The Nation Newspaper

Category: Opinion

  • Tackling sexual and gender-based violence by terrorist groups

    Masood Karimipour

     

    IT has been described as a global pandemic that destroys lives, fractures communities and holds back development. It is used as a weapon of war and terror, used to inflict suffering and instil fear in thousands of victims. Sexual and gender-based violence is not a pathogen, nor a bomb, yet it does devastate people and communities.

    Sexual and gender-based violence affects an estimated one in three women worldwide. Men and boys can also be targets. Sexual and gender-based violence can be manifested in physical, sexual and psychological forms. It is defined as a harmful act directed against a person on the basis of their gender, and includes sexual acts inflicted against a person using coercion.

    It is one of the most prevalent human rights violations taking place across the world, occurring in contexts of conflict, instability, and during peacetime, but is largely underreported due to a culture of impunity, stigma and shame that surrounds the crime in communities and families.

    One of the worst manifestations of sexual and gender-based violence to emerge in recent years is its use to further the strategic and tactical objectives, ideology and funding of terrorist groups like Boko Haram. Terrorists have deliberately weaponised this form of violence to increase recruitment, terrorise populations into compliance, generate revenue through ransoms, and to serve operational purposes, with traumatised victims also being used as human shields and suicide bombers.

    According to a 2017 report of the UN Secretary-General, Boko Haram is responsible for perpetrating widespread sexual violence against 7,000 women and girls between 2009 and 2017, including following abductions and forced marriage.

    The Regional Strategy for the Stabilization, Recovery and Resilience of the Boko Haram-affected Areas of the Lake Chad Basin, adopted in 2018 by Nigeria and her neighbours Cameroon, Chad and Niger also acknowledges that “while violence against women and girls is a serious patriarchal and cultural issue, it has been even more pronounced throughout the conflict as women and girls are subjected to sexual abuses and harassment as a weapon of war”. It adds that, while gender-based violence is predominantly caused by Boko Haram, women and girls “are regrettably victims of abuses and harassment by security providers also. Upon their return into communities, they continue to live in trauma and stigma undermining their social and economic reintegration.”

    The devastating impacts of sexual and gender-based violence used by terrorist groups on victims have been widely recognised and condemned by the international community. The UN Security Council and Secretary-General have called upon states to recognise victims of sexual violence committed by terrorist groups as victims of terrorism, and duly reflect this in domestic criminal law and victim assistance measures.

    In Nigeria, UNODC in partnership with the Nigerian Government, the European Union and the United Nations Counter Terrorism Executive Directorate has been leading efforts to strengthen the capacity of the Nigerian criminal justice system to hold accountable members of terrorist groups who perpetrate sexual and gender-based violence and to support victims.

    Through this project, UNODC supports Nigeria to ensure that individuals belonging to terrorist groups who commit sexual and gender-based violence are held accountable for these crimes and that the rights of victims are protected, through a three-pronged approach.

    First, by building the capacity of criminal justice sector actors to effectively investigate and prosecute these crimes through a thorough understanding of the applicable domestic legal frameworks, and key strategies to investigate and prosecute these crimes.

    Second, by training women and men in the law enforcement, security and judicial systems to adopt gender-sensitive practices throughout the investigation, prosecution and adjudication of terrorism cases in order to protect victims’ rights, encourage reporting of these crimes, and prevent secondary victimisation by contact with the judicial system and stigmatisation by families or communities.

    And third, by recognising the need to provide victims of sexual and gender-based violence with specific support, assistance and remedies. UNODC has been pushing for sexual and gender-based violence to be specifically addressed in the new Terrorism (Prevention and Prohibition) Bill currently before the National Assembly.

    Today UNODC and its partners are launching the ‘Nigeria Training Module on Gender Dimensions of Criminal Justice Responses to Terrorism’, a training and reference resource tailored to the Nigerian context for criminal justice and security sector personnel, as well as policymakers. This publication, which was developed jointly by Nigerian and international experts, includes dedicated chapters on accountability for sexual and gender-based violence perpetrated by terrorist groups, as well as access to justice and remedies for victims.

    We hope that by building on the foundation of these initiatives, together with our Nigerian counterparts and our partners at the European Union, those who commit these terrible crimes will be brought to justice, that the voices of victims will be heard and respected, and that we can bring an end to the use of sexual violence as a weapon of terrorism.

     

    • Karimipour is Chief of the Terrorism Prevention Branch, United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime.

  • Real reasons Jonathan worked against PDP in Bayelsa guber poll

    Jethro LELEKUMO

     

    IN the run up to the 2015 President election, Nigeria cut the worrisome image of a country on the edge, on the brink of division, inching towards the precipice. The country was deeply divided between two fiercely opposing opinions represented by the Peoples Democratic Party and the All Progressives Congress. The political division was so fierce that many concerned Nigerians were relocating their families to safety in Ghana, the UK, the US and other countries to keep them from harm’s way.

    However, like a miracle, the nation heaved a huge sigh of relief to start the preparation for another circle of political tension at the conclusion of the election. In fact, while the nation in the throes of uncertainty was waiting for a formal declaration of the then Candidate of the All Progressives Congress, Gen Muhammadu Buhari, who was leading in the poll as the winner,   his main opponent and incumbent leader, President Goodluck Jonathan, sent a congratulatory message to him to the surprise of many. With that master stroke, President Jonathan averted bloodshed and indeed wrested control of the country from the waiting talons of unrest and war.

    Expectedly, Dr. Jonathan, as the first Nigerian incumbent leader to accept defeat in a presidential election, received national and international accolades. To underscore his conviction that President Buhari won the election, Jonathan did not bother the country with expectations from the boredom and trauma of litigation.

    However, the just concluded charade called the Bayelsa governorship election seems to show in a puzzling manner a summersault of principle and conviction on the part of the former President. His actions before and after the election are a virulent negation of the ideals of maturity and liberalism for which he has become highly reputed after losing the Presidency in 2015.

    It is a fact that the process for the selection of the gubernatorial candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party was not that smooth because of hotly contesting interests within the party. These opposing interests made it manifestly impossible for the PDP and its leaders in Bayelsa to adopt a consensus candidate for the poll.

    It is common knowledge that the former President and his political family preferred former Managing Director of the Niger Delta Development Commission, Chief Timi Alaibe, to fly the PDP’s flag. But this choice of Alaibe did not go down well with the Governor of the State. First, the earliest consultations that preceded the endorsement of Alaibe excluded the Governor. Secondly, the Governor felt that adopting Alaibe as his candidate to the exclusion of the party members who stayed with him when Alaibe dumped the party for the APC on the eve of the 2015 election was one moral burden that was better avoided. Governor Dickson did not pretend about his opposition to the Alaibe candidacy. He told the respected Nigerians that were sent to break down his resolve to oppose Alaibe that it was a moral cum political suicide for him to turn his back on his supporters to endorse Alaibe who defected from the PDP to the APC to attempt to prevent his re-election and who only returned to the PDP on November 30, 2019.

    The seemingly irreconcilable positions of the key stakeholders made it inevitable for the PDP to organise a primary to select a candidate for the party. The top stakeholders of the PDP agreed to allow the aspirants to test their popularity with the delegates. It was also resolved that efforts be made to resolve the possible post primary aftermaths and disenchantments.

    Interestingly, the Governor of Taraba State, Arc Dairus Ishaku, was the Chairman of the electoral committee that conducted the primaries. Ishaku, a former Minister of State for Finance under Jonathan, conducted a transparent primary which was aired live by AIT.

    As a mark of respect, the former President was the first to cast his vote, and going by the ovation he received, his expectations that the candidate he voted for would carry the day were not misplaced.  However, contrary to his expectations, Senator Douye Diri won and was returned as the candidate of the party. Again, contrary to expectations, Jonathan reacted with veiled anger: he kept his distance from the PDP. He avoided all the campaigns and meetings of the PDP and refused to congratulate the winner, Senator Diri, who once served him as Commissioner for Sports during his days as Governor of Bayelsa State.

    In the days leading to the election, the Aridiof Hotel, which belongs to the former First Lady, Dame Patience Jonathan, became the operational base of the All Progressives Congress. While the former President avoided the PDP and its candidate, his mother was reported to have hosted and endorsed Chief David Lyon of the APC, which the party celebrated.

    Shortly after the election, Jonathan displayed his disenchantment by hosting Senator David Lyon and ecstatic APC leaders who visited him. A good number of PDP members were jolted by the reaction of Jonathan to the APC concocted victory. His body language and photographs of him hosting a party which deprived his party of victory in a governorship polka in his state was a far cry from party loyalty.

    I have taken out time to provide this background because of the rush of questions mark on Jonathan’s identity as a true democrat. Would Jonathan have reacted differently if Chief Alaibe, his preferred candidate, had won the PDP primaries? Would Jonathan have given the leper’s treatment to the PDP if the votes had gone the way of his candidate? Does a democrat back out of an electoral process because the votes did not favour Him? Do we give preference to age and status over the popular ballot in the resolution of a political dispute? Are Jonathan’s electoral decisions a product of his interest? Why did the man who accepted defeat in his own presidential election and congratulated Buhari refuse to congratulate Diri?

    Clearly, Jonathan’s action is viewed as an party that provided the platform for him to ride to political stardom! Already many top leaders of the party are blaming the electoral robbery in Bayelsa on Jonathan and his political family!

    Many have wondered why Jonathan would turn 360 degree against his own party, the PDP which gave him the platform to occupy the highest offices in the land.

    One of such leaders and former Presidential aspirants and former Governor of Jigawa State, Alhaji Sule Lamido, has given the first indication of turmoil within the PDP when he pointedly accused Jonathan of trading off Bayelsa as the costly price for his freedom. Lamido said in the interview he granted The Sun that the Presidency and the APC blackmailed Jonathan with the raging Malabu Oil deal for which Jonathan’s Attorney General and Minister of Justice, Mohammed Adoke, was recently arrested by the Interpol in Dubai, the United Arab Emirates,

    Lamido said: “The elections in Kogi and Bayelsa, look at the violence, look at the treachery in Bayelsa. I can’t imagine Sylva and Jonathan being on the same frequency. It is something that I have never ever dreamt of in my life. Sylva and Jonathan being on the same frequency with the wife against Dickson, because I know Dickson’s role under Jonathan’s government. I know what we all did together.

    “But then, you see I have come to a conclusion that as far as Nigeria is concerned, we want to have a great nation, but then we have no benchmark. We want to have a bigger future, but we have no character. And, therefore, our personal prejudices and personal anger against each other determine how we support or oppose a candidate.

    “And so, in Bayelsa obviously we couldn’t have lost. But because Jonathan is very, very angry with Dickson, very, very angry with him, he was at ease to have aligned with Sylva, the very person he said would not run – there is something also. They are holding him by the balls. Because he (Jonathan) sure knows his problem with Buhari and with this government.

    “And the issue of Malabo, I think,  played a key role. I said so. So, the election were won and lost by PDP. PDP history, PDP tradition and Jonathan were behind him. That I can say anywhere because the issue of Malabo is an issue I know very well. I had cause to discuss it with him.

    “While he was the president and I was in office, I went and told him about it. I told him and I also gave a radio interview to an FM in Abuja, which Daily Triumph picked, where they said a minister under Jonathan got almost 150 million dollars.

    “And when Reuben Abati came to debunk it or to abuse me, I went to Reuben Abati, ‘I know what I am saying. Can we go to the Villa? I discussed this with Jonathan. I told him about it. Let us go.’

    “What I am saying is that obviously because the leadership of the APC and the government are blackmailing Jonathan and I think I can say it anywhere that he traded this for his own freedom.”

    Although former President Goodluck Jonathan has come out hard against Sule Lamido in denying the rattling allegations, his actions have left more suspicion in the air! I am of the view that Jonathan, a celebrated figure of democracy has some explanations to make to his teeming fans who are obviously jolted by his tacit endorsement or collusion with the forces that unleashed an orgy of to wrest control of the politics of Bayelsa in a most brutal manner!

     

    • Chief Jethro Lelekumo wrote in from Yenagoa, Bayelsa State.

     

  • Succession, meddling and politics

    Dayo Sobowale

     

    THE  news  that the incumbent Nigerian President  Muhammadu Buhari   has  no plans for a third term may  surprise the international  community but it  certainly came as no surprise to Nigerians. This  is largely  due to the president’s character   and image as a man of integrity who  will not tamper with our constitution that prescribes two terms for any elected government.  Surely,  as some   have inferred,     it  has nothing to do with lessons learnt from  the aborted third term bid  of one of his predecessors. Compare  that with what  is going on in the US where  the incumbent President Donald Trump  started campaigning for the 2020   election to succeed  himself  a day   after he was sworn in in 2016.  While in the Nigerian scenario  the president opened the door in an orderly manner for competition to succeed him to unravel,  Trump breached all   protocol and ethics  in  beginning his succession campaign  and nobody  in the US raised  a voice.  It  is my intention today to bring focus on the US ‘ meddlesomeness in other  nation’s  affairs with impunity,  while it has no  political   or ethical  platform  to  put   its  own     house,  which  is its political  system, in order.

    I  intend  to   showcase  this by looking at events in Hong  Kong and Iraq  where political  protests  have been violent and endless in recent times,   or  even   days and one can  see  American   hand  and encouragement behind these unrests. I  will  compare this with the situation in Nigeria  which  somehow  is calmer and less explosive than the  American situation,  where a president trying to succeed himself is facing the prospect of Impeachment  at home while sowing the seeds of democratic discord  and violence abroad. Yet  there is  no denying that the succession  race in Nigeria even though undeclared yet,  has started in earnest and  members of the ruling party  know   which direction to turn to for  a leader to succeed the president who  has blown  the whistle for his succession by  declaring that he will not run in 2023. I  also  intend to peruse how  former  President  Barak  Obama handled  his succession  in both  party and nation  to see what  can  be learnt from that, both in Nigeria and the US by the Democratic Party in  power in Obama’s  era  and the APC in power in Nigeria now.

    Events  in both  Iraq and Hong Kong  show  the ugly  side of democracy  when protests  descend  to   violence   and   anarchy  and law enforcement becomes ineffective leading to  a breakdown of  law  and order.  We saw  both on display in both Iraq  and Hong  Kong in the global  village our world  has become thanks  to information technology. But  the US  is  the instigator and promoter in both places in the name of promoting liberty  and freedom inherent  in the concept and ideology  of democracy.  This  week the US President signed into law  with the full backing  of the US Congress  a law  that  literally backs the protesters in Hong Kong by tying  the hand of  China  against sending the Chinese  army   to Hong Kong to  stop the protests  and restore law and order in a nation  that has  been  rioting since March this  year.  Although  China has called the American interference ‘ bullying  ‘there  is  no denying that it  will  not do the needful  to contain  the violent  anarchy in Hong Kong because of the trade deal  it is negotiating with the US.

    In  Iraq the  protests  are against a corrupt Shiite  political  elite  supported by Iran and the people mostly  young people and  Shiite  are calling for an end to corruption and foreign interference in Iraq  by  the Ayatollahs in Iran. There  is rampant violence and instability in Iraq now and  some  20 protesters were shot in an holy  city this week. Yet,  before the American invasion of Iraq in 2003 Saddam  Hussein, a Sunni  Muslim which is a minority   sect  to the Shiite  in Iraq , provided stability as part of the US geopolitical  policy  of creating  peace and stability in that part of the Middle East. The  2003 Iraqi  invasion of George Bush Jnr blew  that apart by removing Saddam on  the  false premise of having weapons of mass destruction and the ambitious plan of planting  democracy,  which brought the majority Shiite, allies of Iran whose  leaders  called the US the Great Satan,   into power in Iraq.  The  planting of democracy in Iraq destroyed  the  geopolitical stability in the area and  led to  the rise of ISIS which  the US and Iraq claimed  to    have defeated at great human  and  material  costs just  recently. In  Iraq  the cost of democracy has  been  enormous, violent and murderous  but the US has been  the ready  and willing   midwife, house  keeper  and sponsor, whilst  Iraqis  are  being killed daily by the people they  voted to power in democratic  elections.

    Let  us now look at lessons to be learnt from how Obama handled his succession and what is about to happen in Nigeria in  terms  of succession.  I    stated before that Obama  was  not    comfortable   that Hillary  Clinton could win the Democratic  party’s  nomination and  succeed   him  and I will show  why. His  Vice President then,  Biden, the leading contender now for his party, wanted to succeed Obama. But his boss  forced his hand to concede to Hillary at a White House Press conference.  Then Biden insisted that whoever must  be the party’s flag bearer must  campaign on the Obama legacy.  That  was  the albatross    that  Hillary carried and in addition to being branded’ reckless ‘by the FBI she lost the 2016  presidential  election. Trump  gained favor  with the US electorate in 2016  because  they were fed up with the Obama legacy on which she was forced to campaign by Biden  who  is the front runner for the party in the 2020 election. How  Biden  himself will  succeed where Hillary failed with the Ukraine saga involving his son unfolding in  Trump’s Impeachment  process will  be the wonder of the world in this 2020 US presidential  elections.

    In  the Nigerian  scenario the situation is a bit  cloudy   but  every  cloud has its silver  lining . Between  the two main parties, namely the  PDP  and the party in power the APC,   a lot of water  has passed under  the bridge   since  the 2015  presidential   elections. The PDP when  in power   thought it could rule for ever and got swamped with arrogance and corruption and is now not only rudderless but leaderless . I wonder on what platform it could stage a comeback in  2023  as it has been largely swallowed  by the  APC. It  is as if the PDP  cannot claim to be a credible  alternative to the APC which  is battling with massive insecurity and  trust  problem  with the Nigerian  electorate. The ace the APC holds  however  is that the President is not likely  to interfere with his succession  as Obama did and  Trump  has  been  doing since 2016. That  leaves the election and reelection machinery  of the APC intact for 2023. There is  no doubt  that  the Party knows the architect of the parties’ two last presidential  elections. The  2023  elections should   put an end to the era of political    surrogates   and substitution  and will  be the election that  will  remove the  mask from the face  of  Lagbaja   to  reveal  that  of the  Khalifa or successor.

    Once again,  long live the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

     

  • Ufot Ekaette — A long public service

    Eric TENIOLA

     

    TILL his demise in Abuja on September 25, Chief Ufot Joseph Ekaette, CFR (1939-2019) achieved many firsts in his life time. He was the longest serving Principal Secretary to the Head of State, General Yakubu Gowon, GCFR (8years), a post equivalent to Chief of Staff to the President. He was the pioneer Director General of the Directorate, Food, Roads and Rural Infrastructure (DFFRI). He was the first deputy governor of Akwa Ibom state. He was the longest serving Secretary of the Government of the Federation. He was the first Minister of the Niger Delta. He was a simple man from Ikot-Edor in Onna local government area of Akwa Ibom state. For eight years I worked with him during his tenure as Secretary to the government of the federation. I was close to him in office seeing him like others, especially his devoted and loyal Secretary, Mrs. Abiodun Adekunle from Fiditi in Oyo state, married a retired Permanent Secretary, Chief Sam Olu Adekunle from Igede in Ekiti state.

    Among those who worked with him and directly close to him during that period were Dr. Goke Adegoroye, Mr. Tunde Kamilu Kasali, Mr. Tony Ekwerre (Chief Security Officer), Dr. M.T. Minna, Alhaji Saleh Ahidjo (Chief of Protocol), Prince Kola Adeyemi, Dr. J.N. Obiegwu, Mr. S. A. Adeyeye, Gbadebo Ojokobirikale, Kola Oluwatuyi, Alhaji Salisu Nainna, Bolaji Adebiyi, Ben Ahiante, Seyi Olowokere, Paul Ajayi, Anthony Ejele, Jalal Arabi, David Oyegun, A.E. Ogbueyi, S.I. Hambolu, Alhaji Kurawa, Mrs Titi Iroche, Chief Dosu Oyelude, Alhaji Baba Farouk, D.C. Ibe, P.E. Odili, Dr. Banbagide Aliyu, Olusegun Oloriebi Ogunkua, P.S. Egure, Chief M.O. Onoja, Dr. Adamu Aliyu, Alhaji B.U. Maitambari, Mrs. Oluremi Olowu, Dr. Wole Oluleye, Jonathan Soja, Tom John, Gbadebo Ojokobirikale, Dr. Aboki Zhawa, Dr. B.K. Kaigama, the present Senate Leader, Alhaji Yahaya Abdullahi, Samuel Bassey, Danjuma Gambo, Yinka Olanipekun, Bamiyo Osajuyigbe and many others.

    When my cousin, Mr. Kayode Akinmade phoned me about his demise, what flashed in my mind was the good time we had together at the eleventh floor of the Federal Secretariat, Abuja. During those eight years we operated like a family and Chief Ekaette was the head of that happy family. We will miss him. His two children, Uduak and Ubong will miss him. His partner, lover, friend, confidant, adviser and wife of over fifty years, Senator Eme Ekaette, CON, will miss him most. His close friends including Dr. Morris Ebong, Major General Edet Akpan, Oba Otudeko, Chief Bassey Ndiokho, former UAC chairman, Chief Friday Okono and others, will equally miss him. He was a good man.

    For forty-five years and more, he gave all he had in the service of Nigeria. According to the bio data which he himself signed before his death, Chief Ekaette Obong Ufot Joseph joined the Federal Civil Service as Administrative Officer Class IV on July 28, 1964 and was posted to the Federal Civil Service Commission with responsibilities for disciplinary matters. Between April and October 1966, he worked in the Cabinet Office and served in the Office of Economic Adviser to the Federal Government as an Assistant Secretary. He was reposted to the Federal Civil Service Commission on October 17, 1966 and served as Acting Administrative (Principal Grade) in charge of recruitment, promotions and transfers in the Civil Service (October 1966-August 1968). Within that period he was promoted Administrative Officer (Principal grade)—November 1, 1967. From August 1968 to September 1975, Chief Ufot Ekaette was posted to the State House as the Principal Private Secretary to the Head of State, Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces (General Yakubu Gowon) with responsibility for internal administration of the Department. He was promoted Administrative Grade II and Administrative Grade I on April 1, 1971 and April 1, 1973 respectively. He was posted to Federal Ministry of Industries (September 8, 1975- November 13, 1975) and held the post of Deputy Permanent Secretary. He also served as Chairman, Industrial Training Fund during the period. On October 1, 1975, Chief Ekaette was promoted Principal Secretary Grade, level 15. He was posted to the Federal Ministry of Information as Principal Secretary 9November 14, 1975-February 1979 with responsibilities for Policy and Management and Internal Administration of the Ministry. During this period, he also served as a Board member of the Nigerian Television Authority and presided over a number of ad hoc committees on the restructuring of the Nigerian Television Authority and the Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria (FRCN) as well as the establishment of the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) and the Press Council. He was posted to the Federal Ministry of Education as Secretary (February- May, 1979) with responsibility for Personal Management. He also served as Chairman of the Governing Council, National Teachers’ Institute, Kaduna during the period.

    Chief Ekaette was posted to the Federal Ministry of National Planning as Secretary for Finance and Administration, Grade Level 16 (May 7, 1979- January 1984) in an acting capacity and promoted to substantive position on June 1, 1980. His responsibilities included Personnel Management, Policy Formulation and implementation, Financial Management, Co-ordination of Nigeria’s Relations with Multilateral Economic Organisations and Bilateral Economic Co-operation with Foreign Governments and Organisations as well as Policy issues relating to the operations of the Federal Office of Statistics, Centre for Management (CMD) and Nigeria Institute for Social and Economic Research (NISER). He participated during the period in several high-level bilateral talks between Nigeria and Foreign Governments and served as Leader of Delegations at official level in a number of Joint Economic Commissions between Nigeria and Foreign Countries both in Nigeria and abroad. He was also responsible for coordinating the work of the Ministry at the official level whenever the Permanent Secretary was away on leave or official assignment abroad. He also served as a member of the Administrative Staff Posting and Promotions Committee.

    He was posted as Secretary, Public Service Department in the Office of the Secretary to the Federal Military Government and Head of Service (January 12, 1984- January 31, 1985), responsible for the Management of the Administrative Cadre of the Civil Service and Senior Management Staff of Professional Cadres of the Service. He was the Director, External Finance, Ministry of Finance (an alternate Governor for Nigeria on the Board of African Development Bank) (February 4, 1985- January, 1986). He was the Permanent Secretary, Federal Ministry of Industries (January 1986-February 1987), Permanent Secretary, Federal Ministry of Works and Housing (February – May 1988), Director-General, the Directorate of Foods, Roads and Rural Infrastructure (DFFRI) (June 1988- March 1989), Director General, Federal Ministry of Social Development, Youth and Sports (March 1989- March 1990), Director General, Planning, Federal Ministry of Budget and Planning (January – September 1990).

    Chief Ufot Ekaette was appointed the deputy governor of Akwa Ibom state, vice Chairman State Executive Council and State Security Council; Chairman, Finance and General Purposes Committee and State boundaries committee. He also had statutory responsibilities for Local Government Affairs (September 1990- January 1992).

    He was the Chairman Corporate Affairs Commission, Abuja (July 1992- August 1994) and member of the Assets and Liabilities Sharing Committee, Plateau/Nasarrawa; and Enugu/Abia/Ebonyi States (October 1996-February 1997).

    He retired from the Federal Civil Service in February 1994 after 30yeras of distinguished career and engaged in private business thereafter. He was a non-executive Director of First Bank of Nigeria PLC (March, 1996-May 1999). He was appointed Secretary to the Government of the Federation by President Olusegun Obasanjo, GCFR, and served between May 1999 and May 2007.

    The late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, GCFR, appointed him as the pioneer Minister, Ministry of the Niger Delta Affairs (MNDA) on January 2009- March 17, 2010, in which was last political appointment.

    After his predecessor, Alhaji Gidado Idris, GCON, handed over to him on May 31, 1999, I was introduced to him as a Director and spokesman. He retained me in that Position. And thereafter began my friendship with Chief Ekaette. His instruction which he followed to the end of his tenure was that I must review newspapers with him every morning. It was a commandment. Added to my schedule was the collection of President Olusegun Obasanjo’s daily itinery, his speeches and other materials about President Obasanjo from the Villa. Randomly Chief Ekaette would ask me, “Eric, where is the President?”

    I discovered early enough his total loyalty to his boss, President Olusegun Obasanjo and he made sure that loyalty never wavered. There was no memo or letter or correspondence either official or personal that President Obansanjo never copied to Chief Ekaette for perusal and necessary action as the case may be. Every morning, President Obasanjo will send through Taiwo Ojo, his everlasting loyal Secretary, memos and correspondence to Chief Ekaette.

    Of the three SGFs that I worked with, Chief Ekaette was the most informed of the activities of Government. He and the Chief of Staff to the President then, Major General Abdullahi Mohammed, CFR, built a personal relationship, second to none in government at that time. There was hardly any hour while in office that he wont instruct Mrs. Adekunle to “Please call me the Chief of Staff” or “Sir, the Chief of Staff is on the line”. As a result President Obasanjo could afford to travel to the rest of the world knowing fully well that he was safe at home and in good hands. It was this bond and friendship that weakened the power and influence of the so-called DREAM TEAM, which was the most powerful group then in the VILLA   On May 29, 2004, President Obasanjo appointed Professor Charles Chukwuma Soludo as Governor of Central Bank to succeed Chief Joseph Oladele Sanusi from Ogbagi in Akoko Local Government Area of Ondo State. I prepared my press release on the new appointment for Chief Ekaette’s signature. He delayed the announcement until I could get in touch with Chief Sanusi. Professor Soludo came to my office and was wondering why the delay about the announcement. It was not until I got Chief Sanusi through Ambassador Isaac Aluko Olokun that Chief Ekaette signed the Press release. He felt to make the announcement without the knowledge of Chief Sanusi would be offending. He loved procedure and he was thorough in applying general order regulations of the public service.

    He made me to know the good people of Akwa Ibom state and the beauty in them. From Etinam to Oron to Eket, Ikot-Abasi, Ikot- Ekpenne—these are places I came to know and drive around. He lived a simple life and a quiet life too. He knew the discipline of simplicity and that simplicity brings nothing but freedom. He was an amazing person. While he was a star, he was not carried away by his stardom. I think he knew early enough that humility is the foundation of all virtues.

    In the first week of May 2007, with his tenure as SGF almost over, we were in Ikot-Edor- his village. With less pressure of work, Chief Ekaette was at ease. I asked him about his future after his tenure as SGF is over. He replied that he would love to come back to his village and be happy. “I have been away for too long from home, you know I am a village boy. A village boy who went on an adventure to Lagos and Abuja.” He then stood up and looked at the village from the balcony of his house, “is this place not beautiful and serene”, I answered in the affirmative, “yes sir it is.”

    A few months later, President Umaru Yar’adua appointed him the Minister of Niger Delta. The “village boy” could not go home yet. Now that he has answered the final call, the “village boy” will go back home finally in peace.

    For the eight years that I worked with Chief Ekaette, he was always conscious of his back ground and where he came from. He worked so hard to preserve his honesty, integrity and good name. He avoided scandal and conflict. In the alternative, he devoted his energy to his work.

    Chief Ekaette was a rare public servant, the like of which you cannot find again. From Monday to Friday, we worked from 8.00 a.m. to 10.00 p.m. in the night until after the NTA network news. On Saturdays and Sundays, he will resume at 12 mid-day after Church Service and close by 7.00p.m. He worked and worked and worked until he became exhausted. After exhaustion, he became ill and then he died like an old soldier on duty.

    In the words of General Douglas MacArthur “An old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.”

     

    My Oga — Farewell.

  • Obaseki’s reforms, Oshiomhole, APC and warnings ahead

    Tony ALILE

     

    THE freaky duel between the Edo State Governor, Mr. Godwin Obaseki and his predecessor and National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, is heating up the polity in ways that many didn’t envisage. It is getting messier with each day that brings the state closer to the 2020 gubernatorial elections.

    The battle has not only been a cause of distraction to the visionary governor, but has gotten more Edo people interested in politics than governance. The people of Edo state, especially the youths, have now been forced to take sides in support for or against two of the most popular and powerful faces in the State.

    The romance between the former lovers, which went sour some years aback as a result of conflicting interests, more worrisomely, seems to be glossing over the developmental and transformational reforms, policies and achievements of the Obaseki-led government, keeping Edo State in the news for the wrong reasons.

    This shouldn’t be the case for a governor who is determined to lift Edo State from penury to Eldorado. It is commendable that despite the unpredictable and disruptive political environment, Obaseki has repositioned the state as reference point for good governance and record-breaking public policy reforms.

    How then do we sit and watch the bad antics of an aggrieved godfather attempting to shadow the progressive works of this achiever? Through the EdoBEST initiative, Obaseki has re-enacted the basic education sector, ensuring improved learning outcomes by training over 11,300 teachers in 918 public primary schools across the state on digital teaching methods, to build a new army of citizens that are prepared for the future of work.

    Unshaken is his administration’s massive improvements in social welfare, economic growth, governance and infrastructure projects, which are spread across primary health care reforms, health insurance, sporting infrastructure, urban renewal, security and industrialisation, civil service and judicial reforms, job creation, among others.

    It is painful that in the face of all these transformational achievements, the glaring reward is more troubles from those who should be the voice of the good works of the governor, as a result of his inability to rob the masses to fill their already lined pockets. Oshiomhole, who is said to have contributed to the emergence of Obaseki, apparently, is aggrieved because his successor is no longer dancing to his music. Obaseki is said to have not only gone off the control of the party leader but also destroyed his ‘remote control’. The result is what is happening in Edo State, where a disgruntled few are striving unsuccessfully to make the state ungovernable and chaotic.  It is more troubling because these rebels of the same party, the ruling APC.

    Like a child in expectation of Christmas gift, we had all thought that like other godfather-godson tussle, the fisticuff would end with war of words on the pages of newspapers, screens of television or sounds of radio. Rather, it has degenerated into purported physical attacks with Oshiomhole alleging that his person and residence were attacked in his Benin City home by thugs allegedly hired by the governor. Though, the State Commissioner of Police immediately dismissed the allegation, describing it as false alarm to create tension and heat up the polity.

    The war-wave again blew at the convocation ceremony of the Edo University, Iyamho. This time, it was the Edo State Governor, Obaseki; the Oba of Lagos, Oba Rilwan Akiolu; Chancellor, Edo University, Dr. Aderemi Makanjuola; Edo State Deputy Governor, Philip Shaibu and other dignitaries, who were victims of attack by thugs loyal to the National Chairman of the APC at his country home.

    The attack came as a surprise because the entire state was still agog to the news of the praise of Obaseki by Oshiomhole, who in the early hours of the convocation applauded the governor for building on his legacies. While we were thinking of a possible end to the rift, Oshiomhole’s ‘infantry division’, attacked the governor and his guests, damaging vehicles and other property belonging to the state government and the visitors. Luckily there were no casualties. Oshiomhole could not deny that this happened as there were video footages but he instead chose to point accusing fingers. Though till date, no one has been punished or invited by the Police for the terrible incident.

    Most recently, the crisis, which has become an embarrassment to the entire state is now in the bandwagon of suspension and counter suspension. While the alien Edo Peoples Movement (EPM), an rogue group in the APC, claimed to have suspended Governor Obaseki and the State Party Chairman, Anselm Ojezua, the 18 APC LGA chairmen subsequently passed a vote of no confidence on Oshiomhole and the state secretary, Lawrence Okah, suspending them forthwith. And the contest has continued unabated.

    In the midst of the internal wangling, it is necessary to call the attention of the party chairman to what happened in Zamfara and Rivers State in the 2019 governorship elections, as a warning to what may befall the state party in 2020 if he doesn’t not do the right thing and let the sleeping dog lie.

    Oshiomhole must remember how the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) stopped the APC from fielding candidates in Zamfara because the party, as a result of internal wrangling, did not hold primaries within the stipulated time.

    Although the APC faction loyal to Governor Abdulaziz Yari claims it held congresses and has candidates, the faction loyal to a senator, Kabiru Marafa, insisted no primaries held. The party headquarters also said no primaries held but said it adopted consensus candidates within the stipulated time. The result is an all PDP Zamfara when the party had a chance to claim the mandate.

    In Rivers, a federal high court also ruled that the APC disobeyed a high court order on its congresses and so its primaries that produced its candidates were null and void. Like Edo, the APC in Rivers was split into two, with a faction loyal to the transport minister, Rotimi Amaechi, and another loyal to a senator, Magnus Abe.

    He whose palm-kernels were cracked by a benevolent spirit should not forget to be humble. Oshiomhole as APC chairman for the progress of the party should channel his energy to making sure that the APC emerges victorious in future elections rather than haunting persons who he perceives as disloyal for no just cause. He must leave Obaseki alone to work. The dangers of losing APC in Edo is too enormous to think of. Having Bayelsa as the only South-South APC State will do the party more harm than good.

     

    • Alile wrote in from Benin-City

  • Reminiscing about Dr Yusuf Bala Usman

    Mikky Attah

     

    THIS year’s International Men’s Day on November 19 was loudly heralded unlike what has obtained previously. Deference to the celebration informs today’s piece which looks at the first man, outside of family, to have made a profound impression on me in life.

    I was still a girl when my father took us one day to see his friend at home, and thus we all became family friends  .

    That man was Dr Yusuf Bala Usman the brilliant and foremost historian of Ahmadu Bello University. We were living close by on Kongi Campus, before we later moved to Aviation Quarters also in Zaria.

    The unforgettably tall ( he was over 6 feet !), striking man Dr Bala Usman was hospitable  and warm, as most people are wont to be to visiting youngsters. We the children equally jelled with his kids. But it was after we got into the car to go home that the revelation, and thence the fascination, began .

    Our father turned to us and said something like; that Dr you just met is not simply Dr Bala Usman. His full name is Dr Yusuf Bala Usman Katsina. He is from the royal family of the Katsina Emirate.  He is actually a Prince. But he has shunned all that for a calling into the academic world. He is also struggling for the betterment of the people.

    That mini- lecture got me captivated . I was filled with reverence and awe, just like the first time we had encountered the late Hajiya Laila Dogonyaro at Kaduna airport. She too had left a lasting impression on most all who had been at the airport that wonderful day.

    For Dr Bala Usman, without even ever hearing of it; somewhere within me I knew that a prince, once he really cared for his people would render tremendous service to them if given a shot at leadership. Maybe that has something to do with my Christian faith. To me, there was just something saintly about Dr Bala Usman. To my mind then, his life  seemed similar to the life of Jesus, who, as the son of God, left his heavenly home to live and die for all of mankind on earth, who before then were without a saviour.

    Such was my veneration for the erudite scholar.  I later began to follow up on everything I could learn about him. His life proved to be very interesting, until his early death in 2005 at the age of sixty.

    Dr Yusuf Bala Usman was born into the 19th century Katsina Emirate, under the Caliphate of Sokoto. His father was the son of the Emir of Katsina,  Muhammadu Dikko. His mother was the daughter of Abdullahi Bayero- the Emir of Kano. Dr Bala Usman studied History and Political Science at the University of London and at the University of Lancaster. He turned his back on all the lucrative job offers open to him as a Northern Prince. Instead, he went into teaching, starting out at Barewa College, Zaria. Providence was at work,  because it was there that he met a mentor in the person of Prof Abdullahi Smith who spotted the brilliance in him. He encouraged Bala Usman to pursue further studies up to doctorate level and also took him into the university system as a part -time lecturer. Professor Smith was the founder of the ABU History Department as well as its head of department. In a very short while, Dr Bala Usman himself became  head of the department up till 1980 when he left to serve as the secretary to the government of the old Kaduna State.  He still returned to the University.

    He undertook pioneering studies in the history, establishment and evolution of the Katsina Emirate.

    More importantly, he was the arrowhead of a new school of thought on the history of Nigeria; which was a marked departure from the teaching of Nigerian history up until the 1960s and 1970s.  The spectrum of history before then was constrained to what was perceived and taught by the colonialists, which itself was predicated on the British premise that the sole source of historical material had to be written material. However, Dr Bala Usman and his department subsequently changed the narrative by asserting that archaeological materials and other local materials and sources , including oral tradition are admissible for critical examination, before historical reconstruction.

    What today is a given in historical evaluation, or historiography was a practice that was not even contemplated in the colonial presentation.

    The influence of his school of thought rapidly spread beyond his, to other universities and institutions, and onto all Nigeria and the rest of Africa. It is said that for this, Dr Bala Usman brought his department and the entire ABU to international prominence.

    Notwithstanding,  that was just one side of the man. Yusuf Bala Usman was not only an intellectual and scholar, he was also an activist ,freedom fighter and a democrat. He  was a Prince, who still confronted the Northern oligarchy . He was a family man and a lover of education. It is a shame that history could ever have been eliminated as a subject of learning in Nigerian schools and it is good to know that the terrible policy has since been reversed.  As a democrat , the historian founded CEDDERT, a centre for democratic research.  One of the achievements of the centre was to give robust advocacy for the death of the then proposed  3rd term bid. Indeed, he vehemently opposed any resource control for the Niger Delta people, which some percentage was later granted them; but it is fitting, and to his credit that his last public outing was a seminar on the EFCC with the then President, Olusegun Obasanjo in attendance. The fearless Dr Bala Usman took the microphone when it was his turn and lambasted the president for his lacklustre anti -corruption fight , as well as his totalitarian style of government!

    Last October, the Yusufu Bala Usman Institute was unveiled in his honour. One of its aims is to re-publish some of the late historian’s books. Dr Bala Usman authored several books including Manipulation of Religion in Nigeria, and The Liberation of Nigeria ,among others. The Institute has a board of directors with Dr Segun Osoba as chair. Some other members of the board are Attahiru Bala Usman and Hadiza Bala Usman. The Institute is committed to contributing to scholarship  ,knowledge and freedom.  I am certain he would have loved that.

    Sms/whatsapp 07055547031 Twitter @mikky_princess

  • Appeal Court judgment, Makinde and Oyo’s medley of songs

    Moses Alao

    On October 29, Governor Seyi Makinde ticked off the fifth month on the 48-month calendar of the administration’s term of four years.

    On that day, there were no drums or fanfare, as not much attention is given to landmarks like five months in office. But there were songs, even if they were acapella. Yes, there were songs. The teeming people of Oyo State, who have had a new song on their lips since the May 29, 2019 inauguration day of the new administration, which has brought a different approach to governance in the state, continued their songs of adulations for Makinde.

    These songs cut across different spheres of Oyo State’s life; they are a medley of inspiring songs about how Makinde is restoring Oyo State, a once-so-glorious state nearly run aground by politicians without foresight. The songs on the lips of Oyo State residents and those outside it continue to commend Governor Makinde’s efforts across different spheres, especially based on the four point of his administration: education, health, expanded economy and security.

    But barely less than two weeks after that date, the Court of Appeal gave its judgment on the Oyo State Governorship Election Petition Tribunal, introducing a strange sound to the medley of songs in the state. The court gave a judgment that legal experts and laymen now consider confusing in that it affirmed the election of Governor Makinde while at the same time allowing the appeal against the upholding of same by the Election Petition Tribunal to stand.

    Undeterred, however, the residents of the state and lovers of its progress have continued their songs, this time adding songs of solidarity in support of the ‘People’s Governor.’

    Why the songs? In just five months in office, Makinde has laid a solid foundation for a greater Oyo State, with strategic vision and action plans as well as a style of leadership that puts the people first and at the driving seat of their own affairs.

    In five months, GSM, as he is now fondly called, has put Oyo on the trajectory of accelerated development in various sectors, with the latest being the innovative idea on budget planning known as the inclusive budget initiative, which allows citizens engagement and involvement in budgeting and economic planning.

    As of 29 October, the government had approved a grant of N526 million to primary and secondary schools in the state in replacement of the N3,000 education levy, which Makinde scrapped five months earlier on assumption of office.

    The governor had given the people of the state something to sing about on May 29, when he announced the scrapping of the levy, noting that the decision was in tandem with his agenda to restore Oyo State’s glory through free qualitative education. He had followed that up with the downward review of the 2019 budget in which he increased the budgetary allocation to education to 10 percent from a paltry 4 percent. With the introduction of policies such as the distribution of textbooks and exercise books to all Oyo State students in public secondary schools, the immediate turnaround of education infrastructure, organisation of extra-mural classes for SSS III students in the state and the recent approval for the recruitment of teachers for public schools, the Makinde administration had also set the state on the path to greatness in education.

    The Makinde administration’s achievements in the education sector, no doubt, gave Oyo State residents a reason to sing. Indeed, the Vice-President of Nigeria, Professor Yemi Osinbajo (SAN), had recently joined in the singing, in recognition of Makinde’s achievements on free education when he commended the governor for taking up the challenge of free education.

    Beyond education, there are other reasons for Oyo State residents’ songs. In five months, Makinde has not missed an opportunity to make pensioners in the state sing to God for giving them a new dawn. By October 29, all the workers in the state had been paid their October salary in full, because the Oyo State governor has brought a tradition of salary payment on 25th of every month, which the workers have now christened the GSM Day.

    In the area of infrastructure, a few days ago, the Oyo State Governor raised the songs of praise for his administration several decibels when he announced the awarding of the contract for the total reconstruction of the 65-kilometre Ibadan-Iseyin Road. The last administration of Abiola Ajimobi awarded a contract for the rehabilitation of the road but nothing was done on the road since February 2018 when it was first awarded. This was after N2billion of Oyo State’s resources had found its way into the election expenses of some politicians. But Makinde, who had since his first week in office, made a commitment to fix that strategic road, came through for the people of Oke-Ogun, when he re-awarded the contract to do a full reconstruction of the all-important road.

    Across different sectors, residents of Oyo State are singing in praise of the many policies of the Makinde administration, which are targeted at reviving the economy of Oyo State and making life better for its people. But Makinde himself had recently proven his mettle as a master of songs. He had lyrically fired canon shots into the camps of the detractors when he borrowed the words of the late philosophical musician, Bob Marley: “You can fool some people sometimes, but you cannot fool all the people all the time.”

    The governor, piqued by the daily-unfolding rot left behind by the Abiola Ajimobi administration and the millions of Oyo State people’s money committed to projects that have brought no value, stated this at the Jericho Specialist Hospital, Ibadan.

    Of course, those conversant with developments in Oyo State would remember how supporters of Ajimobi’s administration never missed an opportunity to sing like canaries on the policies of the Makinde’s administration. They have continually sung songs of hate and regret that they lost Oyo State. They had come for the governor on his decision to scrap the N3,000 levy; they attacked him for distributing textbooks; they pilloried him with criticisms for improving the standard of the State Hospital, Ring Road; the attacked him for daring to construct the Iwo Road interchange. They aimed shots at him for insisting on several occasions that Oyo State people must get value for their money on projects instituted by the previous administration. Day in day out, Oyo APC members sang daily in sadness that Makinde was succeeding where they failed.

    So, when the Court of Appeal gave its judgment, which the APC members in Oyo State and outside, in their feeble minds, misread for a victory, they thought it was another opportunity for their ludicrous singsong. Their intention, as usual, was to pervert the songs of hope and joy occasioned by the Makinde leadership by confusing the public, but that song of deceit could not last, as the Court of Appeal’s decision was clearly and unmistakably an affirmation of Governor Makinde’s landslide victory in the March 9, 2019 election.

    Sadly, the APC managed to forget how it was roundly trounced in the election, with Makinde, backed by the people of Oyo State; polling 515,621 votes while the APC, with federal might and the support of political desperados, only polling 357,982 votes.

    They are in town with songs now, they sing about reclaiming a mandate that no one gave them; they sing about Supreme Court giving them a mandate that the people of Oyo State did not give them. They met and are still meeting across the country, planning evil against the Godsent, the People’s Governor, but someone has to tell them that their songs will never be heard again. No, the loudness of Oyo State people’s songs of hope and a new beginning; songs of inspiration that Oyo can move from poverty to prosperity and songs of freedom from the ruinous APC government will deaden their voices.

    Makinde, like the orchestra leader, had borrowed from Bob Marley’s medley of powerful and philosophical songs, to send a note of warning to the APC in Oyo State and outside it sometimes ago, but before then, the Oyo State people seemed to have been singing another Marley song entitled Redemption Songs.

    “Old pirates yes they rob I, sold I to the merchant ships minutes after they took I from the bottomless pit. But my hand was made strong by the hand of the almighty. We forward in this generation triumphantly. All I ever had is songs of freedom, won’t you help to sing these songs of freedom. ’cause all I ever had redemption songs…,” Marley seemed to be reflecting the situation of Oyo State.

    The enthronement of Makinde has brought about the redemption song, which the APC and some spent forces are now struggling to stop through the backdoor, using their best weapon against the people, the judiciary. Tufiakwa! The redemption songs will never stop.

    • Alao is the Special Assistant (Print Media) to Makinde

  • Olanipekun at 68: Life of Law and philanthropy

     

    Kolawole Igandan

     

    THERE is much to admire in Wole Olanipekun. He is a fine gentleman, the sort that would captivate a room with his infectious smiles, graceful steps and charming persona.

    We can certainly admire his demeanor and tenacity, which has allowed him to make a huge success of his core competence – the fine art of Law and Jurisprudence and philanthropy which has become to him a spoil sport.

    It is no coincidence too that Wole Olanipekun has built a formidable network of friends and associates that has come to admire his diligence, hard work, intellect, humility, communal value, generosity and simplicity.

    That is not all there is to him; he has the sheer capacity to translate abstract concepts into tangible actions. That, infact, is certainly why he remains one of the most sought after lawyers and administrator in the country. His unique qualities would be better appreciated by people who have watched him at close quarters through the years.

    To say Wole Olanipekun is an icon is correct, but only a context can provide a precise measure of such status. The Vice-Chancellor of the University of Ibadan, Professor Abel Idowu Olayinka provides this context when he said of Olanipekun at an occasion where he chaired presentation of scholarship and grants to students of Tertiary and post tertiary institutions in the country.

    “Egbon Wole is a gift to humanity. His profile goes beyond Ekiti State. Some of us who are his younger brothers call him Asiwaju of the Universe. He is one of the topmost five Lawyers in this country. When he took the silk, he was the youngest recipient then.

    “He has achieved so much in the profession of Law and we are proud of his accomplishment. In the area of administration, you only need to come to University of Ibadan and mention the name Olanipekun.

    “While as our Pro-Chancellor, his impact was felt and we are still basking in that euphoria. He made a unique sacrifice of not collecting allowances and even spent his own money to give us a big lecture theatre.” He said.

    Olayinka is not alone in providing a precise measure of the iconic status of Olanipekun, he has an ally in the traditional ruler of Olanipekun’s cradle, Oba Adejimi Adu, the Ogoga of Ikere, who keep thanking God for directing Olanipekun’s ancestry to Ikere Ekiti.

    Hear him: “Wole Olanipekun is a first class philanthropist, a legal juggernaut, community leader and a role model who has been giving to his community and the country tirelessly and without restrictions.

    “He has invested in the youth which of course is a clear demonstration of his belief in their future. What he is doing today (granting of scholarship to indigent students) is a continuation of what he has been doing before.

    “Aside scholarship, he may not know that I know how hardworking he is. I always feel very reluctant to call him, so I usually send messages to his phone.

    “Even the last event we had for him here on a Saturday, I called him on Sunday to thank him for honouring us; I even thought  he would be resting after the long trip to Ikere and his contribution to the success of the event but alas, he was in the office already working on a Sunday.

    “He is using his sweat to fund his scholarship projects. He has built a modern hospital for us here. He has built a vicarage for us here. We have a branch of Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) here in Ikere. The Ajayi Crowther University has benefitted from his largesse. The University of Ibadan too.

    “I am saying this for us to appreciate him. It is his sweat, not some free money from anywhere. I am glad that Nigerians value him and we are also glad that he is from Ikere Ekiti. He is a Prophet that is recognized in his home too” he said.

    A man who perhaps is unaware of his own greatness and the priceless legacy that he is bestowing on the nation, Olanipekun noted recently that his belief that education and the right mindset are the solutions to the myriad of problems besetting the nation prompted him to offer scholarships and grants to students of tertiary and post tertiary institutions.

    “I come from a humble background. What is so common in Western Nigeria is education. A lot of young people thirst for quality education but are limited by finance.

    “When I was in Ilorin, most students from the then Ondo State would come to my office, and to the best of my ability, I usually give them money.

    “As small as Ikere Ekiti is, we have 77 professors. How do we plan to have more professors and governors in the future? There is poverty in the land. Government cannot do it all. We must keep assisting the less privileged. It is not the wealth that we accumulate that is important but how we impact on mankind. Education is our heritage but it is fast evaporating. We must assist those we can assist,” he said.

    At 68, Olanipekun continues to give us a window of opportunity in which to make an informed choice about the future of the nation. We must not waste time – for his sake, for ours and for the sake of our children.

     

    • Igandan wrote in from Lagos

  • Money politics: Nigeria’s delicate delicacy

    Abiodun KOMOLAFE

     

    I have written a few weeks back about the lamentation of the 14th Emir of Kano, Alhaji Lamido Sanusi II. However, the critical mass of Nigerians still seems to be going about their daily social activities as if nothing frightening is in the offing. Indeed, something frightening is in the offing! In reality, similar situations that are indeed worse than what Sanusi pointed our attention to are in multiple ways happening all around us. While it may be good enough to pretend as if they are not there, the earlier Nigerians paid attention to them before they snowball into a tornado of unimaginable cataclysms, the better for the health of our country.

    In the First Republic, for example, there was the issue of corruption and the influence of money. However, it was not as pervasive as we have it now. And there are reasons for that! First is the phenomenal surge in commitment and political participation. The percentage of the population that was actively involved in politics at the time was not as alarming as it is today. Secondly, people contributed money – as members and co-owners of the party – to finance party activities. Nowadays, reverse is the case! Political parties are formed and people are invited to join. And, the party, through its co-owners, sponsor candidates, finance the day-to-day running of the party and determine what happens in the party. And each party ‘owner’ must be a moneybag. Otherwise, the party will not fly!

    From the Second Republic, money politics approached a different, dangerous dimension; and only God knows where Nigeria is now headed. Today, if you ask anybody who is a member of a political party in Nigeria how much he or she has contributed to the purse of his or her party, the response will certainly shock you. That is why carpet-crossing thrives; and why commitment to party ideology and manifestoes is superficial at best. This is a very critical challenge but, unfortunately, it has not been addressed because Nigerians are not paying attention!

    When we talk about money politics, we are talking about how money influences and affects our political engagements and participation. To be sure, a robust understanding of the basics of the negative effects of money-politics gives meaning and intelligibility to the greed and Modus Operandi of most governments. When people, who are apathetic to democratic ideals, development and Public Administration, come together as a formidable force, it then becomes problematic for the society. Most political gladiators and public servants are aware of this, but, unrepentantly, always acquiesce. Thus, impunity comes in; accountability becomes a problem; and transparency is a non-issue! There and then, party hierarchies will remain what they are because people will not be responsible to the party but only to their bellies. Once this happens, it goes back to what Sanusi has already addressed because money politics ensures that people begin to have a feeling or belief that “money answereth all things.”

    More than just talking, there is a malaise invented by the military; and that is the demystification of the power of the political party in Nigeria. For lack of a better word, it was nothing but a muzzling of the social institutions in the country such that the military now appears as a Leviathan. Of course, this ‘might-is-right’ succession mentality succeeded in crippling that aspect of our social institutions; and all eyes could see it. Sadly, we are yet to recover from it! Not even in this incredibly complicated clime where good is repaid with evil and loyalty is rewarded with abandonment. Anyway, that’s a story for another day!

    In 2016, Donald Trump won America’s presidential election because of certain factors which the Democrats didn’t see; which, again, they are yet to figure out! But Leon Trotsky saw it! Marx Weber saw it! Anthonio Gramsci also saw it! These men are majorly conflict theorists whose works revolve around peace in order to have prosperity! Put in concise terms, the common denominator, as we speak, is poverty. That the people are hungry is no doubt a minus for any party that claims to be people-centric in its affairs. Forget the wattages of excuses and messianic propositions that are only worthy of utopian solutions. The frightening truth is that poverty is endemic in Nigeria and Nigerians have existential needs! Although there is an unrestricted free flow of cash in the country, majority of the population are cash-strapped; which explains why politicians move from house-to-house, on the eve of elections, to exact oaths from prospective voters.

    All said, can there be an end to money politics in Nigeria or has this debilitating cancer, currently devouring Nigeria’s political firmament, come to stay? Well, when the people wake up in the morning without an assured way of life sustenance, it then means that the real issues have not been addressed. It is the same reason a hungry voter will continue to compromise his or her conscience. Unfortunately, ‘owners of Nigeria’ have refused to listen to the ground with a view to legislating against this oddity of crass materialism and naira-centred politics. Again, that is why the toilers are starving only for the stealers to continue to act as if the people don’t matter in their scheme of things. So, until we have effective equity in the control and distribution of the commonwealth of this country, the balance between life chances and economic prosperity of the majority will remain very thin and threatened. Until issues relating to economic unfreedom are dealt with, there will neither be peace nor prosperity.

    Basically, if the critical mass of the society is saying that an election has no meaning, such an election will not only lose credibility, the resulting government will also give life to illegitimacy. Once an election lacks legitimacy, the emerging government automatically lacks authority. And the lack of authority will always be in constant conversation with chaos! If a formed government does not derive its oxygen from the active support and backing of the critical mass of the society, the possibility of that government collapsing is, without doubt, very high. Jokes apart, it is like a suicide mission! Remi Fani Kayode, Adegoke Adelabu and Ladoke Akintola understood that precept. Lamidi Adedibu only came later to expand the horizon of the philosophy! And that’s the danger of what we are discussing here!

    May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

     

    • Komolafe writes in from Ijebu-Jesa, Osun State, Nigeria (ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk)

     

  • Kogi State, a family fiefdom? 

    By Okutepa Adejoh Musa

    The November 16 gubernatorial election in Kogi State has elicited a lot of passion, interests, punditry, narratives, and vituperation, both within and outside the Confluence State. The two leading candidates are: Governor Yahaya Bello of the APC, and Engr Musa Wada of the opposition PDP.

    It is no longer news that a majority of Kogites are already polarized, albeit along party lines—some across ethnic gulfs. While democracy offers freedom of choice to citizens, history confers on us, the hindsight of introspection, on the antecedents cum intentions of self-acclaimed change agents, whose sole interest is not for economic and political growth of Kogi State, but building dynasties—and enslaving the entire state in return.

    A quick check on the major contenders during the PDP primary election points to omnibus fact: that the present attempt to wrestle power from Governor Yahaya Bello, has nothing to do with the betterment of Kogi State, or righting the perceived wrongs of leadership, but an ill-conceived agenda of a family cabal to dominate Kogi politics for decades to come.

    The candidate of the PDP is Engr Musa Wada, the brother-in-law to the first runner-up in the primary election, Abubakar Ibrahim Idris, who happens to be the biological son of ex-governor Ibrahim Idris- a man who installed the immediate past governor, Captain Idris Wada—the elder brother of Engr Musa Wada. Interestingly, ex-governor Wada, who lost election to the ruling APC even as incumbent in 2015, wanted to be governor again, by contesting the governorship ticket of the PDP with his younger brother, in-law and son of his erstwhile godfather. Haba!

    In the spirit of objectivity, there are no constitutional impediments to a family, either by blood or marriage, recycling power amongst themselves in as much the voters allow them. But everything is wrong, when a family that has not only dominated the political atmosphere of Kogi, but whose administration mismanaged the resources of a beleaguered state, enriched selves and cronies at the gross expense of the development of the state, and, all of a sudden, turned themselves to “advocates of change”; coming to “salvage” the same state ruined by their untrammeled avarice and ineptitude. To further my narrative that these oligopolistic sets of individuals have neither moral rectitude nor sense of altruism, they could not even masquerade their heinous agenda by sponsoring someone else, but had to scramble for the PDP flag—even among themselves!

    That is how provincial and eccentric they are.

    After emerging candidate of the PDP, Engr Musa Wada’s first media outing, on an AIT flagship program, Kakaki was a disaster; undeserving of a gubernatorial candidate. Instead of throwing light on his manifesto—if any, he embarked on a tirade of ethnic triumphing; committing unpardonable blunders in the sojourn. He started with ethno-supremacist sentiment, by alluding that the Igalas constitute 52% of the voting strength in the state. Nauseatingly as this gaffe sounded, Musa Wada could not discern the level of injury he had inflicted on the collective psyche of other tribes in Kogi. He progressed in error, albeit unknowingly, till the end of ill-fated programme.

    At the end of the interview session, he left an indelible impression on his watchers; a negative one for that matter—that he is not only representing a dynasty of feudal lords, but he is a tribal bigot cum supremacist who is not fit to govern a heterogeneous Kogi State, sitting on tripod of three major tribes, namely: Igala, Ebira and Okun. While the TV programme lasted, his body language vis-à-vis mannerisms, smacked of an ethnic fundamentalist on a war conquest, possibly to retrieve “ancestral throne” stolen from his family fiefdom. He wore the aura of entitlement to Lugard House, creating the perception that the current occupier of the position is an usurper, not qualified to be there in the first place—just for being born a “minority”.

    This was the first red flag! Kogi, as presently configured, ethnically, does not need a tribal chauvinist with a born-to-rule mentality as governor, for peace and mutual coexistence in the state.

    Even among the Igalas, these same people that have mortgaged the political destiny of the state for years could not support another Igala man or woman to vie for the governorship seat, simply because they are keen on their family dynasty producing the next governor of the state. Imagine an Ibrahim Idris who ruled the state for nine years, enthroned his successor, Idris Wada, then, after four years of being in political wilderness as a result of bad governance and deteriorated relationship between the duo, decided to make his own son—biological for that matter, the next governor of the same state he ruined. What impunity! Though the son lost the PDP ticket to his brother-in-law, the attempt by Ibrahim Idris to get a third term through his son or son-in-law is a grave insult on the sensibilities of Kogi citizens—a brazen act of feudalism.

    In the foregoing context, the Musa Wada candidacy is not only a paragon of oligarchy or epitome of provincialism but exemplar of cronyism. It has more to do with entrenching political interests of self-appointed tribal lords that have placed parochial family interests above the entire state, than development. This opinionated bourgeoisie, representing a rehash of retrogressive orthodoxies, cannot be allowed to recapture the state’s treasury again, in whatever guise. Kogi State is bigger than tribe and religion; let alone myopic interests of few individuals who see the state as their conquered empire. In a highly diversified Kogi State, one family cannot hold everyone to ransom. A vote for Musa Wada, automatically translates to handing over the state to power-starved feudal godfathers, who need the Kogi treasury to resuscitate their suffocating businesses and flamboyant lifestyles.

    A word, they say is enough for the wise!

    • Okutepa writes from Odu-Anana Dekina LGA. Kogi State