    The eminent Nigerian mentioned in this headline is symbolic to the crucial issue on this column’s font burner today; his name being used as a metaphor.

    I ask the question because of a serious error of commission committed by a certain federal administration sometime ago which, if not reversed, is capable of erasing history in our local, state and national records permanently.

    Time was when the study of civics and history took the pride of place in all schools. Then our children in the backwoods knew about people and places in the towns and cities of this country. But not anymore.

    These days, we have by a curious twist put a dark blanket on our history that they are no longer visible to our youths.

    Little children are quite impressionable. Most of the things stuck in our brains were picked up when we were about moving from primary to secondary schools; from sports to politics to just anything else in human existence. Not anymore.

    Take sports for example, the influx of foreign values and the stoppage of the teaching of civics and history had dulled the thought-process of our teenagers and even adolescents of these days that our youths now know more of the history of the Ronaldos’ and Messis’ of the football world than their own superbly outstanding local stars.

    Read Also: Buhari to security agents: bring perpetrators to book

    The situation is not different in the realms of science, commerce and industry; the reason why our youths can reel out the dossiers of a Bill Gates offhand than they can of a Coscharis Maduka or Jim Ovia or a Femi Otedola.

    When we were growing up, we were told of the exploits of a certain Chief Jimoh Odutola in the tyre threading industry in Ibadan or the first singlet manufacturing company in this country known as Ikorodu Trading Company (ITC) in Ikorodu near Lagos, jointly owned by Chief Allison and Chief S. O. Gbadamosi, father of Ragolis bottled water entrepreneur/cultural icon, Rasheed Gbadamosi.

    There was a moneybag in Lagos in the 50s and 60s known as Da Rocha for who Lagosians coined these words: “Bo ba l’owo to DaRocha, o le l’owo ju DaRocha”, meaning if you have money as much as DaRocha, you cannot be richer than DaRocha.

    The absence of civics in our schools had diminished the inculcation of essential things our children need to know, and therefore inadvertently been elevating ignorance to an alarming level.

    I fear for our future if this trend is not quickly arrested across the country.

    Like it or loathe it, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu has been quite impactful on our politics in this country, just as our sitting President, Muhammad Buhari, who is, through his war on corruption, trying to re-engineer the nation. It is hoped the revisionists will not succeed in reversing the current trend.

    The man for who we can talk of democracy today, Bashorun M. K.O. Bashorun, loomed large in his time as an astute and international businessman and philanthropist. His stature grew when he forayed into politics and became a symbol of democracy. But the truth is that there’s a present danger that his name and exploits may fade in the next decade, if deliberate, planned and sustained effort is not made on the national scale to resume and prioritise the study of civics in schools.

    Philosophical apala musician, Haruna Ishola sounded a warning in one of his songs that:

    ”Afefe to fe, to ndamu

    olobi;

    ko ni’yefun, ma sa fara;

    ko ya tete ko gba wo’le”;

    Translated to mean the strong wind that threatens to scatter kolanuts on the hawker’s tray is a strong signal for the corn flour seller next door to pack her wares and go, lest the dry powder is blown off into thin air. Kolanuts you can pick on the floor, but not dry corn flour, like kerosene!

    Given the huge influence of the president and his allies like Bola Tinubu and the state governors on the polity and the direction of policy thrusts of the nation at the present time, they should unite in their resolve to encourage the urgent restoration of the vigorous study of civics and history in all the nation’s schools.

    The alternative is to allow all their efforts at national rebirth to go to nought and be forgotten soon as they exit the national stage of politics and governance.

    Preservation of our history and icons is as vital as the air we all breathe, the absence of which can lead to atrophy. My thoughts.