Category: Opinion

  • Buhari: Shape of things to come

    As the May 29, handover date from Nigeria’s incumbent President, Dr Goodluck Jonathan, to President-elect Muhammadu Buhari inches nearer, an air of hopefulness has obviously enveloped the nation.

    This high level of sanguineness has become so all-pervading that the President- elect himself, in his characteristic honest candour, had had to plead with Nigerians to temper their boisterous expectations from his government with an understanding of the untoward depreciation of the national economy under the (mis)management of the outgoing administration.

    The odd reality of an economy in rapid decline has been underscored with the public admission by Nigeria’s Minister of Finance, Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala that the Federal Government has had recourse to borrowing to pay staff salaries and fund the 2015 budget. Borrowing to pay staff salaries can’t be good news in any way at this time, this qualifies many deficiencies in the national economy. The Federal Government budget, has, over the past three years, been described as budgets heavily skewed on recurrent expenditure with funds allocated to salaries and other provisions for the upkeeps of civil servants and political office holders taking up to 90 percent of total budget expenditure. If, despite this huge allocation to salaries and allowances, the Federal Government has had to resort to borrowing to pay its staff and other employees, this interprets to another deep in the national economy decline curve.

    Unfortunately, in the face of obvious evidence of an economy that continue to show red on all its vital indicators, some skeptics, especially of the stocks of those that rabidly assailed the nation with those lethal concoction of hate and lies against the President-elect in the run up to the presidential election, have in a most unconscionable twist of reality, turned the near parlous state of the national economy under the PDP controlled Federal Government, to a projectile against the incoming Buhari government as they anticipate, and prematurely celebrate the failure of the programmes enunciated in the manifesto of the All Progressives Congress, the party of the incoming administration.

    Some of these are even playing on derision while daring the incoming government to implement any of its populist focused programmes in anticipation of failed programmes hinging their morbid projection on the empty treasury and low income expectations as a result of dwindling revenue generation from Nigeria’s main export, crude oil. The excitement of these skeptics is predicated on non-availability of fund to realise to fruition the programmes.

    What, however, is apparent is that these doubters do not know Buhari. Some of us that have had cause to work closely with his campaign this past year, can, by our inside knowledge of the President-elect person and comportment assay the fact of a gradual turnaround of the national economy and the establishment of a national value system, the lack of which had made Nigeria’s ship of state rudderless all these years, soon after he takes over the rein of government.

    So, what to expect from the Buhari government commencing May 29? A committed fight against corruption will be the hallmark of the government in its early days but not in the way some commentators had imagined. It is a general belief in some quarters that the Buhari fight against corruption will be defined by wholesale attention to instituting probe panels and hounding suspected corrupt governmental officials to prison. Nothing can be farther from the truth. This sort of engagement distracts from the major task of facilitating a national economic turnaround. Though the battle against corruption is scheduled to be the mainstay of the Buhari government, but then, the strategy is to create a synergy between institutions of state to be deployed in this regard with the overall administrative well-being of the government. The immediate task the incoming Buhari government will address is as clearly stated in his 100 Days Covenant with Nigerians. The Covenant is a collection of commitments made by the President-elect requiring the promises contained in it to be used as measure of determining his government’s milestones and achievements in the first 100 days of his administration.

    In that document, which shall be printed and circulated across Nigeria soon after his swearing-in, Buhari affirmed that he will work with the National Assembly towards the immediate enactment of a Whistle Blower Act and also get the National Assembly to guarantee institutional autonomy which will include financial and prosecutorial independence and security of tenure of officials of both the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and the Independent Corrupt Practices and other Related Offences Commission (ICPC). To further reinforce the pace of investigation and turnaround time for delivery of judgment on corruption cases, the Financial Intelligence Unit is to be extracted from the EFCC to be made an autonomous and operational agency.

    It is to these agencies and a properly strengthened police force, that the task and responsibility for identification, investigation and trial of corruption cases would be given. The President won’t have any personal interest to pursue on what individual or institution is to be brought to justice for breaches of the laws concerning corruption.

    In direct correlation to strategies to be deployed in fighting corruption, the Buhari government will be unwavering in its commitment to the rule of law. The incoming President is of the opinion that a government rooted in respect and administration of the rule of law is the ultimate guarantee of equitable access to justice and the enablement of equity in all cases of either interpersonal definition or government to citizen. To this end, on the list of eminent Nigerians penciled down for the office of the Minister of Justice and Attorney General, is a consistent human and civil right activist who is also a world class lawyer.

    Some other skeptics have also discountenanced the commitment of the incoming President to democratize access to power and energy with strange argument that the incoming government can’t do better than what the outgoing administration of President Jonathan had done. Thankfully, Nigeria’s next government understands the urgent need to address these twin drivers of the economy. Different committees of expert have been constituted to design a multi-disciplinary approach to the generation and distribution of a minimum 20,000 megawatt of electricity power over the next four years. The starting point to this may be a review of the privatization processes of the nation’s power sector.

    In addressing the energy sector, there are indications that the near moribund Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB) which, though, had been introduced to the floor of the National Assembly about four years ago but yet to see the light of the day, may be withdrawn from the National Assembly, reviewed, reworked and updated and then taken back to the National Assembly with a targeted timeline for its passing into law.

    The new government is to, also, urgently address the downstream sector of the oil industry; this is speaking specifically about refineries and the importation of petroleum products. Of course, the incoming President’s abhorrence of the subsidy regime on imported petroleum product is public knowledge. To this end, a more focused approach will be applied to increasing the refinery capacity of the nation’s four refineries and engaging the private sector to build their own refineries. The immediate timeline is to get the refineries to produce to satisfy domestic needs within the next 24 months.

    On the softer side of governance, the incoming President has committed to openness in government. All federal government officials are to be admonished to be open in all dealings with the public. As far as the incoming President is concerned no subject concerning government business should be kept secret from the Nigerian public. There will also be a commitment to telling the truth at all times even if government may be embarrassed by its act of commission or negligence. This will be the bedrock of the new government.

     

  • Buhari’s New Deal for women

    One catch-phrase that endeared many Nigerian voters to the campaign of Major General Muhammadu Buhari (retd), was the promise of a “New Deal” for women and youths of Nigeria. Ordinarily, promises such as giving prominent positions to deserving women,would simply be ignored and treated with a wave of the hand by Nigerians, coming from a politician who is seeking political power.

    Another is the fact that Nigerians already have a basket full of such promises and have developed thick skins towards politicians who hardly respect their campaign promises once voted into power.  Besides, talk is cheap, and drawing from the Machiavellian parlance, the end justifies the means-whatever is said or done in the quest for political power, pales into insignificance so long as the end (acquiring power) is achieved eventually.

    But it can be argued that the case here is different. The man at the centre, Muhammadu Buhari is not the normal Nigerian politician whose words cannot be taken to the bank. He is an acclaimed gentleman imbued with an uncanny sense of honesty and integrity which even his opponents find hard to controvert.

    So, when he said that his party has a new deal for women, Nigerians did not view those words as coming from an average politician. This accounted for the overwhelming support he garnered from the women folks during the elections. Besides, many Nigerian women with eyes on the Beijing Declaration believed that government under GMB will respect the global position on the need to place women appropriately in the socio-political cum economic scheme of things; and in the Nigerian context, with at least 35% of total appointive and elective governmental positions.

    Their hope stemmed from the very persona of GMB himself, which many believe, is rooted in probity and rare candour.

    One of his numerous campaign statements which were made in his characteristic candour reads thus:

    We shall commit ourselves to merit based Affirmative Actions to level the playing field for women and provide them with opportunities to be part of decision-making and governance at all levels.

    It is against the background that this writer feels compelled to remind the respectable General to, as an article of faith, begin to take steps to implement his campaign promises, especially the ones that touch on gender sensitivity. The General must not be oblivious of a “cloud of witnesses” surrounding him. Besides, many traducers are waiting eagerly for any mistake or actions that will be tantamount to reneging on some of these promises. Of course, the PDP has a track record of respect for women’s ability; hence, as a matter of deliberate policy, the party can proudly boast of many women who have held and are still holding high decision-making positions(character and competence not withstanding) in its 16 years on the saddle.

    Besides affirmative actions and the need to fulfil his campaign promises, GMB should, even if to gratify the women whose dedication and commitment saw him through the topsy-turvy of the elections, appoint women of impeccable pedigree into his cabinet. Besides, he can use his good offices, based on his party’s policy, to convince the party of the imperative of giving women appropriate representation within the leadership of the National Assembly. Moreover, since he is the President, Commander-in Chief of the Armed Forces, the face, the leader and the executor of APC’s manifesto and programmes, placing women who have proved their mettle both in the public and private lives should be his prerogative.

    The APC is not in short supply of eminently qualified women who can fly the flag of the party in any capacity in government.    It can be argued that this advocacy is more germane in the Legislative House where there has been a paucity of women principal officers vis-à-vis their male counterparts. If there is any arm of government where the principle of affirmative actions should be strictly adhered to, it should be at the National Assembly, where our laws are made.

    Looking at the geo-political configuration based on current power equation, it appears that the South-west may be favoured to produce the Speaker of the House of Representatives. If this calculation is correct, it is only logical that an experienced woman, versed in legislative processes and procedures, be chosen from the North-east as Deputy Speaker.

    This thinking is premised on the fact that the North-east zone is considered the most short-changed in the power equation of the National Assembly since 1991, as no woman from the zone has been privileged to serve as principal officer of the legislative body.

    Besides, the North-east is considered the third most populous in Nigeria after North-west and South-west; having the highest minority tribes who are often the victims of marginalization in the country’s power-sharing arrangement. Moreover, in the just-concluded Presidential and National Assembly elections, the North-east produced the second highest number of federal lawmakers for the party.

    Based on the above, the choice of Honourable Khadijat Bukar Abba Ibrahim from the zone as a Deputy Speaker in the Eighth National Assembly will be a logical step towards righting the wrongs of  many years. More importantly, her choice will lend credence to the much vaunted policy of APC on women participation in political leadership position.

    However, it is pertinent to state unequivocally that this advocacy is not geared towards laundering any individual’s image just for the sake of being a woman. Rather, it is premised on a fine pedigree of hard work and a record of excellence of a woman who will be bringing to the legislative business a whole gamut of experience spanning three terms in the legislative enterprise.

    Besides, it is anchored on the party’s policy of a “merit based affirmative actions” aimed at providing a level playing field…” for women and provide them with opportunities to be part of decision making and governance at all levels”. The Deputy Speaker of our dream is a foremost Amazon in the war against the vicious and malevolent enemies of modern Nigeria, the Boko Haram. With two local governments under her constituency lost to the savage attacks of Boko Haram, Honourable Khadijat Ibrahim quickly unleashed her adroitness, within her area of competence and jurisdiction, towards liberating her people from the stranglehold of the blood-thirsty monsters.  Besides, she has been championing the rehabilitation efforts of the Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) in her state of Borno.

    By considering the 48-year old Honourable Khadijat Bukar Abba Ibrahim, the only female lawmaker re-elected from the North-east zone for the third time, former Commissioner of Transport in Yobe State, chairperson, House Committee on Privatization and Commercialization in both the sixth and seventh National Assembly, the party would be seen to be putting a round peg in a round hole.  To many Nigerians, that will be an obvious demonstration of the new deal, for the Nigerian women.

    ‘The APC is not in short supply of eminently qualified women who can fly the flag of the party in any capacity in government.    It can be argued that this advocacy is more germane in the Legislative House where there has been a paucity of women principal officers vis-à-vis their male counterparts. If there is any arm of government where the principle of affirmative actions should be strictly adhered to, it should be at the National Assembly, where our laws are made’

     

    • Professor Adegbulu, a Public Affairs Analyst, wrote in from Lagos

     

  • As Arase takes charge

    Behind every dark cloud as it is said, there is a silver lining. The spontaneity which greeted the appointment of Solomon Arase to the seat of the Inspector General of Police on the heels of the exit of his predecessor Suleiman Abba inferred just that and was perhaps not out of place.

    Over the past several years, the Nigerian nation has witnessed a spate of events on which an upset of its precarious equilibrium has widely been prognosticated. The toll of decadence which has engulfed the entire polity makes the celebration of any glimmer of light from the darkness momentous. The Nigeria Police, being the crime-fighting machinery of government has for longer than many would care to recall, been mired in its share of this national opprobrium.

    In an era when the image of the Force has been so battered, Arase has been working painstakingly to put its image back on its right footing. Through devotion to duty, it is obvious that he is cut out for the kind of problems the Force has continually been encumbered with, as over the years in his various designations as an officer of the Nigerian Police, Arase has displayed an unprecedented ability to adequately understand problems and a fascinating ability to map out strategies to nagging and embarrassing issues, both within the Force and also in combating and controlling crime. This without doubt, underscores the jubilation and wave of relief and hope which attended the appointment to the apex office.

    When Louis Edet made history as the first indigenous IGP, the level of discipline, dedication and selflessness in the discharge of duties by men officers of the force was admirable, the Force being anchored on profound values and principles shorn of abridgement or perversion with justice in all ramifications. The same cannot be said today.

    That explained the avalanche of hope that trailed the appointment of Arase; a man believed to possess the ability to correct many of the wrongs in the Force that continue to give it a bad image.  Widely respected within the Force, Arase has traversed the labyrinths of the Force emerging as its 18th helmsman through hard work, dedication, focus and discipline. He is a man that can be described as a Tarzan in policing, with peculiar disposition to policing in Nigeria.

    Over the years, the country has been ravaged by numerous vices ranging from robbery, kidnapping and violence to terrorism while corruption has maintained its unrivalled peak. All these constantly combine to put immense pressure on the Police and expose not just the dearth in logistics and basic requirements to effectively perform its duties but also a lack of vision and practical ways to solving issues by those in leadership positions.

    Times have changed indeed and the truth is that, the times need agile, intelligent and nimble actors to navigate the country out of its self-imposed perils. It is the belief in several quarters that Arase fits squarely into the mould of that rare breed. These numerous challenges over the years continue to increase the fragility of the Force and nothing makes the declining slide more frightening than the resultant consequence of heightening the territorial affronts of crime and other vices.

    From his antecedents, it may well be surmised that, the harbinger of the wind of change is finally here with the appointment and confirmation of Arase to the office of the IGP.   A member of the Nigerian Police Committee on Review of the Nigerian Constitution/Police Act, Arase, with multi-departmental experiences across various arms of the Force including operations, investigation, administration and intelligence is a repository of Nigeria Police history and development.

    As Commissioner of Police, Akwa Ibom State Command, Uyo from August 2011 to March 2012, Arase developed an anti-robbery and anti-kidnapping operational protocols that proved highly effective in addressing these set of high-level crimes in the state. He is a police reformist whose policing vision is premised on the engagement of intelligence-led policing strategies, community partnership, application of cutting-edge technology to policing functions at all levels, prevention of abuse of pre-trial detention powers and tailor-made capacity building initiatives towards the enhancement of the intelligence and operational capacity of the Nigeria Police Force.

    In line with the recommendations of the Police Reforms, the Force Intelligence Bureau came into being as a complimentary arm of the Force Criminal Investigations Department (FCID) and Arase became its first director. The Bureau is focused on gathering and analysing intelligence for the use of the Police and sister security agencies where Arase undertook landmark reforms and restructuring initiatives, including the establishment of the Gender Unit and the successful sourcing of a $300,000 grant from the Ford Foundation to enhance the operations of the Gender Unit. He also succeeded in establishing a state-of-the-art technical intelligence platform which has restored the primacy of the Bureau as the most strategic intelligence agency in the internal security architecture of the country.

    The various misdemeanors associated with the Police Force, which relentlessly dent its image and render it ineffective in the performance of its statutory functions partly, tell of bad leadership as well as outmoded operational mechanisms which put the Force at war with it.  This calls for examination and a possible overhaul of the modus operandi of the Force; a prospect the strides of Arase bespeak.

    At this juncture, it would only be fair to say that despite the crying shortcomings of the Force in relation to its huge expectations and in all the mediocrity and chicanery, there indeed are many dedicated and hardworking officers and men of the Force committed to the service of their fatherland, many leaving impeccable records where they have served. For these people, the time has perhaps come when their efforts can easily be galvanized to better the force and gradually break the structure that impinges on good policing.

    An accomplished writer and author, Arase is passionate about research and intellectualism. He has co-edited many works, written numerous essays and has a number of awards both national and international in his kitty. He is also a member of several associations including, the International Association of Chiefs of Police (IACP), International Bar Association (IBA) and the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA).

    Truly, hard work has just been rewarded and we congratulate the new IGP Solomon Arase at his new appointment, wishing him continuous wisdom to meet the new horizons and challenges his new designation offers. The beginning of a new era is when the pride and integrity of the Police is restored and made a strong and formidable institution. It begins with visionary and exemplary leadership, both hallmarks of new IGP, Arase.

     

    •Adekusibe, a Security expert writes from Federal Capital Territoy, Abuja.

  • Coming era of penny-pinching

    It was President Shehu Usman Aliyu Shagari (90) who first introduced the idea of having ministers of state in a presidential system of government. He could be excused for the introduction, for he was a graduate of the first republic when junior ministers were allowed during the parliamentary system of government.

    Section 135 subsection 2 of the 1979 Constitution made provisions for nomination of ministers and not ministers of state. Since President Shagari made that initial mistake, every elected President in Nigeria has followed suit.

    On October 18, 1979, he nominated the following Ministers for Senate approval—Ministers with cabinet rank:  M. Mohammed Ibrahim Hassan(Bauchi), M. Adamu Ciroma (Borno), Isaac Shaahu and Paul Unongo (Benue), Iya Abubakar (Gongola), Umaru Dikko and Ishaya Audu (Kaduna), Bello Maitama Yusuf (Kano), Akanbi Oniyangi (Kwara), Ndagi Mamadu (Niger), Adenike Ebun Oyagbola (Ogun), Samuel Adebisi Ogedengbe (Ondo), Richard Akinjide (Oyo), John Jatau Kadiya and Gorge Baba Hoomkwap (Plateau),Mr. Victor Masi (Rivers), Ibrahim Gusau (Sokoto), D.C. Ugwu and Chimezie Ikeazor (Anambra), Sunday Matthew Essang (Cross River), Israel Amadi Emina (Bendel), Sylvester Ugoh and Dr. I.I. Maduike (Imo) and Wahab Olaseinde Dosunmu(Lagos).

    Other Ministers with non-cabinet rank are Ahmed Musa (Bauchi), P. Bolokor (Bendel), Asheikh Jarma (Borno), Ali Baba (Gongola), M. Iro Abubakar Dan-Musa (Kaduna), Bilyamin Usman (Kano), Ademola Thomas (Lagos), Olu Awotesu (Ogun), Mrs. Janet Akinrinade (Oyo), Ahmudu Nahuce (Sokoto), E. Okoi-Obuli (Cross River), Mamman Ali Makele (Kwara), Cladius Agboola Bamgboye (Ondo) and Jakiri Igbani (Rivers).

    Two days later at the Senate confirmation of the ministers at the committee stage, Senators Abraham Aderibigbe Adesanya, Jonathan Akinremi Olawole Odebiyi, Emmanuel Kayode Ogunleye, David Olatunbosun Oke, Emeka Patrick Echeruo, Jaja Anucha Wachukwu, Obi Wali, Emmanuel Idahosa Akpata, Stephen Adebanji Akintoye and Senator F.O.M. Atake rejected the idea of junior ministers but because the NPN were in the majority at that time, President Shagari had his way.

    Shortly after re-election, President Shagari wrote to then Senate President, Joseph Wayas seeking confirmation for 35 ministers.

    In the letter dated October 17, 1983, he nominated the following: Eleazar Chukwuemeka Anyaoku,C.O.N. and John Nwodo Jnr. (Anambra), Sule Katagum, Ibrahim Tahir and Magaji Mu’azu (Bauchi), J.A. Orhorho and Ralph Uwechue (Bendel), Audu Ogbeh and Dr. E.Y. Atanu (Benue), Mallam Adamu Ciroma, Muhammadu Buhari and Haliru Dantoro (Borno), Dr. Simi Johnson (Lagos), Senator Idirisu Ibrahim (Niger), Kehinde Sofola, SAN, Attorney-General of the Federation (Ogun), Bode Olowoporoku (Ondo), S.M. Afolabi and Bimbo Akintola (Oyo), Hassan Mohammed and Robert Doshun Gumut (Plateau), Okoi-Obuli and A.J. Okonno (Cross Rivers), Ali Baba and Paul Wampana (Gongola), Emmanuel Adiele (Imo), Umaru Dikko and Isma’ila Isa (Kaduna), Yusuf Maitama Sule, C.F.R., Bilyamin Usman and Hamisu Musa (Kano), Ishmael Igbani and Mrs. E. Diete-Spiff (Rivers), Muhammadu Lugga, Idirisu Koko and Bala Sokoto(Sokoto).

    After seizing power from President Shehu Shagari on December 31, 1983, the then Major General Muhammadu Buhari in January 1984 reduced the ministers to 15 without appointing any as ministers of state. The following were his ministers, Domkat Bali (Defence), Buka Shuaib (Agriculture), Mammoud Tukur(Trade), Colonel A. Abdullahi (Communications), Yerima Ibrahim (Education), Onaolapo Sholeye (Finance), Mamman Jaya Vatsa (FCT, Abuja), Emmanuel Nsan (Health), Muhammed Magoro (Internal Affairs), Ibrahim Gambari (Foreign Affairs), Sam Omeruah (Information), Abdullahi Ibrahim (Transportation), Tam David-West (Petroleum), Patrick Koshoni (Works and Housing) and Chief Chike Offodile (Attorney General and Minister of Justice).

    On seizing power from Major General Buhari, General Ibrahim Babangida increased the ministers to 22 on September 12, 1985. The following were his ministers: Alani Akinrinade (Agriculture, Water Resources and Rural Development), Tanko Ayuba (Communications), Domkat Bali (Defence Secretary and chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff, Jubril Aminu (Education), Patrick Koshoni (Employment, Labour and Productivity, Bolaji Akinyemi (External Affairs), Mamman Vatsa (Federal Capital Territory), Kalu Idika Kalu (Finance), Olikoye Ransome-Kuti (Health), Lawal Mala (Industries), Anthony Ukpo (Information), John Nanzip Shagaya (Internal Affairs), Prince Bola Ajibola (Justice), Rilwanu Lukman (Mines and Power), Chu Okongwu (National Planning), Tam David-West (Petroleum Resources), Ahmed Abdullahi (Social Development, Youth, Sports and Culture), Emmanuel Emovon (Science and Technology), Ishaya Aboi Shekari (Special Duties), Majo Gado Nasko (Trade), Jeremiah Useni (Transport and Aviation) and Hamza Abdullahi (Works and Housing).

    Between General Sani Abacha, Chief Earnest Shonekan and General Abdulsalam Abubukar, ministers of states were appointed but their cabinets were not more than 26 ministers.

    However in 1999, it was President Olusegun Obasanjo who had the largest list of ministers to date with 51. They are Sani Zango Daura, Olusegun Agagu, Chris Agbobu, Mustafa Bello, Mohammed Adzika, TheophilusYakubu Danjuma, L. Ade. Haruna-Elewi, Modupe Adelaja, TundeAdeniran, Hassan Adamu, Lawal Tukur Batagarawa, Imeh T. Okopido, Ibrahim Bunu, AdamuCiroma, Solomon S.A. Ewuga,  Jubril Martins-Kuye, Sule Lamido, Tim N. Menakaya, Dubem Onya, Dr. (Mrs.) Aminat Ndalolo, IyorchiaAyu, Ojo Maduekwe, Lawarence Nwuruku, Dapo Sarumi, S.M. Afolabi J.P., Jerry Gana, Mohammed Shata, Kanu Godwin Agabi (SAN), Alabo Tonye Graham-Douglas, Phillip C. Asiodu, Rilwanu Lukman, David Jemibewon, Bola Ige (SAN), Muhammed Bello Kirfi, Danjuma Goje, Vincent Ogbulafor, Ibrahim Umar Kida, Ebitimi E. Banigo, Dan Chuke, Mrs. Pauline K. Tallen, Musa Gwadabe, Dr. (Mrs.) Kemafo N. Chikwe, Bekky K. Igweh, Bello Usman, M. Bello Kaliel, Tony Anenih, Precious Ngelale J.P., Isaiah C. Balat, Hajia  Aishatu M.S. Ismail, Damishi Tonson Sango and Yomi Edu.

    Both President Umaru Yar’Adua and outgoing President Goodluck Jonathan have since maintained the culture of appointing ministers of state.

    One of the major tasks before the President-elect, Major General Muhammadu Buhari now is the compilation of his list of ministers. Section 147 of the constitution dictates that he must have 36 ministers from 36 states but the section does not dictate that he should have ministers of states. It is from his list that the country will know better the direction of his government. If the list of his ministers is enlarged, one may conclude that his government is going to be prodigal. Even if he wants to be lavish or profuse, I doubt whether the money is there any longer. I understand that most of the money had disappeared. They are gone. In the words of a banker “the country is heavily geared”.

    Major General Buhari has no choice but to be penny-pinching. Reducing his cabinet will certainly save cost. It will also reduce rivalry, conflicts and jealousy among members of his cabinet on schedule and responsibilities. There is always a constant conflict between ministers and ministers of state. We should spare the President from wasting his time from settling this in-built conflict.

    One of the major problems President Obasanjo encountered early in his government was having so many ministers which created conflict between ministers and ministers of state. To solve the problems then, he summoned the Secretary of the Federal Government of the Federation Chief Ufot Ekaette to allocate schedule to the ministers and ministers of states. With inputs from his two top aides at that time, Goke Adegoroye and Tunde Kamilu Kasali, Chief Ekaette’s submission was not satisfying enough to the ministers and ministers of state-each claiming authority. They both claim they were all ministers, appointed and sworn in in the same manner and representing their respective states. The permanent secretaries did not help matters.

    Having a large cabinet might prove unwise.

    • Teniola, former director at the presidency writes from Lagos.

  • Erdogan and Turkey’s drifting economy

    The recent report that Turkey’s economy is in crisis must interest everyone who desires a better deal for the millions of people that dwell in that strategic country. It become even more interesting when the downward turn is taking place under the watchful eyes of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who was hitherto believed to posses the magic wand to solve the very problems that are now fast eroding the past economic gains.

    Turkey’s economic gains have in recent months  taken an increasingly backward walk, with the lira (Turkey’s currency) falling to record lows against the dollar, amid a high  Current Account Deficit (CAD) despite the free fall of  crude oil in the international market.

    Apart from the weakening lira, which has become a major headache for Turksih companies abroad, increasing personal debts and declining standard of living indicate that Turkey under Erdogan and his ruling Justice and Development (AK) party is no longer among desirable developing economies for investment.

    But what really happened to the fast blossoming economy of Turkey? Is it that President Erdogan’s authoritarian rule is now taking a toll on it or is it because the president has lost  focus  on the real economic issues confronting the Turkish people? Why these questions continue to bother my mind, foreign analysts believe that voters in the country who will be going to the polls on June 7 may likely send a strong  message to the AK party on their displeasure of the present economic downturns, amid resentment over the embarrassing corruption scandal that implicated members of  Erdoðan’s  inner circle in December 2013.

    To make matter worse, Turkey’s economic growth could not meet up with the expected target of government last year, even as the country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) took a nose-dive. Data recently churned out by Turkish Statistics Institute (TurkStat) revealed  that the  GDP growth slowed to 2.9 percent in 2014 from 4.2 percent the previous year.

    The statistics agency also announced that the double digit unemployment rate has increased  from 10.9 percent in December 2014  to 11.3 percent in January 2015,  a record high since April 2010. Economic analysts believe that the present figure may just be a child play to what it will be by the end of the year  if Erdogan continues with his ‘iron-hand rulership’, that is scaring away investors.

    Hundreds of Turks have reportedly lost their jobs as a result of the present administration’s unending crackdown on media and  business interest of perceived opposition in order to consolidate its hold on power despite its dwindling popularity rating amid uncertainty in the economy.

    Former United States (US) Ambassador to Turkey, Robert Pearson, in his latest analysis for the Middle East Institute raised concern over Turkey’s drifting economy and called on the government  to undertake a major effort to position it.

    Recent report by World Bank has also confirmed the problem facing the  Turkey’s economy, the  bank reduced its earlier growth rate  forecast to three percent , a downgrade from an earlier prediction of 3.5 percent.

    Turkey’s unprecedented economic growth was said to have  largely driven by low borrowing costs thanks to the US Federal Reserve’s low interest rates and a financial crisis in advanced economies, but now Erdogan, who been busy abusing human right, will now need to find a way out of the problem.

    Apart from the World Bank downgrade, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) has also voiced concern about  the political and economic outlook  in the country, which pushed the lira to a record low of 2.7104 against the dollar few days ago.

    Global credit rating agency, Fitch, has also warned on the risk that Turkey’s economy may encounter if the government that will emerge after the upcoming general election embrace growth-based economic policy. The warning is not unconnected  with the signal that emanated from debates between the  ruling party deputies and the Central Bank over its interest rate policy that have recently pushed the lira to record lows against the US dollar.

    But the President is not denying that there is a problem, he recently admitted that there is “temporary crisis,” that will soon be overcome. “The current temporary crisis in the economy will be overcome. Although [financial] analysis companies put [forth] different targets, Turkey will continue its [economic] progress.” Erdogan was quoted as saying by the Turkish based Today’s Zaman newspaper  at a rally in Kocaeli recently.

    The president promise  that the economy crisis will be remedied may not  be unconnected to his attempt to woo voters who are disenchanted by the recent economy performance of the present administration ahead of the general election.

    It is widely believed that large chunk of Turkish people consider economic issues as a major determining factor in choosing the party that will get their support in the June 7, election of the  550-member Turkey’s parliament, even as opposition parties have been shaping their election manifestos based on their roadmap to extricate the country from the present  economic quagmire.

    •Abdumalik writes from Kaduna.

  • GMB and Nollywood

    From the head-scratching of members of the 19-man Transition Committee set up by the President-elect, Gen. Muhammadu Buhari (rtd), we know they are looking desperately for projects, policies and actions that will translate to immediate, resounding and impressive vibrations in the hearts of change-hungry Nigerians. So, the incoming government must device jobs, jobs and more jobs…. Well, with sober reasoning and inventive contemplation, we present one of the idyllic public spaces where a common-sense-driven administration can intervene effectively and glowingly while keeping jobs from disappearing and creating new and numerous jobs.

    It is quite possible that General Muhammadu Buhari (GMB), a swashbuckling young army infantry hot-head in his late 30’s in 1984 would not have heard of the terror and devastation that Pa Moses Adejumo’s Orun Moru suffered in the hands of profiteers barely two years earlier. It took another 10 years after his forced retirement before some semblance of what we now call Nollywood emerged. So, we should not take it for granted that GMB ought to know ‘something’ about Nigerian entertainment – if we insist, we overstretch our sense of importance.

    This is why thoroughbred practitioners snigger when government plays the ostrich in its engagement with the creative enterprise… for a single mid-level Nigerian production with a capital outlay of N5-10m, the long line of operatives work out like this: behind the cameras/gadgets are at least 15 people; the major sets will accommodate from 20 to 500 role players, big and small. Further down the chain of production, are scores of tens of people working in the editing studios, sound studios, photography and graphic designs, printing press, publicity and liaisons, etc. Ancillary outlets also queue up for post-production activities that may help the producer recoup some investment before the almighty pirates swoop: Hall rentals for premiere, contacts and mobilization, DVD discs for mass-dubs, cinema house and its complex of leisure shops, transportation for promotion or road shows, voice-overs for jingles, TV commercials, comedians, DJs and MCs for serial launchings, marketers, video sellers, etc…. On this single work, we have partially identified more than 1000 people directly or indirectly eking a living. Multiply that work by the proverbial 700-1000 movie products we proverbially drop into the unwieldy markets every year. The opportunity is begging to create a minimum of two million jobs within three years in the creative industry alone if hedged with a strong government support, legitimate structures and ultimately international financing and exchange of expertise.

    To bring the cattle home to rest, we merely need to study the growth and growing stature of India’s Bollywood (derived from film-makers’ activities in Bombay city, now Mumbai). Nigeria and India find important indices of commonalities beyond the different shades of colour that distinguish us. Our history as a nation, as British colonized people, with relatively similar huge population of diverse tongues, religions and cultures meshed in a melting pot of blurring political and economic turbulence …among many other surprising relatedness. So, what can our men of power learn from Bollywood and its billion dollar climb to global prominence?

    Bollywood is basically a regional hyper Hindi exercise (one expert says 20%) of the huge Indian film activity. Bollywood’s global brand image dwarfs the other Indian language film sectors and simply equates it as the national jewel, especially in jaundiced international media. As an aside, it is even debatable that Bollywood comes behind Nollywood, even without the additions of Kannywood, Yoruwoods, and such other ‘woods. Their story reads like ours: There is low cost of production; millions of Nigerians work and live all over the world; very high demand for quality Nigerian entertainment; expanding demographics. However, that is as far as similarities go. Bollywood’s key revenue outlets as at 2012 were: Domestic Theatre (74%), Cable/Satellite Rights (11%), Overseas Theatre (7%), Ancillary revenues like endorsements, brand ambassadors, etc (5%)…with Home Video trickling in at 3%! That statistics emanate from its 2012 total annual revenue of $3.5b!

    Just as the new deal dawned on the Central government of India about eight years ago when it granted industry status to Bollywood – the dalliance of Nigerian federal government with the movie business since the coming of outgoing President Goodluck Jonathan six years ago should now be concretized (“gazetted”) and serious attention given to institutionalizing key sectors of the burgeoning industry. We have similar population dynamics (though our middle class is almost wiped out in contrast to India’s 300million – almost a double of our country); we have the passion to sustain flourishing markets of quality works. We have the landmass to build giant multiplex theatres and other viewing centres in both rural and urban centres (Lagos alone can start with two multiplex theatres in each of her 57 LG/LCDAs…and other states can pitch in at least one or more multiplex in all LGs, thus delivering over 1,500 centres of exhibition/distribution/commerce and information – which will trigger high income from product placements, high returns on investments, increased and widespread ‘follow-follow’ erections of theatres and viewing centres thus igniting an explosion in job creation; promoting the flow of communication between the government and its people. Instead of wasting billions on a gigantic stadium that is used once or twice in two years in a landscape of poverty and economic erosion; if the flailing ‘king’ of Akwa-Ibom had built 10 multiplex of entertainment/leisure outlets across the state, there would still have been some sort of thriving legacy of commerce and roll-over employment for young Ibomites…

    Good sensible government policies that allow entrepreneurial capacities of its people to roam and flourish have a way of attracting major investments. When we get our distribution and exhibition channels right and running; when the right people drive a commonsensical pro-people agencies of government with a crusading desire to promote and project the creative endeavours of Nigerians, we shall begin to witness fantastic collaborations with Hollywood moneybags the likes of which Bollywood is now enjoying.

    However,  none of these can be attained without the help of government. Though an intrinsically private enterprise, the sum-total of creative efforts is the elucidation and documentation of people’s culture, lifestyle and struggles through the lenses of their defining citizens. Great nations recognise that their insular confluence of diverse economic, informational and strategic interests are best enunciated by a collaborative creative community – for exports to the farthest reaches beyond the motherland. Perhaps President Jonathan saw the fringes of that great promise, but history will record that he took the stuttering steps (embracing and recognising the power of creativity) that galvanized successive administrations to ascend and catapult the great promise of our Creative Enterprise to the zenith of global ascendancy. Don’t snigger and wrinkle your nose – for this is how America cockily began to surge outfield 95 years ago…it is not late for us to start climbing.

    So, this is not a time for dogmas and crass partisanship. This is a venture where everyone wins – the government, practitioners, business people, consumers, the media, distributors, and allied sectors. The Nigerian creative communities deserve our full and wholesome support, and a watchful encouragement to soar beyond its current supine status. I believe it!!

  • Awojobi: Life of uncommon service

    About two months ago, in far away Singapore, South East Asia, specifically, May 23, the remains of Lee Kuan Yew was committed to mother earth. Lee, you will recall, was the first Singaporean Prime Minister who in his tenure of three decades transformed Singapore from a small colonial British trading port to one of the world’s wealthiest city states. The American President, Barak Obama, described him as “one of the great giants of history”. He was 91.

    Today, Friday, May 15, in Eruwa, Oyo State, Nigeria’s own Lee Kuan Yew is being buried. He is Oluyombo Adetilewa Awojobi (March 1, 1951 – April 17, 2015).

    The common denominator between the two is that they were both change agents. The Singaporean and the Nigerian lived lives that radically changed the faces of their respective environments.

    Born of Ikorodu descents, Yombo trained at the University of Ibadan where he graduated and distinguished himself in surgery in 1975. He worked at the University College hospital from where he chose rural medical practice in Eruwa at the District Hospital (August 25, 1983 –August 1986). Bureaucratic bottlenecks forced him and his wife, Tinu, a radiographer/ultrasonographer to resign their appointments and set up the Awojobi Clinic, Eruwa (ACE), on October 27, 1986.

    Whereas the Singaporean died at full age, the death of Awojobi was a shock to all who knew him. He had buried another elder brother, Olubusola Adebayo Awojobi, Chartered Structural Engineer on April 9, where he unusually danced as one who would not have another opportunity at dancing. Alas, he never had another opportunity!

    I first heard of Awojobi reputation when he got to the District Hospital Eruwa, through a cousin, Chief Moses Oladele. He told me of his encounter with the new medical doctor whom he met on river Otanyanri in Eruwa, drawing sand unto the booth of his car (a blue Datsun 180B) to be off-loaded at the hospital. On enquiries from Awojobi, my cousin got to know that the sand was for a construction work at the hospital and Awojobi had to devise this means of having sand since the hospital could not afford to pay for tipper loads. My cousin came handy by making Awojobi to stop “abusing” his car and ordered his tipper to supply the hospital loads of sand, ex-gratis. Little wonder that Awojobi was listed in 2005 as the “the caring physician of the world” by the World Medical Association.

    Awojobi lived for the common man, for, in his ACE whose credo, boldly inscribed at the entrance of the clinic is “Private hospital in the public service”, medical service is made affordable to the down trodden, many times free. A classical example will suffice: A girl whose story was broadcast on a local television station in Ibadan had some form some medical ailment on one of her legs. A public hospital in Ibadan issued a bill of more than N600,000 for the treatment. The prohibitive bill forced the parents to explore ACE where the patient was treated successfully for N20,000.

    How Awojobi was able to treats patients at reduced cost is explained by his passion to assist mankind and the ability to adapt to the environment. Professor Olikoye Ransome-Kuti, former Minister of Health wrote during a visit to ACE on August 31, 2000 thus: “Highly privileged to write this hospital; an example of commitment, concern for fellow beings, innovation and imagination. I like the way he admits relations to the theatre to watch operations on their sick relations. I like the way the hospital collects all available rain water so that it always has water…” Prof. Ransome-Kuti concluded with a question: “Can this be replicated? He answered:  “It must take a particular kind of person!!!” That kind of person is no one else but Awojobi. ACE qualifies to be visited by all, if not for medical treatment but for tourism. He designs and fabricates many of the hospital equipment in use in ACE such that, according to Dr. H. M. Adabanija of  Mak Mercy Hospital, Igboora, the cost of such equipment are reduced in some cases by 75% from the imported ones. Such equipment include the operating table, autoclave and the water distiller, the pedal suction pump, the haematocrit centrifuge,  intravenous fluids products,  and local production of a traumatic suture.

    A former teacher of Awojobi at the medical school and former Honorary President of World Federation of Neurological Societies, Prof. Adelola Adeloye wrote in a foreword to a publication titled Primary Health Care in Western Nigeria  1977- 2007, “Please kindly find time to visit Eruwa. There, you will see for yourself the matrix that goes into the making of the pyramid of pragmatic surgical and medical care built by Dr. Awojobi. There you will see the various fabrications, and the engineering devises and construction… Some of awarding status, which betoken the many-sided genius of the Awojobis”.

    Awojobi was an enigma who lived a simple life like one of his heroes, the late Dr. Tai Solarin . In our relationship of more than three decades, I never saw him wear any dress other than French suit, commonly called “Conductor”. Even at the burial of his father-in-law, Oba Richard Oladipupo Makanjuola, the late Owa-Oye of Imesi-Ile, he was in his trademark “conductor” except that he used the Ofi-Aso Ebi to make a bolero jacket on top of his trademark. In Awojobi’s stable were bicycle, motorcycle, “KEKE ERUWA” which he fabricated long before the advent of similar brands like KEKE NAPEP AND KEKE MARWA .

    Those who do not know Awojobi closely see him as a medical doctor, but to some of us privileged to be in his inner chamber, Awojobi was a welder, foreman, artist, technician, carpenter, bricklayer, engineer, fisherman, iron bender and more. I once asked him why God was so “partial” to have put only in Awojobi the brain to function in all these capacities.

    He was a teetotaller who had no regard for social parties, alcohol, cigar and women. Some years ago, convinced of his merit for National Honour, I intimated him of my desire to process necessary contacts to propose him for national honour. He protested.

    In Yorubaland, a new baby is given his name on the eight day. Awojobi differed. He gave Yombo and Ayodele, his two sons,  their respective names on the day they were born.

    He once queried the need to spend N100 for what you can get for N10. That was his reaction to my enquiries to him on how and why he made his two boys to attend the local secondary school in Eruwa whereas some of us, even indigenes, enrolled ours at the International School, University of Ibadan. His method of hiring the best teachers in the locality in each of the sciences and mathematics as lesson teachers for the children made them Engineer and Medical Doctor today.

    From time to time, we conducted two-man seminars between the two of us in either of our living rooms on the Nigeria Project. And on a night when I was very traumatized on the fate of the Chibok girls and the lackadaisical manner the Nigerian government acted, I sent him sms on my worries to which he replied thus: “please say this SERENITY prayer and act it in reverse order: God granted me the courage to change the things I can, serenity to accept that which I cannot change and the wisdom to know the difference”. He had on an earlier discussion admonished me not to let circumstances worry me. He told me he would not allow the Nigerian situation to kill him the way his elder brother, Ayodele, did.

    Awojobi has run and completed his race and it appears to me that the Psalmist  had him in mind when he said: “The boundary lines have fallen for me in pleasant places; surely I have a delightful inheritance” (Psalm 17:6 NIV). Though Awojobi might not have attended church on Sundays, yet he was more Christian than the regular church goers.

    And so Lord, we thank you for the life of Oluyombo Adetilewa Awojobi, “one of the great giants of history”, whom you gave to mankind in 1951. We thank you for what you made of him. We thank you more for you will continue to use him even in death. Now, Lord, we pray for his wife, Tinu and children, the Awojobi Clinic Eruwa and the Olajide Ajayi Cancer Centre established by him and on which he had sunk colossal fund of ACE; that you will make all of them to flourish as the plant by the river side in the name of the father, the son and the Holy Spirit. (Amen)

     

    • Adebayo, an Ibadan-based Attorney-at-Law, Fellow and former Chairman of the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations, Oyo State.
  • Could President Jonathan have done otherwise?

    The difference between one individual and the next is perhaps that, some know this, while others do not. With individuals, this distinction does not matter a great deal. We go into retirement with a sigh of mission accompli, convinced that one’s self-imposed, fortuitous, or mysteriously transmitted mission in life has indeed been fulfilled. Or perhaps we simply shrug our shoulders in resignation, saying, ‘’enough is enough, let others take over from here’’ No matter the variant, we are still buried with our own self-assessment, accurate or misconceived’’ – Professor Wole Soyinka’s Speech – ‘’Speaking Truth to Powerful Gang of Corrupt Nigerian Governors’’ in Delta State.

    I had hoped and prayed that President Jonathan would not also personally come into the fray of the adulation and commendation daily pouring out in his favour from all over, for conceding defeat in the 2015 Presidential Elections to General Muhammadu Buhari.

    I had hoped that President Jonathan would not join the fray, by self-venerating or self-assessing, considering the President’s seemingly indifference to the implication of his statement during one of his Presidential Chats, sometime in February, 2014, when he was responding to the Borno State governor’s concern that, the Boko Haram terrorists seems more equipped and motivated than the Nigerian soldiers. Our President, oblivious of the constitutional, political and security implications, just answered, ‘’he would want to see how the governor would be able to govern the state, if he should decide to withdraw the army from the state.

    Apart from his statement that he doesn’t give a damn even if people criticize him on his refusal to make a public declaration of his assets, his recent statement in Bayelsa State, during the State Assembly Election, when enquiries were made about the absence of his wife, he feigned ignorance of the precise location of his wife, by saying that they both left Abuja in different planes; whereas reports have it that, his wife was in Rivers State at all material time. If indeed, the First Lady was in River State as rumoured, and the people of River State were aware of her presence in the state, did our President ever consider how the people of River State and indeed the generality of Nigerians would perceive him to be?.

    I have had to go back in time to explain my said trepidation, when the accolades started falling in, for the singular reason that he conceded defeat. He instantly became a statesman.

    I consider it bad enough that such encomiums were poured on him for conceding defeat, but it became worse when he too started praise singing himself that, he conceded defeat for the sake of the unity of this country.

    The question is, could our President have legally done otherwise?

    Pursuant to the provisions of the Nigerian Constitution, and the Oath of Office sworn to by the President, it is incumbent on him to subject himself to the Rule of Law and ensure the enforcement of all statutory provisions. Towards this, the President has, at different fora, personally showcased his government as being guided by the Rule of Law.

    Therefore, it’s baffling why the President or the Presidency has failed to realize the inherent negative tag that has been placed on our President. They were just too eager to enjoy the praises and recognition accorded him.

    My take on all of these, is simply that, our President is indirectly being projected as capable of being unlawful, capable of precipitating crisis, capable of anything but not the Rule by Law, if he so chooses.

    Please don’t get me wrong. Our President deserves to be praised or lauded for creating the environment for a largely free and fair Presidential Election, where the relevant federal institutions were reasonably, not hindered or pressurized, into compromising the entire electioneering process, as the institutions in times past are wont to do, (though, some would still argue that the institutions were indeed compromised). Under the abnormal circumstances of the old, it was near unthinkable for the incumbent almighty PDP to be defeated at the Presidential Election, but it happened for the first time under President Jonathan’s watch in 2015!

    But the difference is this: Under a democratic dispensation, anybody losing an election has two options – accepting defeat simplicita, or refuse to accept defeat by challenging the results as declared, at the appropriate election tribunal.

    If a candidate decides to accept defeat, that ends it there. But if he decides not to accept defeat, the only legal forum to ventilate the grievances is in the court.

    The President-elect, General Buhari on three occasions refused to accept defeat, and legally challenged the results as declared, up to the Supreme Court, on the said occasions.

    I am not sure that, in all these legal challenges, he was accorded the same recognition by Nigerians or even the foreign leaders by regarding him as a statesman, for the sacrifices of going through the rigours of lawsuits. In essence, what I am saying is that, the decisions of General Buhari to always challenge the results in the law courts couldn’t have seriously warranted the status of a statesman being bestowed on him, because that can only be the logical, civilised and constitutional thing to do. It’s simply what the law requires of all of us.

    Therefore, where encomiums are now been showered on our President for conceding defeat, and our President now personally saying that the reason for conceding defeat is because his ambition is not worth the progress and unity of the country, makes me feel bad.

    The only enquiry is what our President could have said or done, if he had not conceded defeat? Yes, I concede that we have seen the consequences of refusal to concede defeat by incumbents in other climes, especially Ivory Coast, where a sitting President refused to accept defeat, and the crisis that engulfed the country.

    But can’t we draw the line? Can’t we say, like in the Christian parlance, that it is no longer our portion? Nigerians were able, through the elections that a re-occurrence of the Arab Spring in Nigeria was not our portion. By extension, despite the political expediency of the accolades, why can’t we protect and respect our President and the Presidency against the ascription of illegal and unconstitutional tendencies and capabilities?

    Nobody ever suggested or believed for a second that President Clinton was going to use his incumbency factor to create political crisis or influence the case in favour of his party, Democratic Party, when Al Gore refused to concede defeat, and decided to challenge the results as declared in the courts.

    Yes, some will say that we can’t compare Nigeria with America. But I cannot accept it and be happy, and I believe, no Nigerian should accept it and be happy, that our President only became a statesman to the admiration of everybody by conceding defeat, in comparison to other African Leaders that have led their countrymen to avoidable political crisis, on the basis of their refusal to accept defeat.

    Unfortunately, our President has not demonstrated enough strength or conviction to be believed that, he has that capacity to rule by the law. It needs to be emphasized that a free and fair election is a process that does not terminate with even the announcement of results, it include how the candidates reacts to the results as announced. The responsibilities of either conceding defeat or challenging it are still part of the electoral process.

    Finally, our President should truly be Presidential in all respects, as it is quite contradictory for our world-acclaimed statesman, having decided not to challenge the Presidential Election Results as declared in the Courts, to be seen pooh-poohing the integrity of the conduct of the same elections, the basis of his new status as a statesman, by questioning General Buhari’s victory; a variant of the same negative capabilities that has been unwittingly ascribed to him with the recent torrent of accolades.

    • Olaleye is an Attorney based in Lagos.

     

  • Kogi 2015: A view point

    There is a perceptible assumption that the forthcoming gubernatorial elections in Kogi State would be laced with conjectures and sensationalism. Presently, many political commentators have gone a step further to state that the profound changes occurring in the political arena and twists in the conscience of the Kogi people may combine to affect those aspirants that rely on some primordial approaches for victory in party primaries and gubernatorial elections.

    In Kogi State, what now brews in the minds of many political strategists are the rising social and political questions surrounding the potency of the incumbent Governor Idris Wada in determining his fate or that of a successor in the next governorship elections. For these set of people, they posit that Governor Wada does not have a last say on who becomes the next occupant of Lugard House, especially given the recent documented facts and figures in the last 2015 Presidential and National Assembly elections in the state. The All Progressive Congress (APC) won majority. It is also on record that the governor lost all available seats in his local government area.

    Right or wrong, whatever the 2015 elections results in Kogi Sate meant may not be very far from the interpretation that Governor Wada has lost grip and political relevance in the state. Suffice to mention that the case of the deputy governor isn’t any different.

    Indeed, right now, the ruling PDP seems to be in a dilemma especially given that Nigerian democracy has clearly established that the power of incumbency especially by an unpopular candidate whether at the national or state level has been weakened on electoral issues and the impunity hitherto exhibited by the so-called political heavy weights has grossly been watered down with the existence of a reformed INEC.

    However, it is too early for the APC to assume that its recent victories in the Presidential and National Assembly elections will automatically transform to victory at the gubernatorial elections. Convincingly, instances abound where voters in a state may pledge loyalty to the Presidential candidate yet not support the gubernatorial candidate of the same party. For ease of reference, in 2011 general elections, though Major General Muhammadu Buhari of the then CPC party had a sweeping victory in Kano State, the gubernatorial candidate of the same party, had a very poor outing at the governorship election which was lost to the PDP. The reason adduced to that particular incident was that despite the CPC being a core and famous northern party; it lost its governorship bid in Kano State because it dropped a popular candidate. As such, protest votes gave the PDP victory. Indeed, the impunity displayed by the party leadership of the then CPC in Kano State 2011 governorship is not different from what happened in Kogi State in 2011 where Jibrin Isa Echocho, was dropped in favour of the incumbent Governor Wada . The only dissimilarity with Kogi is that despite the obvious undemocratic act which led to Wada’s emergence, the PDP was noted to have been able to manipulate the elections in its favour.

    Nevertheless, the consequences of the action of the Kogi State PDP leadership in 2011 elections by dropping the popular Jibrin Isah Echocho has not been erased because it led to huge division in the party and mass defection of its supporters. This deliberate mistake of the PDP in Kogi State did not only weaken the electoral capacity of the party but has now grossly contributed to strengthening the APC, which emerged victorious in most of the contested positions in the last 2015 general elections in Kogi State.

    As it stands, a wrong choice of candidate by any political party may give rise to a protest revolutionary scenario or gross loss in the elections. Simply put, any serious political party in the Kogi State must work hard. Without a doubt, as weeks and months count down to the 2015 Kogi State gubernatorial party primaries and elections, consultations are ongoing by an endless list of aspirants. However, in a state like Kogi where explosive assumptions and bogus claims are being projected by aspirants, the polity is already fuelled by a dangerous trend of debate, false sentiments and massive space for varied analysis which even includes a likely come back of Jibrin Isah Echocho as a popular peoples’ choice. Despite all these postulations, many articulate watchers of the unfolding events believe that the guess on who would be the next Kogi State governor is very confusing.

    Emphatically, it would not be wrong to state that as the political situation stands, every gubernatorial aspirant stands alone and may well begin to believe that as much as diverse sentiments and variables may have played its part on the Presidential election against the ruling party, the gubernatorial aspiration is distinct and would rest more on the people’s choice. Indeed, no wise gubernatorial aspirant from Kogi State should just rely on the name or fame of a party because the electorates may not necessarily be swayed by such skewed loyalty given their chequered experience of party imposition of an incumbent governor whom most Kogi people feel has not added value to their quest for development of the state.

    Be that as it may, right now, in Kogi State, every olitical party seems to be making a promise of more rain but the truth remains that in the realm of the actual political landscape, there are politicians that may make promises of irrigation, yet give people more water than those that promised to control the rains. It is of essence at this juncture to state that the way to victory for a governorship aspirant in the complex Kogi situation does not reside only the strength of the political party, but rather on the individual aspirant and proof that the complex debate surrounding the selection of an aspirant is not only transparent but derived from the people’s choice.

    Thus, ahead of the Kogi 2015 party primaries and elections, given the recent national political awareness, the right way to go is for all parties to seek a most acceptable candidate in their fold than settle for crass imposition and naked impunity. The lessons from the diminished and fractured Kogi State PDP as a result of the Jibrin Isa Echocho and Idris Wada episode are enough for all. True or false, the point herein, is that whether it is APC, PDP, Labour or Accord party that is in contest, the issue before all the political parties is a complex task that cannot be achieved without due consideration of a peoples’ choice.

     

    • Shaibu, a public affairs analyst writes from Abuja.
  • ‘I came, I saw, I succeeded’

    ‘I came, I saw, I succeeded’

    Text of a lecture entitled:  Good Governance As Catalyst for Development in Nigeria:   The Delta State Experience,  delivered by Delta State Governor Emmanuel Eweta Uduaghan at the University of Ibadan 2015 Alumni Association National Public Service Lecture.

    Today’s event affords me immense pleasure to be here as speaker at this forum organised by the alumni of this great university. I know the quality of the audience here and the great tradition behind this citadel of learning where many lives have been molded and leaders trained. I salute the foresight of the founding fathers of the institution.

    Till date, the University of Ibadan remains a foremost Nigerian university. As a physician myself, I remember the place that the University College Hospital holds in this country even today. The name is mentioned with awe in many circles. Again, I salute the current leaders who have preserved its standards and tradition.

    In accepting to come here, I wish to use it to also bid you farewell, as this will be one of my last public lecture outside Delta state before handing over on May 29th to my successor, an alumnus of this university. I am sure this university is proud to have trained and prepared the incoming Governor of Delta state. There is no doubt that he will perform excellently well in the best tradition of UI.

    The topic we are considering today is important at this juncture in the history of our country as we transit from one government, from one ruling party to another. It is happening at a time the yearnings of Nigerians to join the league of developed states are palpable. On March 28 and April 11, the people spoke and we all heard. I think the decision of the people should not be taken lightly.

    Both parties, my party, the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) that ran the affairs of the country for 16 years, and the new kid on the block- the All Progressives Congress (APC) should take more than a passing interest in this unprecedented phenomenon.

    Distinguished ladies and gentlemen, let me now quickly look at the topic I have been assigned to speak on. I will not attempt to give theoretical, academic definition of the core terms and concepts employed in this lecture. This is primarily because my audience comprises not just those in the academia, but people of diverse backgrounds and interests. I have attended many academic conferences and I know the disputations that follow definitions. Most importantly, I believe the organizers invited me to deliver this paper because of my experience in the last eight years in Delta State. Had they wanted an academic paper, they would have invited a great Professor of Public Administration.

    However, I believe operational contextualization of key concepts will suffice as we go along. For a start, we cannot avoid explaining what Good Governance means to us in setting the stage for this paper. I have chosen, in the spirit of the topic, to narrow it down to good governance in the public sector. This is not because it is not relevant to the private sector where there exists much waste and mismanagement leading many private institutions to collapse. But, here, we limit definition of good governance in the public sector to the effective use of public resources for general good. We remember the Social Contract Theory which presupposes that leaders are recruited to ensure optimal utilization of resources—political, economic, social and spiritual—for the general good according to the terms agreed with the people.

    In any case, the 1999 constitution has a working definition of good governance. Section 14 states that government exists for the welfare and security of the people. It then behoves every elected leader and indeed appointed one for that matter to ensure that the expectations of the people, are met.

    Good governance in our age and time is therefore an integral part of democracy. Good governance is acting in accordance with the law; enthroning ennobling values and strengthening institutions of state with a view to getting them to perform to the expectations of the people. Good governance is dispensing justice without fear or favour.

    Good governance is realising that today is a passage through which we approach tomorrow. It is realising that governance is a long continuum. There is no end to it. Therefore, in conceiving and enunciating public policies, the leader, as administrator, should take both the short and long range perspective of issues at hand. He must be a man of VISION and MISSION. The vision is the plan, the map for the journey. It is usually spelt out in the party manifesto in a skeletal form. It is revealed through an ideology where there is one and subject to the approval of the electorate at the poll.

    A leader who lacks vision is purposeless as there can be no mission without vision. The mission is contained in specific goals outlined and the modus operandi is clear for getting the deliverables across to the people. It spells out how the welfare of the people is to be taken care of. In short, therefore, good governance is hinged on good vision. Good governance in our country at this time can only come through a leadership that would govern through leadership principles that represents the overall interest of Nigeria.

    One such principle is accountability and transparency. Government exists for the people and everyone must be carried along. The President and governors are mere caretakers and should therefore give account of that which they have been saddled with.  There is much work to do in Nigeria as well as Sub-Sahara Africa to reduce poverty and achieve great economic progress. One index that we must do everything in our power to reverse is our over-dependence on export of primary agriculture commodities and mineral resources. If we fail to do this, we shall remain permanent underachievers.

    At independence, in 1960 much of Sub-Saharan Africa, including Nigeria emerged from colonial rule with rural economy though we were relatively wealthier than South-East Asian economies. Today, that has changed. South East Asia economies are two and half times richer than Sub-Sahara African economies.

    Between 1960 and now, South East Asian economies grew by 6 percent while Sub-Saharan Africa by 3.5%. South East Asia achieved great progress by diversifying their economies from export of primary commodities into manufacturing, agro-processing, value addition and subsequently, they moved up in the value chain of the global economy.

    Sub-Saharan Africa remains exporters of primary commodities and mineral extraction. In Nigeria, oil export accounts for 90% of export proceeds and 70% of public revenue. This narrow revenue base is responsible for high unemployment; low income levels and is simply not economically sustainable. In Nigeria, I think everyone now knows that the oil sector has limited opportunities for employment. That is not all. The revenue from oil while making it possible for government to obtain funding for government activities creates a problem of its own at the same time. As rent, oil income creates distortion in the economy as it leads government not to pay attention to other productive sectors other than mining of oil. I guess this is the theory of oil curse.

    My point in the above is to highlight the thinking behind our policy of Delta beyond oil. If you wanted a conceptual explanation of Delta beyond—that is it. It made sense when we initiated this programme on assuming office eight years ago. In the light of recent crash in crude oil prices, it makes even more urgent sense today. We knew that depending on export of minerals has even more damaging effect on the economy, if not reversed. It is unpredictable and it is volatile. The external shock we face following the fall in crude oil prices is self-evident.

    et, I believe Nigeria is the country with the opportunity to lead the African renaissance. Nigeria is well endowed with good soil; Nigeria has good weather good condition; Nigeria has quality human capital and a population imbued with entrepreneurial spirit. But, somehow, we have managed not to harness our resources. Perhaps, the lack of vision and creativity is responsible. Perhaps, the political will. Perhaps all of the above, I might even add. It saddens me greatly that because of our condition many Nigerians, including professionals are doing menial jobs in other countries, some even engage in crime and prostitution, thus soiling our collective image as a nation.

    This is the challenge—the challenge of development. As Professor Okwudiba Nnoli once pointed out, development is not about the number of roads constructed—as important as it is, but the indigenous contribution to the provision of such amenities. For instance, how well represented are Nigerians in the management and running of the oil and gas sector of the economy? How well have we done in building a robust industrial sector (at a time the developed world is moving to post-industrial age)? In this Internet age, are we creating content? If we are not creating content, and only consume what others produce, are we not doomed? Good governance therefore is all encompassing.

    Ladies and gentlemen, I must declare that notwithstanding the earlier points I made about the state of Nigeria, I do believe some progress have been made but a lot more is needed. Far more has to be done. I say this conscious of the fact that the question might be posed to me: ‘but are you not one of them’? As a leader, I understood the enormous expectations of the people, I did what I thought was best in the interest of Delta state. I made my own contributions to the strengthening of national unity. I supported my party, the PDP and did not shy away from difficult political choices that confronted the party. I took positions I believe was in the best interest of the country. But ultimately, I believe in the principle of collective responsibility. I did my best and the facts show that it was so. But until Nigeria resumes it proper place in the community of nations, until Nigeria becomes a powerful nation with powerful voice across the world, I cannot say that my own contribution alone is enough.

    Therefore, the leadership of Nigeria must collectively fashion a new value system.  This is because it is the responsibility of leaders to mobilise the people towards effecting the necessary changes in attitude. It is the leaders’ duty to impart nationalism and patriotism in the people. The leaders have the sacred task of ensuring that there is sincere popular participation in conducting public affairs, rather than indifference, cynicism and apathy. I believe that the key to unlocking the great potential of Nigeria is to increase popular participation. The people must be involved.

    But, before I turn my attention to Delta state and its government that I lead, let me quickly reflect on a couple of points at the critical juncture we are in as a nation. The elections of March 28thand April 11thhave introduced a new reality. Nigeria’s electoral map has been redrawn.  It was the first time a ruling party would be voted out. It was also the first time that the defeated leader would submit so willingly to the verdict of the voters. President Jonathan has shown great leadership and statesmanship and we are proud of his conduct.  The election, however, also showed deep division, perhaps more than anyone could have anticipated. It was the first time the entire North would speak with one voice, and the old Eastern region also with a voice. The North Central, contrary to traditional pattern backed the opposition party- the APC. In voting, the entire North West voted massively for General Muhammadu Buhari, the APC candidate, while those in the South East and the South-South voted generally above 90 per cent for the PDP.

    The state elections were even worse for PDP. In Plateau State where the PDP managed a slim victory in the presidential election, the people hopped on the APC platform. Benue state unequivocally voted for the APC candidate. My interpretation is that these developments have placed a huge burden on the president-elect and his team to begin a unification and healing process of the country. The situation is so bad that not a single member of the National Assembly was elected on the platform of the APC in eleven of the twelve states of the old Eastern and Mid-Western region.

    I hope the APC leaders will listen to my voice as this will greatly help in moving the nation forward. I can speak of these things because as a member of the PDP that have governed Nigeria in the last 16 years, I am not without some understanding of what lies ahead.  My opinion does not make me less partisan or less chieftain of the PDP. I am a patriot but a card carry member of the PDP and I believe that my party despite its shortcomings and mistakes is still a great party with a profound vision for Nigeria and Africa.

    I believe that the PDP had a great vision for Nigeria and still has. PDP has done a lot for the country. PDP in 1999 was the party that took over from the military and within 16 years was able to consolidate civilian democratic rule. This is an achievement.    Had PDP not been so successful in deepening democratic values and institutions, there would be no APC as opposition about to take over office.  I accept PDP can be criticized for many things, but this party which did not exist before 1998 came together and with many strange bedfellows was able to stabilize the polity and began the process of massive economic reforms that has never been seen before in Nigeria.  As far as I know, PDP is a true National Party. APC was a vehicle to capture power. APC has to be tested before it can become a National Party.

    For the records, PDP governments initiated reforms in telecommunication, agriculture, power sector, expansion and reform of infrastructure such as road, airport, seaport, manufacturing, the rebasing of our economy showing the growth of our GDP as being the largest in Africa. There has been a lot of progress under the PDP within this period.

    You know I wish to state that, I have not taken a lot of time to study the ‘change’ APC is promising Nigerians. Now they are about to resume office, I hope they get serious about it. Recently, APC chieftains including the President-elect are saying something to the effect that they cannot perform miracle and that they will need time to make an impact.  Nigerians are not that patient.

    And it is for this reason that I am calling on the PDP to reinvent, reoragnise and reimagine itself. The PDP has to show that it is a party of credible leaders with robust and visionary progamme. As opposition party, the PDP has to be effective as a party and as the conscience of the nation. Gone are the days when party’s leaders boasted that the PDP would hold on to the reins of power for sixty years. It took only sixteen years for that dream to collapse. This is not the time to despair. This is the time for hard work. I call on all committed, knowledgeable and mature leaders to step forward to pick up the pieces. If the New Patriotic Party and National Democratic Congress could do it in Ghana, the PDP could yet bounce back. It has the resources to do so. We may have lost the election but let us not lose the lesson of the defeat. As Confucius, the Chinese philosopher once said: “Our greatest glory is not in never falling, but in rising every time we fall”

    In 2007 Deltans gave me on the PDP platform the mandate to govern, and we have, I believe, done so to the best of our ability.  Delta state with this administration set out on a journey of transformation, anchored on the three point agenda of Peace and Security, Human Capital and Infrastructure Development aimed at diversifying our economy from over-depending on oil. We christened our transformation goal: “Delta Beyond oil”.

    It was a tall ambition but it was worth every effort we have so far put into this initiative of building a politically, economically and culturally inclusive society in the midst of our diversity.

    No part of Delta has been left behind. No part has been neglected. It was not easy. At the beginning, we felt people did not quite understand what we were trying to do. Overtime, however, that changed. We found the people had a growing understanding of our ideas, programme and vision.

    Our mission of building a Delta beyond oil has proven not misplaced if the recent crash in oil prices is anything to go by. The fall in oil prices has led to decline in public revenue, budget cuts, depreciation of the naira and raising inflation. I am happy that we had already started the journey of shifting Delta from over-reliance on oil income. The administration following us has something to build upon.