Category: Opinion

  • Establishing Nigeria’s Thanksgiving Day

    The Thanksgiving has been known to be a reverently celebrated holiday in the United States of America. The U.S. is a country whose rich republican union should serve as a great example of unity in diversity to our country, Nigeria. Native Americans whom the first Europeans greeted were quite a diverse people like us in Nigeria an according to historical records, must have spoken between 300 and 350 distinct languages, with their societies and ways of life varying in like numbers.

    Intense struggles to overcome forces within and without have also been a somewhat permanent feature of the US as a country. Of immediate relevance in America’s war and march towards independence was the Boston riot in Massachusetts, on March 5, 1770. This upheaval was one of the most important events that led to the great resentment of British colonialism and the resultant American Revolution five years later. The 13 colonies which made up the original 13 states of the US met on July 2, 1776, with 56 delegates to the Continental Congress, to ratify a document that had been prepared by Thomas Jefferson, severing all elements of obeisance to Great Britain. On July 4, 1776 the famous Declaration of Independence was made. America struggled to get it right and today, that country is a conglomeration of the human race: native Indians, Europeans, Africans, Hispanics and all manners of races which find succour in the freedom and prosperity availed by that society.

    What is the drift of my discourse here? Nigeria as a nation shares many striking similarities with the United States. With a population of over 170 million, more than 250 ethnic groups and 300 languages, our country is as diverse as it can be. Many of these groups had existed as independent nationalities prior to 1914. Many are quick to point out that the amalgamation of Northern and Southern Nigeria on January 1, 1914 was purely done for political expediency and administrative convenience and therefore a colossal mistake. The truth is that a mistake of amalgamation that has endured 100 years, 54 of which has been spent as an independent nation, deserves some other, and better appellation.

    We as a nation have been through a tragic Civil War, which happened barely seven years into independence. Forty-five years after the end of the Civil War, we have managed to trudge on albeit with many ups and downs. We have had to endure a spate of military governments, ranging from the benign to the horrendous, and we survived. We have also experienced a number of civilian administrations, ranging from one that was inept to one that held promise and hope, and to the out rightly clueless. In all, Nigerians as a people have suffered and endured the horror of bad governance. But since the advent of the fourth republic which began in 1999, nothing has put the country more on the precipice and close to total annihilation than the 2015 elections.

    The fears were not without reasons. Apostles of doom had prophesised the demise of the Nigerian nation by 2015. Supposedly the year should be Nigeria’s own apocalypse and events as they unfolded brought that awful moment nearer. Many relocated within the country and many ventured out altogether. Seeing the vast number of people that were struggling to leave the country through the international airport on the eve of the elections, someone joked wryly about who remains to cast the ballot after everyone has fled. The fear that pervaded the atmosphere was palpable. Trepidation and uncertainty hung in the air and the atmosphere was tense.

    The elections have now been held and although it was not totally devoid of infringements, the good outcomes have surpassed our collective expectations. The most credible international pre-election polls had predicted that the Presidential election would be too close to call. That had compounded our fears for the worst. Even with the gentleman’s agreement entered into by incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan and his strongest opponent and now President-elect, General Muhammmadu Buhari, fears were not allayed. What with open threats by ethnic militias, political jobbers and hangers-on? We must however commend the initiators of the peace accords, the first which was signed on January 14 and the second signed on March 26.

    Although the masses were determined to express their opinion through the ballot, they nonetheless resorted to fervent prayers for the country. That was the majority who had nowhere to flee. The manifestation of the acceptance of that prayer was the concession of victory to General Buhari by President Jonathan, in a most gracious and statesmanly manner. That singular acts defused all tensions and put the hawks at bay. But for that concession, the conflagration that would have enveloped the country as a whole would have been unprecedented; and given that the country, her psyche and social fabric could not now withstand such type of stressful horrors of the pre-Civil War years, it could have sounded the death knell for our beloved country as predicted. We must thank God now that it did not go that way, and we must continue to thank God that it saved us the precipice; hence the idea of having our own National Thanksgiving Day.

    For the Christians, this is Biblical as espoused in the Psalms, chapter 118. And for the Muslims, Allah says in Qur’an chapter 14 verse 7, “…if you are grateful, I will give you more” and He warned in the same breath, “…but if you show ingratitude, truly my punishment is severe indeed”. The need to be thankful to God is further taught in two consecutive chapters (93 and 94) of the Qur’an, with the last verse of Chapter 93 enjoining believers to proclaim the bounties of their Lord.

    Therefore, as a nation we should pick a day for national thanksgiving that would feature a multi-faith gathering at Abuja and similar ones in all states throughout the country. It should be day of practical tutoring of the young ones in developing the spirit of gratitude to Almighty God, sportsmanship, cooperation and positive compromise.  These moral values should be incorporated into the school curriculum from nursery to university as is already been done at Crescent University, Abeokuta with a compulsory course named Global Citizenship. Our young ones through sports and other competitions should imbibe and develop positive disposition towards losing gallantly and winning with grace. They should know that in every competition there must winners and losers who must embrace each other at the end with losers planning to become winners next time around.

     

    H.E Ajibola is former Attorney-General and Minister of Justice.

  • Off-loading the presidential fleet

    Until 1999, the Presidential Fleet was under the control and supervision of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation. Before 1999, senior air force officers in their grey upon blue well ironed uniforms were seen on the eleventh floor of Federal Secretariat which was then the office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, hanging around. But in June 1999, President Olusegun Obasanjo transferred the fleet to be part of the schedule of the Chief of Staff to the President.

    The argument was that since the Chief of Staff was the head of the staff attached to the President and since he was aware of the hourly movement of the President, he was in a better position to control the fleet adequately. I understand that the fleet is now under my friend, Col. Sabo Dasuki (rtd.), the National Security Adviser.  Before 1999, the fleet was almost dormant for lack of use.

    General Ibrahim Babangida (72) hardly travels outside the country except to visit some states and Chief Earnest Oladeinde Adegunle Shonekan (79) whose tenure lasted less than 100days made use of the fleet only once when he attended the Commonwealth conference outside Nigeria. The second time he used the fleet was when he was overthrown and brought down to Lagos in company of Chief Dapo Sarumi.

    General Sani Abacha hardly travelled outside Abuja; in fact during his era, pilots attached to the Presidential Fleet complained of underutilisation, raising fears that they might lose their licenses for not flying enough. In 1997, he made only five trips outside Abuja; in 1998, he made three trips, the fourth would have taken him to Ouagadougou in Burkina Faso on June 8, 1998 for the African Union Conference, the very day that he died.

    General Abdusalam Abubakar who spent less than eleven months in office was too busy with his transition programme that he hardly travelled. He made four trips during his era, two to Niger Delta to inspect the oil spillage in that area

    As for President Olusegun Okikiolu Obasanjo, the Jagunmolu of Egbaland, he was a flying President. Even till today, when the Presidential Fleet is outside his control, he is still flying around the world. He loves to fly. That is the way he is. And the pilots attached to the Presidential Fleet loved him for that.

    The Presidential Fleet still remains today the most important posting in the Nigerian Air force. For example, the present Chief of Defence Staff, Marshall Alex Sabundu Badeh was a product of the Presidential fleet, as he flew former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar between 1999 and 2007 severally.

    Even the present Chief of Air Staff, Air Marshal Adesola Nunayun Amosu was a product of the Nigeria Presidential Air fleet too. The fleet has one of the largest aircrafts in the world in comparison to other countries.

    The British Prime Minister has no presidential aircraft. Members of the British government charter either British Airways or Virgin Atlantic most times.

    The government of Tunisia operates a Boeing 737 BBJ. An Airbus A340-500 has also been purchased and VIP configured, but was never used for travel and has been stored since 2011 revolution that ousted former dictator Ben Ali. The Tunisian government is reportedly trying to sell both aircraft.

    The government of Algeria operates an Airbus A340-500.

    The chief executive of Hong Kong travels on commercial aircraft, usually operated by Cathay Pacific. He travels within the travel on helicopters operated by the Government Flying Service.

    The Ivorian government uses a Gulf IV as a VIP aircraft. Further they also use a government Boeing 727-200WGL.

    The State of Israel does not currently possess a specific jet for use of its Head of State. Wherever the current Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu flies long distances (out of the country), the government leases an airliner from the state airline El Al. Meanwhile the President Reuvin Rivlin and other high ranking dignitaries are relegated to El Al first class commercial service. As of 2014, the Knesset is considering the purchase of such an airplane, dubbed “Israeli Air Force One”

    Kenya’s President has a Fokker 70 for use as the presidential jet. Fokker executive plane was purchased at a cost of $50 million. The 70-seater jet was reconfigured into telecommunication facilities. Prior to the purchase of the Fokker, the Kenya President primarily used Kenya Airways for his international travel.

    The Saudi Arabian Royal Flight operates a Boeing 747-300 and a Boeing 747-400 for use by the King of Saudi Arabia.

    The President, Prime Minister of Singapore and government officials typically travel on regular scheduled commercial flights run by Singapore Airlines. However, on rare occasions or short trips, government officials may travel on one of the few passenger-configured Fokker-50 operated by the Republic of Singapore Air Force.

    The President of South Africa travels in a Boeing 737 (BBJ) operated by the South African Air Force’s 21 Squadron, which is based at AFB Waterkloof near Pretoria; the executive capital, i.e. the seat of the executive branch of the South African government.

    21 Squadron also operates a fleet of two Falcon 50 and a Falcon 900B Fleet,550/1 Citation 2, and a Global Express XRS is hired to escort the President on long flights as a back-up aircraft. The Falcon 900 is normally used by the Deputy President and high-ranking cabinet ministers.

    The President of Zimbabwe travels in a charted Air Zimbabwe Boeing 767-200ER aircraft, which is part of the national airline’s fleet. Occasionally, the President will share the plane with commercial passengers on scheduled flights.

    The Tanzania government flight agency operates a Gulfstream G550 for VIP transports. There are other two other VIP aircraft a Fokker F-50 and F-28 for internal and regional destinations as well.

    The President of Ghana flies on a Falcon EX 900 jet.

    The Botswana Defence Force operated a Gulfstream IV transport but has since been sold and the Botswana Defence Force now operates a Global Express OK1.

    The government of Burkina uses a special Boeing 727. A Falcon 900 has been added, and is the type frequently in use now.

    The Egyptian government operates an Airbus A340-200 as a VIP transport. The first presidential airplane was given as a gift from Saudi Arabia to Egypt.

    The Pope is one of the richest and famous men on earth. He is the Head of the Catholic Church that has followership all over the world.

    Typically, the Pope flies on a chartered Alitalia fixed-wing aircraft when travelling to or from more distant destinations. Traditional protocol dictates that a Pope flies to a country he is visiting o a chartered Alitalia jet and to return on a jet belonging to a flag carrier from the visited nation; this may vary when he is touring multiple nations.

    The Nigerian’s Presidential Air fleet is being maintained by over N10 billion budget annually.

    Poor states like Osun, Gombe, Ebonyi, Ekiti gets less than N2 billion every month from the federation account. The Presidential Fleet of Nigeria has the third largest air fleet in the country coming behind Arik which has 22 and Aero Contractors which has 14. The Presidential Air fleet has 10 aircraft. They include, two Falcon 7X jet, two Falcon 900jets, Gulfstream 550,one Boeing 737 BBJ (Nigerian Air Force 001 or Eagle One), Gulfstream IVSP.

    Others are one Gulfstream V, Cessna Citation 2 aircraft and Hawk Siddley 125-800 jet.

    Each of the two Falcon 7X jets purchased in 2010 cost $51.1m, while the Gulfstream 550 costs $53.3m. However, airline CEOs put the average price of Falcon 900 at $35m, Gulfstream IVSP at $40m, Gulfstream V at $45m, Boeing 737 BBJ at $58m, Cessna Citation is $7m and Hawker Siddley 125-800 at $125-800 at $15m.

    The question before us is can we maintain the Presidential Airfleet in the face of our dwindling economy? The answer is no.

    The alternative is to sell some of the aircraft so as to reduce cost.

    It is even cheaper to charter planes for some of our top officials than to maintain the Presidential Airfleet as it is now.

    The other angle is to let the Nigerian Air force face other challenges, instead of the present rivalry among senior officers over posting to the presidential air fleet.

    I think we have many projects to tackle. Instead of the temporary comfort of our leaders. All these are for the consideration of the incoming government of Major General(rtd.) Muhammadu Buhari.

    In his Essays of Innovation, Francis Bacon wrote” And he that will not apply new remedies, must expect new evil; for time is the greatest innovator.”

    • Teniola, a former director at the presidency, stays in Lagos.

     

  • Oil and Nigeria’s missed opportunities

    In 1958, Nigerians received the message of the maiden extraction of crude oil with euphoria. Exploration and the revenue therefrom accelerated at the end of the civil war in 1970. Money was flowing into Nigeria’s treasury in the early 1970s to the extent that the first impulse of the then head of state was that the country had so much money than it could spend. It did not occur to that government and subsequent governments that saving national revenue is one of the building blocks of economic development defined as industrialization in this commentary. Although the price of crude oil has fluctuated since 1970, Nigeria’s revenue from the commodity has remained high enough to give the country’s economic planners and leaders sufficient resource to shepherd the economy to the doorstep of industrialization. The latter has not happened 45 years after the civil war.

    Price of crude oil has been impressive and the quantity of production has skyrocketed since 1980.  Nigeria produced 8.5 billion barrels of crude oil in the 10-year period 2004-2013 of which eight billion barrels were exported while the balance was distributed to domestic refineries.  NNPC data also show that Nigeria produced an average of 800, 000, 000 barrels of crude oil a year from 2004-2013. This means that aggregate annual revenue each year was equally impressive. Recent figures from OPEC show that Nigeria earned $84 billion and $77 billion from export of crude oil in 2013 and 2014 respectively.  The drop in earnings in 2014 was the result of the fall in the price of the commodity in the fourth quarter of that year. However, $77 billion from one commodity is an impressive earning in a developing society if leaders know what they are doing. But the irony is that the more money Nigeria makes from crude oil, the more its political leaders put the country in debt through constant borrowing from international agencies.

    Debt -servicing cost the country approximately US$9 billion in 2005 alone. The lack of economic development, a crumbled social and physical infrastructure, high rate of unemployment, and extreme deprivation the citizens experienced since the second decade of the end of the civil war was once blamed on the notion that debt-servicing severely handicapped the ability of the government to pursue economic development.  Nigerian leaders, military and civilian, floated the idea that reduction, or elimination, of the debt burden would provide them with the revenue to embark on the project of national development. Then debt relief the awaited saving grace came to the rescue.

    Nigeria’s external debt in October 2005 was $30 billion. The Paris Club offered a debt relief of $18 billion that same year. Nigeria paid off an outstanding amount of $12 billion in April 2006. Proud of its role in the negotiations, as it should be, the Center for Global Development (CGD) called Nigeria’s debt relief a watershed deal.  It was a turning point, indeed a landmark in the state of affairs of the country.  But there has not been a significant change by way of economic development except that Nigeria was recently named the largest economy in Africa because of growth in GDP.

    Economic development is what the people of a country do for themselves by themselves in search of sustainable means of sustenance and individual and national self-actualization under the leadership of a development-oriented state. Discounting the immediate independence years, 1960-1969, consumed by civil strife and war, Nigerian leaders have always had opportunities to move the country to economic development since the end of the war in 1970. But successive generations of leaders squandered and continue to squander those opportunities till the present day.  The missed opportunities fall under five levels namely, a group of immediate post-independence politicians desirous of development epitomized by the investments they made in education, agriculture, industry and infrastructure; a relatively efficient public bureaucracy or civil service; a high quality educational system left behind by erstwhile colonizers; a succession of military governments unencumbered by opposition and high cost of government; and debt relief which Nigeria has enjoyed since 2006; plus a steady flow oil revenue .

    The immediate post-independence political leaders were enthusiastic about national and regional development. Michael Okpara in Eastern Nigeria, Obafemi Awolowo in Western Nigeria, and Ahmadu Bello in Northern Nigeria were and still are worshipped by their constituents because of the foundations they laid in education, agriculture, industry, and physical infrastructure. Nnamdi Azikiwe led the founding of the first indigenous university in Nigeria with the apt and inspirational motto, ‘To Restore The Dignity of Man’, meaning that Nigerians would have their destiny in their own hands and turn things around for a better society. Major roads sprang up in many parts of Nigeria. Regional and national governments funded their annual budgets and fulfilled the promises of their development plans using  non-oil resources of their regions. The civil strife of 1966-70 arising from the country’s faulty geoethnostructure halted those moves towards development.  We will never know whether or not the immediate post-independence leaders were indeed a developmental elite. But they had the hallmarks of that label compared to successor generations of leaders.

    Like their elected counterpart, regional and national bureaucrats of the immediate independence period were efficient, in fact well educated, intelligent and development-oriented compared to their present-day counterparts. The civil service of today is broken.  The majority of employees are idle and unable to justify the reason for which they were employed.  Anyone who wants to see the meaning of underemployment defined as workers with fewer tasks than they are supposed to perform, or are capable of performing, should take a focused observation of state and federal government offices in all parts of Nigeria.  There are little or no tasks for employees of an overstaffed institution. The politicians and the bureaucrats of the immediate post-independence years were not saints. But they invested their knowledge, sentiments, and best capabilities to better the lives of their constituents. Names like N.U. Akpan, Allison Ayida, Jerome Udoji, Simeon Adebo, and others of the same generation were conspicuous in the national psyche. That the likes of the latter did not continue is another missed opportunity.

    • Ukaegbu, Professor of Sociology and National Development writes from USA       c-ukaegbu@northwestern.edu
  • Electoral violence, unity and peace

    “The surest way to encourage violence is to give in to it.” – Author Unknown

    “There is no force, however formidable, that aunited people cannot overcome.”

    Kwame NkrumahOn March 28 and April 11l, Nigerians eligible to vote went to the polls to elect political office holders. And the results have been announced with the winners celebrating and the losers reflecting.

    Nevertheless in almost every election year since independence political and electoral violence has become part and parcel of the Nigerian electoral process. During our Election 2011 about 800 or more Nigerians (including 10 youth corps members) died as a direct result of political and electoral violence. And in Election 2015 the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) will be investigating 66 incidents in 19 states.

    How can we stop electoral violence? How can we maintain law and order during and after the elections? How can we protect the lives and property of the citizens of Nigeria? How can we let peace reign in Nigeria especially during an election year? How can we ensure that “PEACE in NIGERIA” is the ULTIMATE WINNER in every election year? How can we as Nigerian citizens come together in unity and agreement and make peaceful elections a reality in Nigeria?

    Looking at our history from just before independence to date, Nigerians, as a people, have only come together in unity and agreement on five major occasions.

    The first was at independence. Just before we became an independent nation, our goal was to be liberated from Britain. Our founding fathers and all Nigerians were united on that. We were able to achieve our goal on October 1, 1960, the day the Union Jack was lowered permanently in our country and the Nigerian flag hoisted. Unfortunately, our unity started and ended there as our leaders proceeded to play to the gallery by engaging in regional and tribal politics, which was the politics of their time. They had no clear-cut vision for Nigeria as a nation.

    The second time was 33 years later on June 12, 1993. The goal was to force General Ibrahim Babangida out of office through the ballot box. On that fateful day, as a people and a nation, we stood united at the polls. This unity took place irrespective of ethnic group, religion, sex or age.

    Chief Moshood Abiola had won in 19 of the then 30 states but General Babangida annulled the election just before the final count was announced. The result was to spiral us through a dark tunnel of chaos, crisis and calamity.

    The third time was immediately after General Sani Abacha’s death. The goal of Nigerians was for a quick return to democracy. We were united in the cause. Within less than a year, on May 29, 1999, an elected democratic government was sworn in.

    The fourth time was the fuel subsidy strike that started on the first of January 2012 and lasted for a week.

    The fifth time was during the Ebola virus outbreak in 2014. The federal and state governments, hospitals, schools, banks, offices, institutions e.t.c put measures in place to stop Ebola in its tracks. From federal government to state government to the citizen on the street, we were all united in our effort to fight Ebola.

    How can we come together in unity and agreement to ensure that “PEACE in NIGERIA” is the ULTIMATE WINNER every time we have elections? What are the things we can do? What are the things we need to do? What are the things we must do? How do we create unity for a peaceful election?

    Unity is strength! Unity is power! Getting Nigerians in unity and agreement can create peace.

    Some more questions we still need to ask for future elections are: How can we create a campaign around a violence-free peaceful election? How can we create activities that will promote peace during elections? What can we do to get fellow Nigerians to buy into the idea of a peaceful election? What can we do to get the politicians and their parties to buy into the idea of a peaceful election and make it a reality? What can we do to get the two major parties to buy into the idea of a peaceful election and make it a reality?

    Can there be a penalty for the most violent party? Can there be an award for the most violent-free and most peaceful party? Can we give an award for the least violent/most peaceful state in the nation? How can we think out-of-the-box in the way we solve this problem of electoral violence?

    How can we stop people, politicians and political parties from making inciting statements? Can we have a counter to measure how many inciting words were used by each of the parties in their campaigns? How can we curb the excesses of political supporters? Can we as Nigerian citizens challenge INEC to consider and implement their proposed creation of an Electoral Offenses Commission with the power to investigate and prosecute electoral offenders? How can we encourage a peaceful transfer of power every time elections come up in Nigeria? These are hard questions we need to ask and get answers to now to ensure that “PEACE IN NIGERIA” is always the ULTIMATE WINNER in our future elections!

    In conclusion, as Barthelemy Enfantin once said “If you would preserve peace, then prepare for peace”.

    • Ms Simoyan writes from Lagos

     

  • Tamuno: The sacred canopy of our rainbow coalition – 1

    Professor Tekena Tamuno (1932-2015), a former Vice-Chancellor of the University of Ibadan, joined his ancestors on Saturday, April 11. He once used the metaphor of the “mother banana” and the “banana family” to illustrate the dynamics of the continuum and how our universe functions: that as the mother banana dies, it gives birth to a new one! In essence, Professor Tamuno was this “mother banana,” forever green, immortal, and transcendental.

    Most certainly, there are greater minds to attest to Professor Tamuno’s long career; furthermore, there are hundreds of eye-witnesses to recount his days as the Vice Chancellor of the University of Ibadan; while there are also far more talented historians than my humble self to highlight his contributions to the writing of Nigerian history. Yet, as an act of fate as someone who interacted with him for over three decades, I have had the privilege of producing this tribute in his honor, and he deserves every laudatory statement I can make.

    I was drawn to Professor Tamuno in equal percentages: a third because of his personality; another third for his style; and a final third on behalf of his professionalism. Therefore, my tribute is arranged to touch upon each of these triple perspectives that together constitute his heritage. When Malcolm X died in February of 1965, Ossie Davis described him in his eulogy as a shining black star.  Similarly, Professor Tamuno, in my estimation, was one of our shining stars in the sky, one that we looked up to for the light that could illuminate the path on which we walked.

    Professionally, Professor Tamuno was a prolific historian, and without exaggeration, I can underscore, also without reservation, that there was none in his generation that out-produced him. On the leadership front, he was a talented leader, and there was no one that served on more committees, commissions and fact-finding missions more than he did. He got things done, and he produced consensus, indeed far more than anyone of his generation. His overall success, I had come to assume, was because he understood himself: He was open as well as being mutually respectful of others while still being conscious of his terrain and his place in history, unique qualities that he never exaggerated, not even for a moment.

    On my part, I can only offer a summation—indeed a précis—of his glorious career as a professional historian. In it all, Professor Tamuno was Ibadan personified in a variety of ways: he entered the University of Ibadan in 1953 and he continued to live in Ibadan City, with a few interruptions, courtesy of national and international engagements, till 2015. He was a citizen of the city of Ibadan and he was certainly preeminently far more qualified than I, the “son of the soil,” to be an Ibadan chief. There was no significant academic or administrative position at the University of Ibadan that he was not invited to occupy; and as the records clearly demonstrate, he never struggled for any of them, from the Head of Department to the Vice-Chancellor, all positions in which he served with distinction.

    From his PhD thesis to his very last piece of writing, he was perpetually pre-occupied by not less than six inter-related investigations: (i) the evolution of Nigeria, from its precolonial indigenous culture to the modern, and from the creation of amalgamated Nigeria through colonial conquest to the end of British rule; (ii) the creation of roads and railways to provide modern infrastructure and communication systems; (iii) law and order in a changing state, in terms of an indigenous security system, the police force, and the army; (iv) institutions of governance (how federalism evolved, and how our leaders managed and betrayed us); (v) the stages in our growth from 1885 to the present; and  (vi) our various predicaments, including issues of underdevelopment, poverty and leadership deficit.  In all, after offering a sober analysis, he would confess, as he once did in a keynote address delivered in 1983 for a conference on nation-building:

    We are humble enough to acknowledge that we know not yet all we wish to know about this great country, Nigeria, about its great people, and their great problems.

    Limited space is often a thief of money and time, sadly disempowering me from a detailed critical elaboration of the aforementioned points. Yet, I also know very well that space cannot steal reflexivity. “Nigeria matters,” Tamuno proclaimed to all listening ears. In all of his writings, he persuasively argued that the problems of Nigeria would ultimately yield to its success. He gathered tremendous amounts of data on specific institutions, always trying to highlight the weight and import of evidence, and more so the importance of the explicit over the implicit. He was, in varied ways, a masterful storyteller, bringing out variation upon variation in dealing with topics and themes, mapping debates, respecting various opinions, and creating his own ideas. He certainly understood the workings of a nation in formation, a political elite that was conflicted, and of institutions that were in the process of maturation. He had a firm grounding in archival sources, for many years unearthing more archival “gems” than many of his peers. His perspective was both regional and national, as he was always offering nuanced understanding of the Nigerian condition.

    Irrespective of the moment in our history, our anguish and sorrow, Professor Tamuno applied the gentle balm, as he wiped our tears, and he sang joyful songs, indeed as, inter alia, he once did in the following words:

    Hence, they are

    Songs of joy and sorrow,

    Paeans of pleasure,

    Groans of pain,

    That blends moments of mirth

    With those of wrath,

    But with no target enemies,

    With no firm friends

    With an appeal, or whatever,

    To all of goodwill over the world

    [Songs of an Egg-head (Alafeni: Port Harcourt, 1982).]

    I knew him well as a Nigerian! As I still recall, I was with him for a few days in 1990, when he was at the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies at Kuru where he worked temporarily as a Visiting Professor.  In excitement, he took me to visit a plot of land that he bought in Jos to build his retirement house. To my surprise, he confided his retirement plan with me, saying that living in that part of Nigeria, the center of the country, represented his affirmation of the country’s oneness.

    The seriousness of his “oneness” understanding of Nigeria as a nation was the driving force of his intellectual career of well over half a century. He chose themes of oneness, from the evolution of the country’s boundaries to the institutions of managing the state, such as the police. Bothered by issues around violence, he devoted considerable space in his scholarship to the analysis of conflicts and strategies for peace. His demeanor, words, and strategic choices represented peace—both in over a dozen private discussions as well as in public where his humility was always fresh and striking. He was never tired of welcoming guests, giving them food from his garden, laughter from his heart, and generosity from his spirit.

    • Prof Falola writes from University of Texas at Austin
  • Defections as trading by another name

    Kehinde Bamigbetan comes across as someone in a haste to fulfill the mission of his generation. He leaves you with no doubt about what he thinks about his society and its socio-economic colouration. When laying out his thoughts on the serious issues of his time, you get the impression that nothing would please him more than to satisfy Chief ObafemiAwolowo in his grave and to bring to bear in his own time that famous quote of Franz Fanon that says “Each generation must, out of relative obscurity, discover its mission, fulfill it, or betray it.” A deep thinker, the former chairman of Ejigbo Local Council Development Area is a man whose unassuming demeanor and ordinariness belies his deep intellectual thoughts. In his submission about society and a man’s place in it, you’re also left with no doubt that Bamigbetan is a Leftist ideologue whose views about the socio-economic and political underpinnings that makes a society would readily find comfort in an Ivory Tower that is solely dedicated to the mass production of brigades of radical thinkers, whose only mission is to force society to embark on a journey it ordinarily would have objected, even for its own good.

    I had asked this young and promising politician in an interview for a niche publication last year why Nigerian politicians always move with ease from one political party platform to another like they change clothes. Hear him: “Our kind of political economy is the commercial capitalist system in which trading is a dominant mode for perpetuation. Even the nation itself is a commercial post of the multinationals…It is a trading post. The ruling class is forced to operate within the system of appropriation that the system recommends. Just look around you, the guys making money are the traders. They’re either trading money in the banking system or they’re trading goods; that’s what Dangote does. Or they’re trading oil; and that’s what Otedola does. This business element also has its own political class who’re also traders…The politicians are not directors of companies where they can be having funds coming to them on a regular basis, based on what they’ve done as hard work in the past. They do not have industrial perspective. No long-term planning. No long-term training. No long-term investment. They’re basically short-term traders. This is the mentality they bring into politics. In that kind of situation you can never have consistent ideologues. You’re going to have political traders. So, what is happening is that you have somebody joining PDP today, going back to APC, leaving APC for LP and leaving that to go back to PDP. He’s just trading with power, network and influence. Those who choose to be ideological or to be consistent are going to suffer for it because they’re rebelling against the dominant values of the system.”

    The gale of defections witnessed by Nigerians in the aftermath of the recently concluded elections where 16 years of hegemonic dominance of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) suddenly came crashing down might as well be seen as one of the commandments of Nigerian politicians. One cannot but wonder if there’s any system, ideals or things on this planet that Nigerians – if introduced into their environment – does not possess the capacity to adulterate, render more or less useless and outright desecrate rather than ennoble. Although the egregious and shameless defections of the country’s politicians was widely condemned and president-elect Buhari has said that he would rather that the PDP quickly recalibrate itself into a virile opposition, it’s rather disheartening to learn that some key APC leaders met with PDP’s Vincent Ogbulafor of the 60-year rule fame for talks about his defection. It has also been reported that it’s just a matter of time before PDP’s Senate Majority Leader Victor Ndoma-Egba announce that the wind of change blew him into the APC and he just had no choice. It doesn’t get more nauseating than that.

    While the freedom of movement and association as enshrined in the country’s constitution cannot be argued, what needs to be under close scrutiny – if not argued – is the right of refusal by a group whose fundamental interests may not be well served by an ‘invading force’ with all manners of unsavory characters because the constitution guarantee them freedom of association. Unfortunately, the APC is not advancing any powerful argument to preclude these people whose mission should be suspect at best. One cannot but wonder about the wisdom in accepting those who not only did everything possible to sabotage the party’s legitimate efforts to compete for power, but who were also absolutely inconsequential to the success of the party at the recently concluded polls. It will be the day when Ayo Fayose announced that he had never seen a party he’s so proud to associate with than the APC! It’s annoying when our politicians grab the microphone to tell Nigerians that what they did was in the national interest when it’s absolutely clear that all roads lead not to the toll gate of the national interest highway but to their personal economic well-being. They wouldn’t have recognized “national interest” if it came calling and sat in their living rooms for days.

    Bamigbetan’s statement may very well epitomize the deep dislocation in the polity that is probably too overwhelming to be addressed in a fundamental way by the nation’s unhinged and fluid political class. His statement may also have inadvertently exposed the pathetic disposition of the country’s economic and political class as nothing but a bunch of crass opportunists who are completely devoid of any ideological anchor or ennobling social precepts. While it is easy to isolate and pillory the political class – and rightly so – for the Hobbesian nature of the Nigerian state, perhaps it might be necessary to attempt to holistically look at this negative political phenomenon. The Nigerian state has never enjoyed any long, sustaining internal tranquility necessary for growth because she has never really been allowed to organically evolve into any orderly stage of development with her in-built, self-correcting mechanism. Her compass has always been unsteady and fuzzy either through a needless war, military putsches of primitive inclinations and unintelligent and base over lording of one political tendency against another, which has rendered the polity to be perpetually wobbly.

    I have said it before, and it’s worth repeating here that what spirituality and religion are to the human soul are what politics and political parties are to a politician and by extension, to society. For any internal tranquility and up building of the soul to be maintained, the human individual must first be acutely aware of his spirituality. It’s after this awareness must have been properly situated in his inner recess that he can then find the right religion that meets his spirituality. This same principle guides politics and political parties. The one that calls himself a politician must have been able to identify his core values, having aggregated his morals, beliefs and those other societal experiences of his life as the bases of his politics – and be comfortable with them – before he can now look for a political party that fits into his core values. Failure to recognize this principle is in fact the reason why the polity has always been so ‘riotous’ on all fronts.

    Abubakar Shekau probably would have had elected members at the National Assembly by now, if not a few elected Boko Haram governors and House of Assembly members to boot if he had instituted a political party (and he would not have been wrong) based on his religious beliefs of amputating the hands that steals and relegating the women in the states he controls to ‘beasts of burden’. Politicians are not doing themselves any good floating around without any moral/ideological anchor neither will the country make any significant advancement in her developmental trajectory no matter how hard they try.

    • Odere is a media practitioner. He can be reached at femiodere@gmail.com.
  • Buhari: Beware of desperadoes

    Despite the warnings by Chief John Oyegun, the All Progressives Congress (APC) National Chairman that there will be “no place for gold diggers in APC Federal Government”, and President-elect Muhammadu Buhari’s earlier declaration that recent joiners of the party “should not expect to become ministers in his incoming government”, some desperate characters are still unrelenting in their manoeuvring to gate-crash into the new administration.

    I am particularly worried about the on-going invasion of APC by our Igbo brothers who now suddenly pretend to love Buhari more than those who braced all odds to make him President.  No one in his right senses will advocate that Igbos should be excluded from Buhari’s administration as they are equal citizens, protected by the constitution to participate fully at all levels of the Nigerian government.  Whether they voted for that government or not is immaterial.  For the purpose of clarification too, I wish to point out that I am a Lagos-based Northerner, and GMB ardent supporter, who is gainfully engaged in foreign exchange business, which takes me regularly to Port Harcourt, Aba and Onitsha.  I have more Igbo friends and clients than any other tribe in Nigeria. I hear and speak a little bit of the language.  So, I can never hate the Igbo.  Rather, I admire and respect them for their hard work and business sense. But, decency should guide our conduct.

    During the campaign period, I regularly witnessed the most negative and unbelievable hate discussions among educated Igbo against GMB in particular and APC in general.  It was as if they were prepared to lynch anybody who dared to market GMB to them.  This is why it is very important for the APC hierarchy in general and GMB in particular to appreciate the courage of the few visionary Igbo who braced unspeakable odds to be on the side of GMB during his season of hate. Where were the Ike Nwachukwus, the Vincent Ogbulafors, the Charles Soludos, the Ken Nnamanis, the Jim Nwobodos, the Idika Kalus and others when the conventional wisdom was to hate Buhari first and think after?

    Buhari must be careful to accord any serious accommodation to these “solidarity” tourists and others who are spending stolen money to advertise themselves.  Take the case of an obviously sponsored article in a national newspaper of last Saturday brazenly advertising “Men Buhari Cannot Ignore”.

    In the said write-up, Soludo was conspicuously placed first.  Apart from his stint at the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), which financial institution has Soludo ever worked to be advertised as “a financial expert”?  Everyone knows him to be an Economist, but because he has always had his eyes on Okonjo-Iweala’s job, he is now promoting himself as a financial expert.  From Nasir El Rufai’s account, Soludo almost treacherously upstaged Okonjo-Iweala during her first coming as Finance Minister.  Could there be a link to his quest for that office and the tirade he published a few weeks ago about her management of the economy?  Before anyone would dine with Soludo with a long spoon, his tenure as CBN Governor should be critically examined.  It is instructive to note that it was under Soludo’s “Banking Consolidation Agenda” that the Northern economic base was destroyed from which it is yet to recover. To drive home his point, Soludo fired two Northern Deputy Governors “to teach them that Nigeria does not belong to them”.

    Another “expert” on their list is Pat Utomi. He is addressed as a Professor and also an Economist.  But if you google his name, it reveals he has a B.A in Mass Communication from the University of Nigeria, Nsukka.  I have no evidence to believe he has any further academic training to justify his new titles.

    Apart from old-man Idika Kalu who should be praying for his grand children, Mrs Oby Ezekwesili is the third among those listed as indispensable.  Among the Nigerian newspapers and other media, she is addressed as Dr, yet, to the best of my knowledge, she has no Ph.D.  She has not told Nigerians why she left her World Bank job.   Or was her tenure not renewed?

    Has the Finance Ministry been permanently ceded to the Igbo? With an Igbo man as CBN Governor, will it be right to also have another Igbo as Finance Minister?

    It is stranger than fiction that some of these people are being pushed forward as if APC has nobody in the Southeast.  Dr Chris Ngige has been a consistent and charismatic face of opposition in the Southeast for a long time and worked tirelessly to fly the APC banner in the Southeast, even in the face of jeers. Governor Rochas Okorocha is another uncommon patriot who did what few Igbo could ever do by shunning the overtures of the ruling party.  He embraced the APC when it was most dangerous to do so.  At a point he was even ostracised by his fellow Southeast governors and like a vibrant lion, he remained undeterred and stayed focused to the huge task of bringing change to Nigerians. When the history of Nigeria’s democratic development is written, Governor Okorocha’s name would be written in gold.  But even before the two joined the GMB train, there was the brilliant and hard-working Chief Ikechi Emenike who was the principal voice for GMB in the Southeast.  If APC is to avoid one of the major mistakes that ruined the PDP, it must give preference to the views and interests of these gallant men, and a few others, who faced huge odds to be in opposition.  It could be recalled that for the first four years in office, President Goodluck Jonathan refused to appoint any gallant politician from the Southwest and Kano into his cabinet.  Dr Aganga was brought in somewhere from Europe to represent Lagos just like Dr Shamsuddeen Usman came from the Central Bank of Nigeria to represent Kano State.  The result was that as elections approached, the political harm was already too deep for any meaningful salvage mission in these vital electoral areas.

    I am not a Christian, but as a Muslim, I know that ingratitude is not a small sin. GMB should never be lured into abandoning those who stuck their necks out for him.  It is not a crime to work with those who worked for you.

     

    • Abubakar, a foreign exchange dealer,  sent this piece from Lagos.
  • Travails of Aba Power Project

    The 141Megawatt integrated Aba Power Project is a child of necessity.  The desire of Aba industrialists, including the small and medium scale industries, and our desire to contribute our quota to increasing power supply in the nation converged 10 years ago. We realized that the best way to ensure that this city will quickly have reliable and affordable electricity was to build this off-grid project that serves the Aba metropolis. The then World Bank President, Mr Jim Wolfensohn, and the then Finance Minister, the current Finance Minister and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Dr (Mrs) Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, came met the Aba Industrialists, including the Aba Ariaria Manufacturers (SMEs). At the meeting, the Ariaria manufacturers were asked to identify their number one problem which if addressed would significantly improve their production; they unanimously said that it was reliable electricity.

    This convergence of desire for reliable electricity was what led us to this historic Aba Integrated Power Project. At that time, our development partners from the IFC of the World Bank, the European Investment Bank (EIB) and the Emerging Africa Infrastructure Fund (now known as FMFM) and myself wanted to find a business model for power development in Nigeria that is sustainable, can stand on its own, and can be easily replicated by various investors in other major cities in Nigeria. We recognized that the nation would not be able to afford sovereign guarantee for all of its power needs, we therefore developed a model of customized embedded generation that would not require sovereign guarantee. Consequently, we set about developing this integrated power project to satisfy the electricity needs of Aba metropolis at a time when the Power Sector Reform Act of 2005 was not yet enacted. The Federal Government in 2005 concessioned Aba metropolis to us; this was the only security of the investment in the project instead of the normal sovereign guarantee. We have met the terms of our concession agreement with the Federal Government by building this 141MW Power Plant with state of the art equipment from General Electric (GE) and rehabilitating the entire distribution network in Aba.

    In addition to the power plant, we have built over 105 km of 33kV overhead lines within the Aba metropolis. The steel tubular poles used to build the 33kV line infrastructure are unlike any other in Nigeria. We have also built over 40km of new 11kV lines in Aba. We have completed five new substations consisting of the power plant’s 3x60MVAs substation; four (4) brand new 2x15MVA substations in various parts of Aba town. In addition, we have refurbished the only three existing PHCN substations which were dilapidated, by building three brand new control buildings with outdoor substation gantries within the premises of the existing PHCN substations. To ensure the reliability of gas supply, we built a 27km gas pipeline from Imo River to the power plant and built the gas infrastructure to support the supply of reliable gas to the facility. To date, we have invested over $500million or in today’s money over N100 billion in this project.

    This project is virtually completed. The power plant, various substations and 33kV lines have been energised and fuel is available for this project.  The remaining interconnection work on the distribution network within the premises of the existing PHCN substations and the 11kv lines should take less than two months. This was the remaining work that was being done by our contractors before the entire Enugu Electricity Distribution Company was handed over to another party by the Bureau of Public Enterprises (BPE) without excising Aba from the sale. This action was in spite of our valid concession agreement and assurances by President Goodluck Jonathan that the agreement is sacrosanct.  Operators of EEDC stopped our work and chased away contractors from the substations, thereby preventing Aba people from having uninterrupted and quality electricity. The BPE in effect, double-sold Aba metropolis (which includes Aba and Ariaria Electricity Business Districts) to our company and to Interstate Electrics. This is in spite of the very fact that the agreement we have with the FGN clearly states that whenever there is privatization, our company has first right to purchase the facility in Aba hence our heavy investment in this project. Investors in Aba IPP have developed a world class electricity infrastructure with the belief that their investment is safe in Nigeria. We have made all effort to get the BPE to correct what (for choice of words) may be called an “error”. So far, they have not yielded to doing the correct thing. Rather, they have sought to justify this error and have continued to politicise the situation unnecessarily, thereby playing with the investment of this magnitude by people who have the interest of our country and the people of Aba at heart.  Investors in the Aba IPP led by my humble self answered the call of our beloved country to come home and be part of the development of our dear nation. The investors and stakeholders include members of the Aba Business Community, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and our banks, especially Diamond Bank. This travesty has been very cruel to all of us. People in the investment community continue to wonder if this can happen to Nigerian investors with a well-structured agreement, how then can they be sure that their investments and agreements will not be breached in the future? This action by the government has certainly demoralised and discouraged potential investors. The only instrument for doing business in developing and developed nations across the globe is an agreement, which must be respected and held sacrosanct by all parties. All the various committees set up to look into this issue have come up with the same answer: that our agreement should be respected by the Federal Government and that Aba Power should be offered the Aba and Ariaria Electricity Business Districts as enshrined in the agreement. I was assured by the outgoing Vice President that the Technical committee of National Council on Privatization (NCP) and the NCP Legal Committee have made the same recommendation. However the painful fact is that this critical issue has been left festering since November 2013. It costs our company $3.5m in bank interest charges alone; plus more than N30 million for insurance coverage; other operational expenses every single month to carry a project that is not yielding any revenue due to the deliberate, hostile and crippling action of Enugu DisCo and the BPE over 15 months ago!

    So far about eight committees, including committees of the NCP, NERC, and Ministry of Power amongst others have investigated this matter and come up with the same recommendation. There is no more need for another committee; all that it requires is decision and firm action that will ensure the full implementation of their recommendation to sell Aba metropolis to Aba Power. We are therefore pleading with the authorities to take a decisive action today and rescue our company and the people of Aba from the shackles of deliberate man-made mischief. We also ask Enugu DisCo (EEDC) to immediately allow our contractors to complete the interconnection works that will allow Aba to receive this power. Please give the people of Aba an opportunity to get the intended benefit of this project, which is absolute reliable electricity. It is unfortunate that the powerful economic and political saboteurs within the system have denied the administration the golden opportunity of using the Aba metropolis electricity ring-fence as a shining example of the power reform agenda. Nevertheless, we remain fully committed to ensuring that this project will be completed as soon as possible for the benefit of Aba Business Community and the Nigerian people.

    • Professor Nnaji, NNOM, CON, the immediate Minister of Power and one of the world’s top engineers, is chairman of Geometric Power Ltd..
  • Ekweremadu and PDP’s  gale of defections

    Ekweremadu and PDP’s gale of defections

    “If a man has not discovered something that he will die for, he isn’t fit to live” — Martin Luther King, Jr.

    For me, the post presidential election events in the country bring mixed feelings of pride and shame and they are fast separating the statesmen/women from the opportunists.

    Let me start with the good. Considering on one hand the prediction by US scholars that Nigeria would break up in 2015 and on the other hand, the stoning of the President’s convoy and destruction of his billboards even as near as Abuja satellite towns as well as the threats by the ex-militants of Niger Delta to bring down hellfire if Jonathan did not win, it was clear Nigeria was hanging on cliff from the build up to the presidential elections to the emergence of the eventual winner- irrespective of whoever won.

    However, just as people waited with their hearts in their hands, came the breaking news that President Jonathan had called to congratulate General Buhari even before the final result was announced. It was one of Nigeria’s finest moments. Even Jonathan’s worst critics would agree that the singular act not only earned him a place on the roll call of African statesmen, but also put Nigeria on the gold spot of global democracy.

    Conversely, the PDP’s fall in the presidential election and the loss of its 16-year stranglehold on the National Assembly have just reopened the ugly side of our democracy. It appears Mahatma Gandhi had Nigeria in mind when he listed “Politics without principles” as one of the deadly sins of the modern world. It has thrown the floodgate of defections wide ajar as politicians jump in their droves into the APC house. Two of Plateau State’s Senators-elect -Jeremiah Useni (Jerry Boy) and Senator Joshua Dariye could not even wait to be inaugurated in June before erasing Mary Onyeali’s Olympic gold long jump performance.

    Thousands more already have their trousers folded to their laps, begging for a little landing space even in the APC’s Boys Quarters. This is total rubbish and only goes to confirm that we have more bellyticiansthan statesmen on our corridors of power. I am happy our party leaders are already decoding that this is no good luck. It is both obscene and bad luck for APC and democracy.  Just when we thought we have finally got it right, with two strong parties keeping each other in check to end the culture of impunity we saw under the PDP, the bellyticians of PDP are frittering it away even before the game begins. I thought principled opposition makes democracy thick.

    It is clear that the long jumps are not motivated by conversion to progressivism, but simply by a desperate quest for a space on APC’s dinning table. Sadly for them, it is not going to be business as usual under Buhari.

    However, amidst the defection galore and speculations that ranking South East Senators are seriously lobbying for a parking space in our party, Senator Ike Ekweremadu recently made a whole world of difference by taking a principled stand to stay put in the PDP. Apart from the presidential address conceding victory to General Buhari, Ekweremadu’s speech in Enugu making the rounds on the net is about the most reasonable political statement and critique I have read in recent times. It was a most eloquent leadership, a timely and audacious exhortation for a people who could be probably lost in self-pity and blame for casting virtually all their ballots for a defeated party and candidate.

    Far from being sullen or taking the long jump, he said: “I have read and listened to many lament what they regard as the South East misadventure in view of the emerging scenarios at the federal level. But, let me assure you that Ndigbo have done nothing to be ashamed of and we owe no one any apologies for casting our ballots for the PDP. For me, therefore, our voting pattern is rather a defining moment for Ndigbo because we spoke with one voice and we are proud of our electoral decisions. We voted for a party that integrated us into the mainstream of Nigerian politics, elected/appointed our people into strategic offices, and addressed some of our major infrastructural challenges. So, we took a principled position and accept full responsibility for our political choices.

    “I have also heard a lot of permutations on the possible mass defection of Ndigbo to the APC in the coming dispensation. While I will not hold brief for all the PDP stalwarts of South East origin, especially because our constitution provides for freedom of association, I can assure you that on PDP we stand. At least, count Senator Ike Ekweremadu out of any defection to the opposition. PDP leaders in the South East are committed to further repositioning and strengthening the party. We may not have the presidency, but we are strong in the states and remain the party to beat. On PDP we stand”.

    Ordinarily, Ekweremadu probably stands to gain more in the Senate by defecting to the APC. He is going into the 8th Senate as the highest-ranking South East Senator and among the highest-ranking nationally. He will be coming with a lot of experience and pedigree as a two-term Deputy Senate President, two-term/jinx-breaking Chairman of the National Assembly Committee on Constitution Amendment, and the Speaker of the ECOWAS Parliament. I also recently read that he holds a PhD in Constitutional Law.

    I prefer his principled stand and would rather our party treats him with a lot more respect as far as the National Assembly and the South East is concerned than these fair weather party men and women rushing to reap from where they did not sow. They will take another jump if the weather changes. Ironically, while some of these opportunists should be ashamed of coming close to our party given the nasty things they said about Buhari, I couldn’t readily remember any particularly ill remark by Ekweremadu about the General.

    His statesmanship also shows in his understanding that Buhari’s success is Nigeria’s success, while his failure (God forbid) will amount to a collective loss. He said: “South East PDP and indeed Ndigbo have nothing against General Mohammadu Buhari (rtd) as a person or against his incoming administration. We will work hand-in-hand with him in line with our regional agenda and overall development of Nigeria. We will give him all the support to succeed because he was elected as the President of Nigeria, not president of the APC or any section of the country in particular. He has the choice to be a statesman, bringing every part of the country on board his government or to run an exclusive government. He has the choice to ensure that no part of this country is discriminated against in the distribution of opportunities and development projects on account of their ethnicity, religion, political affiliation, and region or to do otherwise. But I believe that whatever choices he makes, will determine his place in history”.

    This is a true man, my kind of politician.

    Meanwhile, I commend the National Chairman of our party, Chief Odigie Oyegun for his timely advice to the defectors. He bluntly told the jumpers their services are not needed. They should stay in their parties and build their parties and deepen democracy. I pray they heed the advice.

    •Olaniyi, a political scientist writes from Ilorin                   

  • Defections as political promiscuity

    With the conduct of the gubernatorial and state houses of assembly elections, the general elections can be said to be gradually coming to an end. Inspite of the flaws experienced in the voting process, the presidential election held on March 28 was a watershed in the annals of the nation with the triumph of General Muhammadu Buhari, candidate of the opposition All Progressives Congress (APC) over Dr. Goodluck Jonathan, the incumbent President and candidate of the outgoing ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

    The outcome of the presidential and national assembly polls is a reflection of the true yearnings of the people for a change in governance. It is a manifestation of a collective desire to have different faces with distinct ideas at the helms of affairs. The people’s verdict is simply a pointer to the fact that they are tired of the way things are being run in their country that is bogged down by decaying public infrastructure, erratic power supply, insecurity and severe unemployment.

    The emergence of APC as a viable opposition party afforded the electorate a promising platform to find an alternative to the ruling party. This optimism eventually paid-off with the APC now becoming the ruling party while the PDP turns to the opposition. If care is not taken, this victory may not be sustained as long as APC continues to give room for all manner of politicians to decamp into the party in droves.

    While politics should be played with decorum, decency and discipline, politicians of similar inclination and ideology would naturally be expected to come together under the same umbrella in a bid to strengthen democracy. But where defections are simply carried out for the sake of romancing with the winning party so as to become relevant at all cost, it should be discouraged. It is curious and disturbing to know that within the last two weeks, quite a number of politicians, mainly from the PDP have defected to the APC. Some of the questions bothering my mind are: At what point did both political parties become ideological Siamese twins? When was the zeal or passion to move the nation forward under the same political umbrella and manifesto become a mutual aspiration? Which party then becomes the opposition when the APC decides to turn into a protégée of PDP? Or, are we not going to have viable opposition party this time around?

    What then becomes the fate of many committed members that had stayed with the APC over the years despite all odds and persecutions that the opposition party had faced from the same ruling party? Who puts the excesses of the executive under control? Which party effectively prevents bad legislation from being passed in the parliament?

    Defection or cross carpeting is not a new thing in the nation’s political history but the way and manner in which people defect from one political party to another suggest

    that integrity, conscience, morality, principle and discipline no longer play a role in partisan politics in Nigeria.

    In tune with the tenets of democracy, the importance of virile opposition party in curbing the excesses of the ruling party in providing good governance cannot be over-stated. It not only keep the ruling party on its toes, it serves as the watchdog by bringing out the best in public administration through objective and sincere criticism through ‘checks and balances’ mechanism. The present practice is totally different from what was obtainable during the First Republic when leaders like late Sir Ahmadu Bello, the late Chief Nnamdi Azikiwe and the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo –

    the founding fathers of the nation – were guided by ideologies with which they were able to lay solid foundations for the development of their regions.

    Today, defection has become part of the character of the present political process, not just a pastime of politicians by tampering with the existing party structures to satisfy defectors, it has also become a trademark of virtually all the political parties. My personal observation is that many politicians that defect from one party to another do so purely for their political survival – either to broaden their political fortune or to remain relevant at all cost in the polity – without necessarily adding any value to either such parties or the nation. It is on this premise that the APC should not allow its party to serve as a platform for all-comers to hijack in festering their personal ambitions.

    APC, a party that has been carefully nurtured at a great cost over the years, despite orchestrated plots by some of the same set of people now courting the party. When the Buhari administration is eventually inaugurated and political appointments made in a matter of weeks, this same politicians from different parties should not be accorded any priority. APC should remember that it has a mandate of just four years to perform otherwise, they will be voted out if they fail to turn things round positively by giving Nigerians what they want; which is democratic dividends. The current mass defections of politicians from the PDP to the APC will certainly do more damage than good by turning Nigeria into a one-party state. Therefore, APC should prevent this slide by putting on hold, the acceptance of further decampees into its fold. After all, we still need active opposition for our democracy to really flourish.

     

    • Kupoluyi writes from Federal University of Agriculture, Abeokuta (FUNAAB)