The Nation Newspaper

Category: Opinion

  • ASUU: Inside the Needs Assessment Implementation Committee

    ASUU: Inside the Needs Assessment Implementation Committee

    On July 4, 2013 the Academic Staff Union of Universities(ASUU) embarked on a nation-wide strike to press for the implementation of the 2009 agreement signed with the Federal Government.

    One of the critical issues in the agreement is the urgent need to provide critical infrastructure on the university campuses or rehabilitate existing facilities in deplorable state of decay.

    In order to tackle the problem of gross infrastructural deficit on the campuses in a systematic manner, the Federal Government set up a Needs Assessment Committee made up of Federal Government officials drawn from relevant agencies, representatives of the governing councils of the universities and the ASUU.

    The committee toured all the federal and state universities in the country to obtain first hand, the status of infrastructure on the campuses with the view to ascertaining the quantity and quality of facilities required on each of the campuses that would make learning, teaching and research more conducive for both the students and lecturers.

    A comprehensive report made from this exercise and a technical report drawn from the main report was presented to the National Council on Education, the highest policy-making body on education matters in the country for ratification. The report was also presented to the Federal Executive Council and the National Economic Council which variously approved the report. Having received the necessary approvals, the stage was set for its implementation, hence the setting up of the Needs Assessment Implementation Committee for the Nigerian Public Universities.

    The committee headed by the Benue State Governor, Dr Gabriel Torwua Suswam, held its inaugural meeting on August 1, 2013 after its earlier inauguration by President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan. It has as members a Senator representing the Senate Committee on Education, Honourable Member representing the House of Representatives Committee on Education, the Ministers of Education, Labour and Productivity, Group Managing Director of Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation(NNPC), Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria(CBN), Executive Secretaries of the Tertiary Education Trust Fund(TETFund) and Petroleum Technology Development Fund(PTDF), Chief Executives of the National Communications Commission(NCC), National Universities Commission(NUC) and representative of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation(SGF). Other members of the committee include the representatives of the ASUU, Non-Academic Staff Union of Universities(NASU) and Senior Staff Association of Nigerian Universities(SSANU).

    Since its inauguration, the committee took up its assignment with vigour and commitment leading to the successful mobilisation of N100billion for injection into the university system in the area of provision of infrastructure.

    But achieving this feat within a few weeks was not an easy task. Governor Suswam, the chair of the committee deployed his immense experience in handling labour matters in his state as well as his lobbying skills as a former legislator and his understanding of bureaucratic processes as governor of Benue State to bear on the assignment while harnessing every useful idea from committee members for the desired result.

    The first strategy deployed was to pool all contributions of the federal agencies to the provision of infrastructure to universities which was hitherto done in haphazard or uncoordinated manner. This strategy saw the NNPC, CBN, PTDF, NCC, and TeTFund all bring huge sums of money which amounted to the N100billion raised for the first phase of intervention in the provision of critical infrastructure on the university campuses.

    The next critical step in the committee’s assignment was how to distribute the N100billion to the state and federal universities in line with the Needs Assessment Report. To this end, a technical sub-committee was set up with representatives of ASUU to work out a formula for disbursement for the funds. The sub-committee benefitted immensely from the expertise of the ASUU representative, Dr Baffa, in the adoption of technical criteria as students population to determine how much funding would go to a particular university. The sub-committee relying on figures contained in the Needs Assessment report categorized the universities into three. The first category was those with students population of 30,000 and above, the second category had universities with students enrolment of between 25,000 and 29,000, the third category comprised universities with students size of between 15,000 and 19,000, while the fourth category had universities with students population of between 5,000 and 14,000.

    The Technical Sub-Committee report was presented to the main committee for adoption. It was at this point that ASUU wrote to the committee announcing its intention to discontinue participation from meetings of the committee.

    The committee nevertheless adopted the report of its Technical Sub-committee and approveddisbursement of various sums out of the N100billion to the 59 benefiting universities.

    From the template approved by the committee, the University of Ibadan has received N3.25billion; Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria and the University of Benin have received N3.2billion; while the Bayero University Kano, Universities of Ilorin, Jos, Lagos, Maiduguri and Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka have received N3.05bilion each from the fund. The other public universities also received various sums of money from the N100billion intervention package.

    The funds were disbursed directly to the vice chancellors and chairmen of the governing councils of the universities at a meeting held on August 23, 2013. The management of the various universities and their councils were directed to quickly complete the procurement processes and get the projects started. The committee further directed that both the renovation works and new projects initiated should be completed within 12 months. The disbursed funds are to be committed to the construction of new hostels of various sizes, renovation of existing hostels, building of new lecture theatres, classrooms, laboratories and libraries in accordance with the priority needs of the universities as already captured in the Needs Assessment Report.

    It is important to emphasize that the Presidential Implementation Committee headed by Governor Suswam has nothing to do with the award of contracts under this programme as the governing councils of the universities have the overall control of the funds disbursed to their respective institutions.

    At this point, it is pertinent to return to the concerns raised by the ASUU on basis of which it opted out of the committee.

    After a careful analysis of the situation, the ASUU’s action was premature and not based on the realities of the situation since the issues raised in its letter of August 20, 2013 either did not arise or were adequately addressed in subsequent meetings of the committee. For instance, the federal government disbursed the N100b directly to the universities and assured that the Due Process Office would be contacted to fast track the procurement processes of projects under this programme. Besides, the committee disbursed every kobo of the N100b to the 59 universities. This also addressed the fears of “pinching and pilfering” raised by the ASUU in its letter earlier referred to.

    Also, the disbursement of the N100b was based on the criterion of population of students as proposed by the ASUU while the choice of projects in each university was in line with the Needs Assessment Report.

    The other issue worthy of further elucidation is the quantum of funds to be injected into the system for provision of infrastructure. In the ASUU’s view, the 2009 agreement provided for N100b capital injection to stimulate the process of infrastructure on the campuses. This was to be followed by a progressive increase on an annual basis up to the tune of N400b by 2014. The Federal Government unfortunately could not commence this aspect of the agreement in 2009. The Federal Government position is that although there were delays in the implementation of this aspect of the agreement, having commenced the process in 2013 with N100b, there would be annual progressive intervention in the following years.The Chairman of the committee, Governor Suswam has repeatedly assured that based on the assurances received from the sources of funds (federal agencies) more funds would be mobilized and progressively applied to the identified needs of all Nigerian public universities. It is evident from assurances received that funds for the intervention package for 2014 will surely increase and possibly double in quantum. What this means is that the universities would in the same vein progressively increase the quality and quantity of their infrastructural facilities.

    From the foregoing, there is absolute need for the ASUU to have a rethink and discontinue the strike. The two-month old strike has yielded results in the sense that the ASUU has by the measure got the Federal Government to begin work on the infrastructural requirements of the public universities. The ASUU can and should encourage the Federal Government to continue in this direction by calling off the strike to enable the students resume lectures on the various campuses.

     

    •Dr Cletus Akwaya, a Public Affairs Analyst, wrote from Makurdi, Benue State.

  • 2015 and the Buhari debate

    Of recent, the media is once again aglow with the debate of why General Muhammadu Buhari (rtd), the man many see as the ultimate saviour for this country, should, or should not give a shot at the presidency come 2015, once more. The debate, even if riddled with sentimentality, is obviously being upped to the ante of a critical national question at this juncture when all well-meaning Nigerians are dedicated to groping for alternative leadership for the country. While Femi Adesina’s thesis that many of those calling for Buhari to step aside are simply doing it because “they are afraid of him” may sound convincing, it is actually a fallacious stance – indeed a subtle blackmail to shut people with sincere interventions. For among Buhari’s sincerest admirers, there are quite a significant number of them who had a rethink, after Buhari’s failed attempt for the third time in 2011. To those Nigerians in this group, the General should quit the race and back someone who is credible and with competitive advantages to drive home victory. And there are many valid reasons for these calls, often hinged on the vulnerability of the Buhari brand which is so much damaged that many a Nigerian have been induced with doubts about the man. One needs no proof to back this claim as it has been proved time and again by the voting pattern from across the country.

    It is therefore the saying that once beaten, twice shy that made people who were otherwise emotionally attached to the cause of Buhari to have a rethink. It is a consensus among most keen observers of Buhari’s foray into politics that serially losing the elections could not just be attributed to rigging. But instead of the General and his team to conduct self-searching introspection, they keep riding on the egoistic pony that he is being rigged out and his victory is assured in the next election. But this pressure on Buhari to contest again and again has since been discovered to be a fraudulent money spinner for some people who literally boxed him in a corner, massaging his ego for their own ends.

    This is how for three consecutive times the General would contest and lose and commence a legal proceeding that has by now become synonymous with the man. The torturous litigation process, thanks to slow and cumbersome nature of Nigeria’s legal system, only further embitter the Buhari crowd as the courts throw out the petitions, time and again. Obviously frustrated, the man vowed not to stand for the elections again, after the 2011 elections. But his actions and words still point to the contrary. The pressure is also still there.

    While some of us where happy that he was shedding off some of the people who have been his albatrosses since 2003, now a new set of converts – ex-PDP spin masters are forming another formidable shell around him. They are also coming with similar infamous agenda of his past lieutenants: pressurise the man to contest, print posters alongside him (or use his name to extort aspirants), carry him around to campaign for all manner of aspirants and use him to smuggle in or step down candidates.

    Over the years, as he grudgingly moves from one electioneering marathon to another, the General keeps losing grip on what was once a cult-like follower-ship. While the impact is not readily visible among the grassroots crowd in the North, it has actually deflated among the ranks of people that matter – core politicians and strong supporters. The figure also keeps nose-diving in the South. What is the elixir for this? Buhari and his close circuit of associates would not want to find out.

    As the Buhari aspiration debate heats up, leading into the General’s intervention late last week, one fundamental issue is what Eric Osagie raised in his recent column on Buhari – is the man indispensable? Yes, Nigerians overwhelmingly agree on and appreciate the man’s honesty and integrity. But is he the ONLY honest person among the 170 million of us, capable of leading the country? However, there is a section of his staunch supporters who -albeit dangerously- advance this line of thought. Such epithets should be drummed for dictators and emperors, not a democrat, even if a dilettante.

    At over 70 years, Buhari cannot be said to be the best thing to happen to Nigeria if elected. The inevitability stunt was chanted for many past leaders and those who aspired to lead. They blacked out, Nigeria moved on. It is a brainless thought for anyone to think Buhari is the only competent and trustworthy Nigerian to lead the country. Indeed, even within the folds of his All Progressives Congress (APC), there are many well groomed people that could discharge such a responsibility as well as he could, or even better. But the blackmail that the ticket, and the competence, all belong to him, make many of them lie low.

    Only last month, Abba Mahmood’s critical but honest essay, went viral on the social media. Mahmood, himself a staunch Buhari supporter, until lately, offered what many felt was an honest analysis of the situation and raised many questions that are at once vital and discomforting for those whose only route to fame and fortune is to fly under the wings of the General.

    “If Buhari himself will be honest with himself,” Mahmood wrote, inter alia “he should own up that he is not what Nigeria needs, at least anymore. His 2015 candidature will be more of a distraction from main issues in a way that will allow incumbent forces a leeway back to power. Of course he can play a major role but his talk of if-my-party-fields-me-I will-contest is more of a forked tongue oratory than actual humility. It will not hurt him to admit that what Nigeria needs is not a man with a good image but someone who has a vision, and the energy and charisma to drive it; and that he is just not that person.”

    Mahmood’s position above was re-echoed by Punch columnist, Abimbola Adunni Adelakun, who, writing under the title “The Honesty Buhari Needs”, argued that Buhari’s handlers should present something beyond personal integrity and honesty in selling the former head of state to Nigerians. While no one doubt those labels, it is a consensus that good leaders are not marked by their personal conduct, of their choice not to be corrupt, significant as that could be especially in the present day Nigeria. However, the stench is too much and the Augean staple could only be cleaned by someone who is firm, energetic, sincere and in sync with the current trends of governance here, and on the world stage not a septuagenarian who would only rely on second-hand submissions and ideas.

    • Ahmed wrote from Wuse 2, Abuja.

  • Two radically different perspectives

    Throughout the past week, I have been reading two different kinds of writings – one very sad, and the other exciting and futuristic. The first concerns what, in my opinion, amounts to a major retrogression in one of the few significant forward steps in Nigeria’s disheartening history. The other concerns thought-provoking pictures of the future of Black Africa.

    First then, the sad stuff. I guess because I am a Yoruba man, and because I therefore believe that contact among peoples and cultures is progress for every culture and for mankind, I have been glad as my homeland, the Yoruba homeland in Nigeria, has increasingly and happily drawn people from the other parts of Nigeria and other parts of West Africa. Everything belonging to us Yoruba people have encouraged such attraction of folks from all over. Our ancient towns and cities (located at only short distances from one another), our cosmopolitan outlook, our hospitality to the stranger, and our culturally-based willingness and readiness to welcome, accept and include the foreigner, all these naturally have attracted lots of people to our land. So too has the important cultural fact that we, Yoruba people, are perhaps the world’s most sensible and most tolerant in matters of religion – that we do not grouse or fight over religious differences.

    But now, from what I have been reading this week, I can see that there is now one foreign people that a very good number of the Yoruba people have, reluctantly, reached the point of not being able to continue to accept and include. I refer to the Igbo people. As the Igbo have come, and have shown a general inclination to insult their Yoruba hosts and to make all sorts of weird and absurd claims, most Yoruba people have tended to laugh off such insults and claims. But there seems to be no doubt now that the Igbo have pushed it far too far. Yorubaland is attractive because Yoruba people have spent many hundreds of years in history making it so. A lot of Yoruba people are now tired of the multiple pollution being imported into Yorubaland by the Igbo people. In general, the Yoruba are happy that many other peoples are coming to Yorubaland , and they desire that these other immigrants should be able to settle down peacefully, enjoy the benefits of Yoruba urban civilization, raise their families in a healthy atmosphere, prosper, and become major contributors to life in their new communities in Yorubaland. But more and more Yoruba people now have good reason to fear that the presence of the Igbo people threatens such noble desires and expectations. It is sad for me to see my naturally open and accommodating people being pushed by the Igbo people into paths that negate our culture.

    The Igbo have had ample time, and abundant reasons, to caution themselves, but apparently they are not capable of doing such a thing. All these remind me of 1966. I visited the campus of ABU in Zaria in April 1966, after the January 1966 coup and during Ironsi’s military presidency. The anger and bitterness on the ABU campus were indescribable, because of the way the Igbo were childishly and disrespectfully taunting northerners in the northern towns. Some Igbo were even selling a picture showing the late Sir Ahmadu Bello dead on the ground with Major Kaduna Nzegwu standing triumphantly over him. We all know what followed upon those egregious follies. Thankfully, the Yoruba are never likely to launch into any blood-letting, but they are an ancient civilization – and definitely not without their own kind of means of dealing with a situation such as the Igbo have now created.

    But I must go to the second stuff – the exciting and thought-provoking stuff. Surveys, studies, projections, and prognosis by the United Nations and its various agencies, and other research agencies, are pointing to certain very great possibilities in tropical Africa’s near future. Many of our cities are growing exponentially, not only in population but also in support infrastructures. For instance, a city like Lagos could, by the end of this century, easily be a contender for the title of world’s largest city. But that is not all. These booming cities are responding to their growth by building infrastructures that are, in effect, turning these cities into evolving centres of probably the real Black African countries of the future. And for these infrastructures, they are attracting lots of worldwide investments. In the light of these developments, say the authors of these studies, some of the fanciful and largely unworkable and unsustainable countries and boundaries that colonial rulers created in tropical Africa may vanish away – without any acts of secession or civil wars. Cities like Lagos and Abidjan on the West African coast seem to lead such developments now, but others like Nairobi in East Africa are coming right behind them. Fragile countries like Benin and Togo, and huge ramshackle concoctions like Nigeria, could disappear, while virile new countries, unified by potent economic and other realities, could become the facts of our lives.

    How do I react to all this heady stuff? Thoughtfully. I wake up at night, think about them, and can’t fall back to sleep. Many of us, African scholars, in spite of our natural sentimental attachment to our countries, have a second sense that some of the countries and boundaries of tropical Africa, creations of largely ignorant and arrogant colonial agents, are simply unsustainable and likely to change. In fact, I have just finished writing a book about the future of Black Africa, a book that I title “Coming Revolutions in Black Africa” and which I have sent to many of my intellectual colleagues to read before publication. Although I did not look at Black Africa’s future from the perspective of the impact of our blooming cities, I came to more or less the same conclusion – namely, that the political map of Black Africa is likely to be redrawn in not too distant a future.

    In West Africa, new countries are likely. To mention a few, a large interior country is a possibility, spreading from Chad, through what are now Northern Nigeria, Niger, Mali and probably Mauritania. Though large, it would be a very coherent country, unified by Islamic faith and by a focus on its grassland, Sahel and desert-land wealth. The wealth is there, but in a country like Nigeria, it can never be focused on. The State of Israel found ways to turn its desert-land into a wonderfully productive agricultural land, and this large West African country can do the same; but it cannot be done in Nigeria. In fact, in Nigeria, even the region’s ancient economy (cattle) and the economy it generated in British colonial times (groundnuts) have been allowed to perish. To the south, another possibility is a country spreading from today’s Kogi State, westwards over the Nigerian South-west, Benin and Togo, with Lagos as its pivot. So too is a Delta country; and so is an East Niger country with its pivot on the Onitsha-Asaba conurbation – especially if the Lower Niger is dredged at least up to that point. Here are exciting new things for us Africans to think about.

  • NAFDAC: Need for new legal framework

    Established by Decree No 15 of 1993 (as amended), now Cap NI Laws of the Federation of Nigeria 2004, the National Agency for Food, Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC), is an appropriate response to a national crisis: the unwholesomeness in the entire gamut of Nigerian pharmaceutical and food production businesses. This explains why the law setting it up comprehensively mandated it to regulate as well as control the manufacture, importation, exportation, distribution, advertisement, sales and use of food, drugs, medical devices, cosmetics, chemicals and packaged water. The agency has since remained focused on, and committed to, meeting the aspirations of the country.

    However, after close to 20 years of its existence, it has become very obvious that a rethink of the law setting up the agency has become imperative if it must meet the expectations of Nigerians or contend with ever changing challenges of the domestic and global drug business. To appreciate the point being made, we need to take a critical look at the dynamics of the Nigerian drug business. Foreign-made pharmaceuticals account for 60 percent of drugs in the market with China and India as top exporters of these drugs. As much as 80 percent of all active ingredients in pharmaceuticals made worldwide come from either China or India, and these two countries are the prime suspects when it comes to bad drugs in the world. Deductively therefore, the bulk of counterfeit and fake drugs consumed by Nigerians come from China and India.

    There are redemptive measures particularly from India, which has a law that imposes life jail on both local exporters of unwholesome products and their foreign collaborators. NAFDAC’s effort at getting a similar law enacted by the National Assembly has not succeeded in getting the federal lawmakers to appreciate the imperative.

    The existing laws such as the Counterfeit, Fake Drugs and Unwholesome Processed Food (Miscellaneous Provisions Act (Cap C3 LFN 2004) and the Government of Nigeria Trade Practices (Miscellaneous Offences) Act No.67, 1992 (Now cap T12 LFN 2004) are too weak to serve the desired purpose. Emphatically, drug adulterators or fakers are serial “murderers” who deserve no less than capital punishment when caught, prosecuted and eventually convicted by the law courts. The existing laws do not have such force.

    Few instances of the inadequacy of the extant laws guiding the operations of NAFDAC will put in sharper perspective the thrust of this write up.

    On March 15, 2010 in Osogbo, the Osun State capital, one Afolabi Nurudeen, a baker, orchestrated an assault on Yedunni Adenuga, an Assistant Director and her team while on inspection of former’s bakery. He did that obviously to prevent the detection of the deadly and cancer-causing flour-enhancer, potassium bromate, outlawed by the agency in accordance with international health practice as part of the measures adopted to protect the mass consumers of bread in the country. Though the culprit was convicted by an Osogbo Federal High Court in the subsequent action filed against him by the agency in May 2011, his sentence, one year imprisonment with an option of N4, 000 fine, was a slap in the wrist. Section 25 (1) of the NAFDAC Act under which he was tried has proved inadequate to address the exigencies thrown up the unwholesome practices of criminally minded Nigerian businessmen and women.

    There is also the celebrated “My Pikin” – the children teething mixture saga of 2008. The agency successfully secured a court judgment against the producers of the deadly product on May, 17, after a protracted trial. Barewa Pharmaceutical Company, the producer of ‘My Pikin’ was directed to wind-up and its assets forfeited to the Federal Government. However, Adeyemo Abiodun, the firm’s production manager, and Egbele Eromosele, the quality assurance manager, bagged seven years imprisonment each for the two counts of conspiracy to sell dangerous drug and selling dangerous drugs. They were discharged and acquitted on the four other counts of adulteration, manufacturing and distribution of the killer drug. Again, in reaching the judgment, the trial judge relied on the provisions of the Miscellaneous Offences Act M17 Law of the Federation of Nigeria (2004).

    The extant laws are weak and inadequate. We reason within the context of the daredevilry of some criminally-minded players in the nation’s food and drug businesses. In their desperation, they can take any risk, especially when the existing laws are not considered serious deterrence against the crimes that would make then instant millionaires. For any meaningful progress to be made in the nation’s drive for the ideal healthcare delivery system and its pharmaceutical component, a total overhaul of NAFDAC Act has become necessary.

    The new legal framework template must take care of institutionalisation of special courts for speedy trial, stiffer penalties such as life sentences without any option of fine for offenders; making drug counterfeiting a non-bailable offence; outright confiscation of counterfeiters’ assets and their use as compensation for victims of the illegal business.

    This proposal might seem draconian, and human rights activists might cry blue murder. We should however understand that only those who fall foul of the law are the targets. More importantly, drug counterfeiting and faking give their victims no choice. They are deadly operators. There was once an attempt on the life of Professor Dora Akunyili in 2003. The suspects were set free after two years of trial on technicalities.

    The soul of the counterfeit drug business in Nigeria is the Bridge Head Market in Onitsha as teams of food and drug control experts move from shop to shop in search of counterfeit and substandard medicines. A successful one month siege on the market carried out by the agency in April 2007 harvested more than 80 truckloads of counterfeit drugs. The question to ask is after the siege, what followed.

    Nigeria must take a cue from the practical responses of India and China, the global capitals of counterfeit and fake drugs. While in China the offence attracts death penalty, it is life jail in India.

    Globally, it is said that a nation’s wealth is determined by the health of the mass of its citizenry. We urge President Goodluck Jonathan to empower NAFDAC, SON and Consumers Protection Council to carry out their statutory functions of protecting Nigerians from the consumption of unwholesome products.

    For NAFDAC, the processes within the strategic execution circle are well aligned to propel success. The only drawback is the legal framework which is too weak to support the current momentum drive by the Dr. Paul Orhii-led management. This should be corrected.

  • From the cell phone

    For Olatunji Dare

     

    Sir, history repeats itself. This is a testimony to human stupidity. President Barack Obama will do well to understand that the most virtuous of objectives must be pursued in moderation, without the kind of single mindedness and the fanatic intensity that have so often in history transformed even the good into despotic and corrupt. While the opposition party may not wish him well, Mr. Obama must appreciate the fact that success is feminine and, like a woman, if you cringe before her, she will override you. So, the way to treat her is to show her the back of your hand. Then, maybe, she will do the crawling. Learning from recorded history is vital for positive achievement. From O. O. Adegoke, Ikhin, Edo State

    Some parts of the world may hate America but it is no lie it made the world a better place. Without them, some countries would have vanished. However, war in Syria should be fought without making America have more enemies. From Esan Ayegbaju, Ekiti

    Re: “Obama: 2nd term blues for a President.” As if it is a natural thing, almost all of them fumble after winning their second term; fumbling and distorting a smooth-sail for their next contestant thereby paving the way for the opponent! Were there to be third term in American Constitution, the departing President would not falter. Obama could not be an exception. He would fumble again because he is happier he had become a President. Although he would further fumble, he would however avoid and avert the impeachable fumbles. From Lanre Oseni

    British and American politicians are liars. They want to invade Syria on matters they cannot prove as they did in Iraq. From Dr. Mann Tolofari, Port Harcourt

    America has been the police of the world, particularly, in war crime issues. It will continue to be, irrespective of who is the commander-in-chief. From Chidi Promise

    Obama should act proactively against Syria for their chemical weapon usage against humanity as a deterrent to other nations. From Gordon Chika Nnorom, Umukabia, Abia State

     

    For Gbenga Omotoso

     

    We should watch out for more of this kind of election result fraud come 2015 from the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). We should open our eyes and ears and guard our vote jealously from the enemies of the people. God save Nigeria. Anonymous

    To our greatest dismay in Offa, someone can testify that he cannot claim what does not belong to him because he fears Allah. Without mincing words, the boy deserves a national honour and honour from Allah. From Tai Omokanye, Abuja

    It is election result as declared in the Offa re-run that is giving President Goodluck Jonathan the impetus to think of 2015. From Sedi Bello, Benin City

    I cannot blame the Governor of Kwara State because he is a camouflage Governor. We all know that Bukola Saraki remains the governor of the state. He is the one behind all the problems fasing Offa. He is using Offa to fight Offa (omo ina laa ran si ina). My advice to Offa people is to stand up and fight for their right. From Bayo, FEDPOFFA

    Well, Offa Local Government election was a clear demonstration of rigging, robbery and corruption with impunity. Let KWASIEC tread the path of honour and announce the authentic result. From Oyedotun, Ondo

    I always appreciate your sense of reasoning and objective criticism of national issues. I only pray that our politicians fear God and learn to leave the stage when the ovasion is loudest. From Eunybola, Osogbo.

    Clinton was the second American president to face impeachment. He, however, kept his job. From Aquaisua, A.E Esq.,Uyo.

    It is very clear that the election that produced the Governor of Kwara State, Mr Fatai Ahmed, was rigged. If not how could 4,710 be bigger than 11,337? As in the case of Nigerian Governors Forum (NGF) where 16 is more than 19? It is a shame for the PDP and Nigeria as a whole. From Akinshola Ramoni G., Alimosho, Lagos

    I am nursing the ambition of going into politics. If politics is allowed to be played the way the PDP is playing it, Nigeria would remain undeveloped and this will discourage those of us planning to go into politics with our conscience. Majority of PDP members have no conscience. Offa vote heist and other PDP mess are a typical example. Mr. Afolabi Jimoh’s action in this case is worthy of emulation. From Ajijola, I. Olanrewaju, Unilorin

    I commend Mr. Afolabi Jimoh for speaking the truth about the result of Offa Local Government re-run election. This shows that we still have God-fearing citizens in our great country Nigeria. The so-called PDP party should stop this Abracadabra behaviour so that Nigera can remain one and not divided in 2015. Mr. Afolabi Jimoh is a progressive- minded man who stands for the truth and who wants a change in Nigerian politics. He should abandon PDP today and join APC where he has a very good future, politically. God save our Nigeria in 2015. From Mr. Okesola Folarin, Ibadan

    Can any truth come out of PDP? Yes,and that is Afolabi Jimoh. He is not of the majority in PDP. I have doubt if Saheed Popoola can be so blunt and open. Jimoh did what the late President Yar’Adua did partly, Obasanjo poorly did and the current President, and Kwara State governor may not do. Jimoh may not be a complete saint but he is more honourable than most people seeking elective posts. The people of Offa have spoken; we need not ask the governor to respect it. From Biodun Makanjuola, Bayelsa state

    The man is not a politician. I think he is an Alfa or Imam; he should go back to his real calling full time. Do not forget that the so- called rigging in Nigeria is nothing but a political game. Anonymous

    My concern is not Offa election now but 2015 elections. Governors’ forum election and Offa’s election will only serve as lessons for Nigerians; that is my fear. From Dosu Joshua

    PDP in Nigeia should emulate Mr. Afolabi Jimoh. From Michael Okoli, Enugu

    We do not need a soothsayer to tell us the meaning of what Fani-Kayode meant by intimate relationship. At least, there is nothing wrong in Fani-Kayode loving her because there is no law that prohibits that. Let all pray for both of them so that their relationship will come to reality. Bianca has been a widow for some time, so, she needs a partner to keep life moving. In this respect, Mr. Fani-Kayode should be encouraged to try harder so that the relationship can be cemented. From Hamza Ozi Momoh, Apapa, Lagos

    The ‘blessing’ from Satan carries sorrow. That is why those with stolen mandate will never have peace. I thank God for the life and the likes of Jimoh. Rare breed of politician! Anonymous

    After the death of Yar’Adua, there is no more justice in this country. This is an example of 2015. Oposition party should get ready for war. From Ahmed Olayinka Balogun

    You were in Nigeria when 16 became greater than 19, so what do you expect? This is a pointer to what we should expect in 2015. From Ogundele Wole,Ore,Ondo State

    I am a man of God and l believe in the truth. The truth has prevailed, so there is no need to waste time. The APC candidate should be sworn in immediately. For the PDP candidate to have come out and said the truth, he will definitelly go to heaven if he should continue in that way throughout his life. But for the KWSIEC Chairman, he should ask for forgiveness from God and do the right thing. The National Assembly (NASS) should as a matter of urgency vote in favour of INEC for the conduct of local government election. From Ropo Coker

    Your article “Of love, power and politics” is one of the masterpieces I have read in recent times. I wish you more ink to your pen as we move this nation forward. We will not lose hope. From Dr. Adewole Adebayo

    When will PDP end this issue of upturning the people’s victory? This is a clear signal that Nigerians should watch the PDP come 2015. From Sunday Keyi

    Re: “Of love, power and politics.” The dispute between Bianca and Fani-Kayode is nothing but a man-woman matter. Acceptance or/and denial by Bianca would not change anything; and, predictably, the court would pronounce out-of-court amicable settlement. If I were Suntai, I would ‘throw in the towel’. It is very obvious that Suntai requires a lot of medicare and needs a long-term leave of absence. If he goes to court, then, his lawmakers should impeach him. His stubborness at this stage should not put the governed at a loss. Despite that I never considered the ACN/APC a credible alternative to PDP, the upturn of authentic result to a fake in the Offa re-run was a show-of-shame, condemnable in its entirety. From Lanre Oseni

    Gbenga, all of you are puting the cart before the horse by not letting us know if the immunity enjoyed by Suntai demands that he must not be prosecuted for the plane crash of last October. It is better to get the security agents to invite and interrogate him. He should be well for trial before official work. What a disaster called Nigeria. Stowaway boy was arresed and detained even though he had no accident. Double standard that demands an apology from the Federal Government to the adventurous Daniel Ohikhene. Suntai must, as of priority, be prosecuted. Is any Senior Advocate of Nigeria listening? From Akinlayo A., State of Osun

    PDP is the problem of this nation. As we march towards 2015, it is only God Almighty that can deliver us. Look at the NGF where 16 is more than 19. In Rivers, five is more than 27 lawmakers. From Alex O., Sokoto

     

    For Tunji Adegboyega

    Your piece titled “Humpty Dumpty falls at last” made an interesting read. E ma sesi ba won ja, funra won ni won o maa funra won loogun je is a Yoruba saying which translates ‘don’t bother to fight them because they are condemned to poison or undo themselves’. Glad to note that the ‘civil war’ within the Peoples Democratic Party was internally generated and self-induced. As the Lord liveth, they will never overcome or survive their self- inflicted revolt. I’m laughing. From Olu Ajayi, Abeiokuta.

    Hi, Tunji, it is a pity that PDP has to degenerate to this level. My advice to APC is that they should not rejoice and be carried away by this. Rather, they should keep on planning and focus on how to liberate Nigeria from the PDP, whether ‘old’ or ‘new’. Thanks, more ink to your pen. From Tunji Balogun, Ikorodu.

    Re: “Humpty Dumpty falls at last.” The whole crash began when Mr. President imposed Bamanga Tukur as party chairman, thus disallowing internal democracy from thriving. Such is brewing in some governorship reruns by some of the incumbents! Godfatherism and corruption, after all said and done, remain the bane of our development. What happened and is still ongoing in PDP is a lesson to all political parties, leaders and every individual. Honesty, internal democracy and transparency as well as hands-off from godfatherism will help us kill corruption and, ultimately, lead to achieving our political, social and economic goals in Nigeria. Although the PDP is in turmoil now, it has a way of doing a crash programme to win the 2015 presidency. To halt the forecast, APC can only achieve if the big guns there shun selfishness, egoism and impatience! From Lanre Oseni.

    The idea behind the formation of PDP as an all-encompassing national and nationalist party was noble. It even paraded some of the most credible names in our polity at its formation. But the greatest blunder committed by its founders and their ultimate undoing was to meekly surrender the party to the power-mongering, domineering and manipulative military rear-guard. And to think that Awoyinka and Lar aided, abetted and were neck-deep in this! The military rear-guard has not looked back since. What is happening in the PDP today is merely a product of the strategic manipulations of the generals to maintain dominance and control over any sitting president produced by the party. They are still at it through Obasanjo and Babangida, but, this time, masquerading as party elders and mediators/peacemakers. Anonymous

    Oh, has Tukur been toppled as PDP chairman? So, Baraje is now PDP chairman? And it has to do with the great NGF election where an unruly governor rebuffed his party’s position that he should not contest and contested against his party’s candidate for that office? Interesting! But do you really believe Tukur has been toppled as PDP chairman and that Baraje is now PDP chairman? It is unfortunate how unreal, childish and low some of our commentators can go in pursuit of bias and sundry prejudices. Grow up and get real. From Festus.

    Tunji, it is clear that things have fallen part as the old and new PDP cannot reasonably be expected to work together harmoniously, again. There will be mutual suspicion, distrust and betrayal. From Barr. Moronkeji.

    He who believes in injustice will definitely be consumed by the fire of injustice. Tukur and his backers are talking with impunity, believing that nothing will happen. A leader who does not believe in the rule of law will find himself in the ruin of law. The president has shot himself on the leg by allowing himself to be cowed by the hawks in PDP. The ruling party is like a torn cloth which can never be the same again if sewn. PDP’s coffin has been accompanied by the undertakers for its burial. PDP, rest in perfect peace. From Hamza Ozi Momoh, Apapa, Lagos.

    May democracy survive forever in Nigeria. We all will look at our actions/inactions of our lives in 20 years’ time and see how stupid we were. Who advised Amaechi and co that they can form a parallel PDP without renouncing their membership of the original one? Did Amaechi think he is dealing with Rivers politics where a court in Ahoada will judge a case not tabled before it? Hope the NJC took note of it! Anonymous.

     

     

  • Mountain from heap of sand

    For weeks now, I have diligently followed the issue erroneously tagged “deportation” of the destitute to Anambra State. I have read numerous comments and views of Nigerians from various walks of life – Femi Fani-Kayode; Femi Falana (SAN); my brother, Chief Ojo Maduekwe; the Secretary, Ohaneze Youth Organization, Ogwusike Nwachukwu. Also, the reaction of Governor Peter Obi, a gentleman I hold in high esteem, notwithstanding that we do not belong to the same political party.

    The issue at stake is quite close to my heart for obvious reasons; while Lagos is my state of origin, the other, Anambra for me is home. It is one part of the country I feel closely affiliated to. I am also an incurable supporter of Governor Babatunde Raji Fashola of Lagos State.

    I have been amused by most of what I read and let me also add that I sincerely respect all the views that have been expressed because each and every one of the commentators and writers have a strong ground on which their respective argument are premised.

    In as much as I see myself as a huge supporter of genuine comments expressed on the grounds that individuals are entitled to their opinions, but I dare ask here and now – have we not honestly created a mountain from a little heap of sand?

    In going into the fray, it’s important for me to make it clear from the onset that it is erroneous for some people to claim Lagos is a “no man’s land”, or for that matter that “the Igbos developed Lagos”; such statements could be likened to making the truth stand on its head. I have heard several opinions on this issue over the years but never wanted to join issues. At this point in time, I must express my strong views on this. Whether people want to accept it or not, there are indigenous people in Lagos State and bona fide Lagosians for that matter. The Centre of Excellence has served the Nigerian nation well and the fact that the state has been so accommodating is no license to be labelled a “no man’s land”.

    I am an indigene of Lagos State and I am proud to be one; so was my father, the Late Otunba (Dr.) Adeniran Ogunsanya (SAN) and generations before him. Non-indigenes come into Lagos to make success of their business enterprises as well as their political aspirations and at times go back to their states of origin to contest elections also. Many make it a ritual to return home to spend the Eid-El Kabir, Christmas and New Year festivities. It is non-indigenes who return home to be counted during census; it is also non-indigenes who return home to register for electioneering purposes. But as indigenes we remain here because, for us, this is our beloved home; we have no other place to run to and in all sincerity, we are proud of our Lagos.

    One only needs to take a cursory look at successful indigenous Lagosians who have played prominent national roles to appreciate the fact that Lagos indeed belongs to some people; the late Herbert Macaulay; Ibiyinka Olorunnibe; Ibikunle Akintoye; Fagbenro Beyioku; The Bensons; the Johnsons; I. S. Adewale; S.O. Gbadamosi; Oba Adeniji Adele; Oba Adeyinka Oyekan; Alhaji Lateef Jakande; Sir Mobolaji Bank-Anthony; the Cardosos; the Gomez family; the Gbajabiamilas; the Tinubus; the Keshinros; the Shitta-Beys; the Fasholas; the Animashauns; the Fasinros; the Obanikoros; the Alli-Baloguns; the Anibabas; the Williams’; the Philips; the Ojoras; the Kosokos; the Dosunmus; the Oluwas; the Olotos; the Ajose-Adeoguns; the Taiwo Olowos; the Sasores; the Disus; the Kekere-Ekuns; the Durosinmi-Ettis; the Olusis; the Okis; to mention just a few.

    Before this trend of argument is read wrongly, let me quickly point out that I share in the strong belief that once you live in a place and pay your taxes regularly, have properties and investments, you have a stake in what goes on and are entitled to the privileges in that environment.

    There is something an uncle of mine told me before he died some years back and I have played it over and over in my mind since this saga started. He had said to me that if you visit someone’s home and your host tells you that you are free to explore the environment and feel free to do as you wish in his home, common sense and good behaviour will make it clear to you that this is not your home but the home of your host and you would know that his bedroom, possibly his study and his wife’s kitchen is out of limits. It’s just common etiquette. Simply put, what my uncle was trying to say is that any decent person would know his or her limitations.

    Those who wrongly call Lagos a ‘no man’s land’ probably based their argument on the input of the Federal Government to the development of Lagos, but even at that, the federal largesse was restricted to the Federal Capital Territory which does not cover the entirety of Lagos State. The same largesse was extended, simultaneously to other cities across the country – Kano; Jos; Kaduna; Port-Harcourt; Calabar (once the capital of Nigeria); Lokoja (the former capital of the Northern Province of Nigeria); Enugu; Onitsha. How come these locations are not labelled ‘no man’s land’? Even the present Federal Capital Territory, Abuja which is predominantly Gwariland; special attention is given to the indigenous people when it comes to nomination for elections, etc.

    Having said that, it is also imperative to stress that the Igbos and Lagosians have a long history. A good number of commentators who have had cause to join the fray have also gone down memory lane to dig up historical facts – Femi Fani-Kayode; the respected lawyer and human rights activist, Femi Falana; Akin Ajose-Adeogun; Mr. Azubuike Ishiekwene; Orji Uzor Kalu; Tony Oganah (Ohaneze’s spokesman) have gone back into history to put the records straight. But for me, we need not go that far. If you grew up in Lagos, you would remember Madame Mercy Eneli; Ibezim Obiajulu and Moronu–all the three personages were councillors who won election into the Lagos Town Council and served Lagos. It’s on the strength of their meritorious service to the city of Lagos that streets were named after them in Surulere (new Lagos). Several non-indigenes have contested elections and Lagos voted for them. It is also refreshing to note that Yorubas, Hausas and Igbos trade side-by-side in various markets and streets in Lagos. When the civil war broke out my friends and I did not understand why some of our friends had to leave. And when they did return, we were excited to see our friends back again; though I lost a very dear friend and still miss her till today.

    When African Continental Bank (ACB) came into being as a result of the joint effort of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe and some prominent Lagosians such as Papa Abibu Oki, it enabled indigenous businessmen an avenue to access loans to enhance their businesses. Lagos has never discriminated against the Igbos – we enjoy the same facilities; not even during the civil war did we go out to hunt down the Igbos. Over the years, we have inter-married and have lived side-by-side in harmony. This is certainly not the time to erect barriers where none is needed. While lessons have been learnt from this saga, it is my candid wish that this issue is summarily settled. I feel and pray that as we all go into the year 2014 and cruise along into elections that we be careful; that we do not spread tribal disaffections in the course of electioneering campaigns, the quest for political offices and people should definitely not take advantage of this issue because of personal beef. We must lay gutter tactics to rest and discuss issues. For me, any disaffection between the South-east and South-west or any other ethnic group for that matter will be an uncomfortable and painful development for our nation. Nigeria has more serious and pressing problems at hand to deal with.

    • Princess Adeniran Ogunsanya is a former Secretary to the Government of Lagos State.

  • Before the oil festival ends

    The Masquerades’ festival among the Yoruba of the South-west is a popular traditional festival, largely characterized by peerless feasting, dancing, drumming, ahead-of-class costuming, spontaneous distribution of farm produce and other festival largesse. It is one celebration that attracts natives from wherever they are scattered all around the globe and brings them together despite their personal and social differences. It is a moment when people’s attention would be drawn away from other pressing realities of their lives (personal and communal); worries are pushed aside, hurts are hidden under transient euphoria, provocative truths are post-dated, after all, “everyone must be happy”. It is always a celebration of the people, by the people and for the people. But the truth of it all is that the festival is only seasonal and after a few days of jamboree and the transient wingding, personal hurts return to their owners, worries are back from where they left for sabbatical and post dated truths return from exile, in much greater provocative expressions, all because the festival has ended!

    Sure, no one wants the festival to end as most people are often enveloped in a utopia of sort. But there is always a warning from the declining sounds of the drums and the gongs signaling the approaching end of the festival, because the festival must end. In the same manner, the warnings of approaching end of the 57-year old “festival of oil” of the most populous nation of Africa, have been sounding loud and clear to the ears of her teeming populace. In a recent report, a group of experts declared that Nigeria’s oil reserves may dry up in 35 years and this was later echoed by President Goodluck Jonathan at an event commissioning a new Cement plant in Ewekoro, Ogun State in 2011. More specifically, the Managing Director of Nigerian Petroleum Development Company, Victor Briggs, while serving as General Manager, Planning, National Petroleum Investment Management Services (NAPIMS) in 2010 warned that Nigeria may run out of oil soon and we may no longer be on the list of OPEC members again. If these predictions were to be true, it then underscores the import of the aphorism that “Every day is not Christmas and the Masquerades’ festival must end someday!

    However, from my vantage point, the imminent end of our “festival of oil” does not have to be the literal drying up of the nation’s “black gold” that currently accounts for over 90% of our exports and over 70% of the consolidated government revenue, but the resultant insufficiency of the proceeds of oil to meet the needs of the nation’s constantly growing population in the near future. The alleged insufficiency is predicted on three grounds. Firstly, with the current population of the country roughly put at around 160 million, the nation is importing 2.5 million tons of milled rice annually and expends a sum of about N1.3 trillion on food imports annually, with the said figure noted to have been rising by 11% every year. With the projected population of Nigeria in 20 years, 35 million tons of rice will then be imported annually. I frankly hold that even with the current value of our “petro-naira”, we are not poised to foot the bill for such huge food imports.

    Secondly, United States of America which hitherto has been the biggest buyer of Nigeria’s crude oil has recently reduced the volume of its patronage for the obvious reason. The United States now holds the world’s largest deposits of oil shale, a kerogen-containing rock which can be extracted and processed into usable transportation fuel. The oil shale deposits found on federal lands in Colorado, Utah and Wyoming in United States contain an estimated 4.285 trillion barrels of oil in place according to the U.S. Geological Survey — enough to sustain America’s fuel needs for over a century. In the words of Roger Day, Vice President for operations for American Shale Oil (AMSO) “In the past 100 years — in all of human history — we have consumed 1 trillion barrels of oil. There are several times that much here,” This practically accounts for the reason why America’s imports to Nigeria slid to 194,000 barrels per day in February 2013 from average of about 376,000 barrels per day that it used to be. Even though Nigeria seems to have found a replacement for United States in China and India, it is not certain, how far the substitute may be sustained. It is however advisable to prepare for a slide in sales.

    Lastly, there is now a stiff competition for Nigeria, as Angola is now poised to overtake Nigeria as the continent’s largest producer of crude oil as the Southern African country produced 1.87 million barrels per day in May, as Nigeria also produced. It is also noteworthy that Ghana, Kenya, Uganda, Cameroun, Chad and some other nations have also found oil thereby making the competition stiffer. Distilling from the above, it therefore requires no soothsayer to predict an inevitable end to the nation’s hitherto celebrated “festival of oil”

    If the festival must truly come to an end, what then should we do? The only answer is “DIVERSIFY! Economic diversification is generally defined as the process in which the economy becomes more diverse in terms of goods and services it produces. This is distinguishable from export diversification which portends deliberate policies intended to change the shares of commodities in the existing export mix by introducing new products in the export portfolio, and/or breaking into new geographical markets. A successful diversification plan requires firm political commitment, consistent public policies and substantial financial resources. Of course, many challenges arise when pursuing a diversification scheme. It is often necessary to make significant investments in human resources and infrastructure to support economic sectors and activities such as value-addition in commodities. These are long-term endeavours that need government’s commitment and political will, not to mention major capital investments.

    If an economic diversification scheme is vigorously and sincerely pursued, benefits accruing to it include less exposure to external shocks, increase in trade, higher productivity of capital and labour, better regional economic integration, appreciable reduction of poverty and promotion of human and social development. Success stories of economic diversification from resource-dependency include those of Malaysia, Chile, Indonesia, Kenyan, South Africa and Tunisia.

    To appreciate huge bounties that await us if we give diversification a chance, we should consider the following facts:

    UNESCO recently declared that Nollywood (Nigeria’s movie industry) has the largest production of films in the world; no doubt, this industry is often regarded as one of Nigeria’s largest exports. But so pathetically, the movie industry is largely underfunded, as the entire Nigeria’s movie industry is valued at $250 million, whilst the total budget of “Avatar” a recent American movie, was $280 million. Avatar reportedly made a huge figure of $2,782,275,172 at the box office, while all the Nigerian movies since 1992 could not boast of the figure attributed to Avatar. You may contest the worth of this industry but one thing no one can contest is the economic promises of Nollywood if properly funded.

    The Computer Village in Ikeja, Lagos State, according to the Minister for Information and Communication Technology, Omobola Johnson generates about US$2billion to the nation’s economy every year and today constitutes an ICT hub for the West African states, yet, this hub is yet to be fully developed.

    Of course, much need not be said about the potentials of our first love- agriculture, which at independence accounted for over 80% of the nation’s exports. There are proofs that other sectors like manufacturing and sports are limitlessly promising.

    With all of these, does it appear we have much to benefit by giving diversification a chance or we should rather continue in our age-long “dancing and feasting” that our “festival of oil” has brought and await the sudden end of the festival.

    • An excerpt of paper delivered at the 2013 Nigerian Diaspora Youth Leadership Summit held at the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) from September 4- 5

  • Good man of PDP

    Perhaps anyone looking for a faultless model of a square peg in a round hole should focus on Shawo South-west Ward in Offa Local Government Area of Kwara State, where a certain Afolabi Jimoh  Olawole made news by pooh-poohing an official declaration that he won a re-run councillorship election.  Three days after the poll conducted by the Kwara State Independent Electoral Commission (KWASIEC) on August 31, Olawole spectacularly shunned the crown, insisting that it was thrust upon him without merit.

    Even more dramatic was his choice of forum for the disclaimer. For a candidate who went into the contentious election ostensibly as a card-carrying member of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), it was a sight to behold when he took the stage at a media briefing organized by the rival All Progressives Congress (APC) in Offa to rubbish his own party. Olawole’s performance was not only unheard-of; it was also unbecoming of a loyal party man.

    Certain questions are inevitable in this absurdist show:  Could Olawole possibly represent the ideal politician that the country has lacked to its detriment? Is he the kind of democratic champion that the people desire?  His denial of alleged victory was suffused with the sentiment of divine justice, but he clearly missed the point. According to him, “To me, I know that we shall give an account of all our acts on this earth one day. On that day, there will be no influence from anybody; be it Oba, governor, leader, elder, father or mother; but you will be left alone with your deeds. In this wise, I have resolved not to be a partaker in getting what is not mine from anybody at all in Offa and in Nigeria as a whole.”  He added, “In all the eight polling units in my ward, the PDP lost, while the APC won convincingly.”

    Evidently, this was a speech for the priestly pulpit rather than the political podium, and it was discriminatory by not taking others into account, individuals of a different mind, especially materialists who dispute the existence of a spiritual world where earthly conduct is judged. Olawole’s overriding logic was simplistic and, in the final analysis, did little to further the cause of democracy. His one-dimensional appeal to spirituality was not only mystifying; it also carried the invalid implication that the non-religious may not be sufficiently moral to do what is right in the realm of politics.

    It is important to appreciate that, although Olawole’s argument might sound appealing, it would be unjust to restrict the business of political leadership to the circle of those who claim religious or spiritual credentials. Reality has proved that those who wear their religion like a badge are not necessarily moral exemplars, and it will always be debatable how much the practice of religion influences moral conduct. Perhaps one of the most fascinating ideas about moral behaviour is Immanuel Kant’s notion of “the categorical imperative”, which bespeaks the possibility of moral action based on a rationally defined duty to do what is right. Of course, it is a philosophical issue whether the idea of what is morally right can only come from religion.

    So, on two counts, Olawole has the aura of a stranger.  First, by his rejection of allegedly contrived political glory, he proved to be in the wrong ring. He must be the butt of jokes among “real” politicians across the country; they would eagerly give anything for political relevance, and would celebrate even the most brazenly invented and undeserved electoral success. In this context, it is significant that only Olawole rejected victory; his fellows, 11 other councillorship candidates and a chairmanship candidate, in contrast, are basking in the glow of alleged triumph in the local government poll.     Not surprisingly, PDP disowned Olawole, claiming implausibly that he had crossed over to the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), which morphed into APC, and that he was not regarded as the party’s candidate. Obviously, such argument was disingenuous, as the party would likely have kept mum if there had been no rebellion.  Furthermore, not only was Olawole listed a the PDP candidate; also, the logic of a re-run implied unchanged candidacy, except in well defined special circumstances. It was scandalous that PDP talked of a substitution after the election, claiming that one Olagunju Olalekan was its councillorship candidate. This move mirrored a party that has no qualms about how it pursues power.    The second count:  By his sermonising style, Olawole equally demonstrated his oddity.  Evidentially, “real” politicians in the Nigerian context hardly spare a thought for after-life judgment, despite their flaunted godliness. For, if the reverse were true, the fear of God should be enough to guarantee near-zero corruption and good governance.

    Profiling Olawole is particularly difficult because his background is unclear. It would be interesting to have information about his early life, education, work history, family life and social circle, among other pointers. However, perhaps the most intriguing aspect is the puzzle about how he found himself in PDP, the country’s stifling ruling party. Considering his grand moral standpoint, it is incredibly incongruous that Olawole must have identified with the party convincingly enough before emerging as its candidate in the council election.  Is it possible that he was never aware of PDP’s duplicitous politics? Isn’t it said that birds of a feather flock together?   Could his new song be an indication of reformation on his part? Or, to stretch the imagination, could Olawole’s presence in PDP mean that the party’s dark image is not without redeeming features?  Interestingly, Olawole’s script is reminiscent of a play by the German theatre giant, Bertolt Brecht, The Good Woman of Setzuan, which is about a young prostitute, Shen Te, who struggles to lead a life that is “good”, according to religious standards.

    Without doubt, it was a revelatory episode of tentacular dimensions.  In the light of Olawole’s unexpected righteousness, the PDP, which is in power in the state, KWASIEC, and even the man himself, surely cannot be beyond scrutiny and reproach in this drama that is at once comical and tragic. It is apt to ponder how much influence the PDP perhaps exerted, how much money possibly changed hands, how unconscionable the formal electoral structures could possibly be, and the candidate’s apparent inconstancy.

    It was a welcome demonstration of political awareness and sovereignty consciousness that the people said “No”. Despite the protests, the state governor, Abdulfatah Ahmed, hastily inaugurated one of the alleged usurpers as the new local government chairman, while the new councillors were presented to the media in moves that suggested a fait accompli.   Certainly, it was alarming and suspicious that KWASIEC reportedly announced a “blanket result” without a breakdown. It is predictable that the protest will eventually shift to the court of law.

    With the 2015 general elections approaching, the Offa example gives little cause for optimism concerning the integrity of the electoral system and its operators, and right conduct on the part of politicians.

     

    • Macaulay is on the editorial board of The Nation

  • Practical framework for boosting intra-African trade

    It is now well known beyond the shores of our continent. Several African economies, of which Nigeria is the biggest, have been experiencing GDP growth rate of 5 per cent or more for about a decade. The positive outlook of economic growth on the continent, when the major economies of the world are in decline with negative or weak growth, has made Africa the darling of global investors in a way never seen before. More than ever before, this is an exciting time for Africa and investors in Africa.

    The bright prospects for investments in Africa are linked to vast untapped economic opportunities. But market mechanisms are known to be weak too. When I assumed the leadership of the Nigerian Export – Import Bank (NEXIM Bank) four years ago, I was immediately interested in knowing the connection between economic growth trends in West Africa and trade flows within the sub-region.

    Of course, this was not a mere academic inquisition. By the statute setting it up (Act 38 of 1991), NEXIM Bank is an Export Credit Agency, and is the trade policy bank of the Federal Government of Nigeria. I therefore wanted to see how Nigeria can leverage regional trade in pursuing the goal of a more robust external sector performance, which has underpinned the quest for diversification of foreign exchange earnings for the country.

    Shocking statistics

    What I found was shocking. At the same time, it inspired action. Economic growth rate in the member-countries of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has accelerated past existing infrastructural capacities. Intra-Ecowas trade had grown from 4.7 million tonnes in 1998 to 13.2 million tonnes in 2008 without any corresponding increase in road or rail transport infrastructure. Until recently when investment in infrastructure became a national economic growth strategy into which citizens’ welfare is embedded in Nigeria, the country’s housing and construction industry contributed just 2 per cent to GDP.

    Across the sub-region, existing road transport infrastructure has degraded, while the networks provide very limited access to economic opportunities. The few rail networks were not interconnected across countries to provide regional coverage, which would have improved their viability. And in the last two decades, the major airlines in the sub-region – Nigerian Airways and Ghana Airways – have collapsed. The ports also lack enough capacities. This acquaints port users with the phenomenon we call port congestion.

    The reaction I get from non-exporter middle- senior level professionals when I paint the poignant picture of the constraint infrastructure deficiency puts on regional trade within Africa is usually unbelief. Freight charges for shipment of cargoes within sub-Saharan African are the highest compared with what obtains within any other region of the world.

    Whereas it costs about $2,500.00 to ship a containerised cargo from China to Lagos, it costs roughly $3,500.00 to ship the same from Lagos to Douala. And whereas a shipment from United States to Lagos might take 10 days, cargoes sent from Apapa Port in Nigeria to Tema Port in Ghana will take a minimum of 45 days, because unavailability of direct sea link between the two countries necessitates that the goods are first shipped to Europe, then transhipped to the West African destination by European vessels.

    If an exporter in Nigeria cannot afford the time and higher cost of cargo transhipment, and therefore opts for road transport in spite of the poor state of the roads and dilapidated trucks, that exporter would be confronted with some of the worst pains of non-tariff barriers to trade in West Africa. Multiple (sometimes illegal) road blocks and several immigration checkpoints will prove very daunting.

    The bigger damage done to this exporter is psychological. The exporter will not be able to contemplate significant increase in trade capacity. For him/her to move 20 container-size cargoes across the West African borders, one extreme is that 20 trips would be done with one truck. On the other extreme, 20 trucks would have to be deployed on the road at the same time.

    Either way, or in-between, the odds that stark against the exporter can be overwhelming. With this scenario, it is trite to say that intra-regional trade in Africa is not competitive. Intra-ECOWAS trade is about 10 per cent, while intra-Africa trade fared only marginally better at 12 per cent. Trade within the European Union is about 50 per cent.

    Facilitating “Eco” Sealink

    I don’t believe in arm-chair banking, never mind the profession is white collar. Therefore, at NEXIM Bank, we follow our clients to the market in order to understand the risks to their businesses (to which we provide credit), and how we might help them harness opportunities for growth.

    I came up with the idea of what we call the Sealink project as a response to the challenges our exporters face. This project is intended to provide direct maritime links between ECOWAS member-countries. That was the original idea. But when we began to work on the initiative; when we began to mobilise support for the project from our sisters and brothers across the sub-region; and when we exposed the project to our friends in Cameroon, we found that the Sealink project is born in due season, and that its scope should cover both West and Central African sub-regions.

    Last month, we held the first Sealink bilingual investor forum in Accra, Ghana. For me, it was emotional to see the overwhelming support and endorsements the project received across the two sub-regions. The ECOWAS Commission, which was represented by its Vice President, Dr. Toga Gayewea Mcintosh, is backing the project.

    The Sealink project is seen as assisting the Commission to actualise some of its objectives under the 1979 Protocol on Free Movement of Persons, and the Right of Residence and Establishment across West Africa. Since the ECOWAS Commission was an early backer of the project as far back as 2011, it came to the Forum with substance. We were told the attention of Heads of Government of ECOWAS member-countries has been drawn to addressing piracy – one of the risks the Sealink project contemplates. Beyond this, the ECOWAS Commission is happy to lobby Member-States to provide priority berthing for Sealink vessels.

    The enthusiasm for the Sealink project cuts across the language divide. Our brothers from the francophone countries, particularly Côte d’Ivoire want full integration into the Sealink project. This has always been the business case. However, at the time NEXIM Bank commissioned the feasibility study for the project, Côte d’Ivoire was embroiled in a political transition crisis which prevented the study team from visiting the country as they did all other ECOWAS Member-Countries. But today, the crisis is history. His Excellency, President Alassane Ouattara of Côte d’Ivoire is Chairman of ECOWAS. Rather than being seen as an exclusive project, delegates saw the setting up of the Sealink project, which enthusiastically attracted the name “Eco Sealink” (to reflect its origin) in the same light as Ecobank when it started. Today, Ecobank has transcended the boundaries of its origin to become truly a Pan-African institution with subsidiaries in 34 countries across Africa. This was the shared fate of the Sealink project. Like Ecobank, the Sealink project will operate as a private sector business, which will leverage national and regional governmental institutions to bring prosperity to its shareholders and peoples of the sub-regions. The programme to raise $60 million in combined equity and debt capital for the SPV which will operate the project has gathered steam ahead of its commencement of operation in 2014.

    Further endorsements have been provided by the Maritime Organisation of West and Central Africa (MOWCA), Union of African Shippers’ Council, African Development Bank, ECOWAS Bank for Investment and Development and West African Development Bank (BOAD).

    What is in it for Nigeria?

    I have had to answer the needless question on whether NEXIM Bank had derailed with this initiative, by not focusing exclusively on providing funding for Nigerian businesses. Honourable Chukwudi Jones Victor Onyereri, Chairman of House of Representatives Committee on Banking and Currency, emphatically noted at the investor forum in Accra that Nexim Bank is enabled by the Act setting it up to “facilitate” Nigerian trade. He pledged further legislative backing for NEXIM Bank, should the need arise in the process of opening up the sub-regional markets to Nigerian manufacturers and exporters.

    My response is that proper understanding of the role of an Exim bank shows they are national financial agencies with the primary objective of providing access to foreign markets for their local businesses. In this regard, NEXIM Bank is facilitating the Sealink project through mobilisation of private sector resources for a scheme that will increase market access for Nigerian manufactured goods, while also providing Nigerian businesses with inputs from neighbouring countries to drive up cost-efficiency and competitiveness for manufacturers operating in Nigeria. Our manufacturers should be able to leverage their relative high capacities to produce for the sub-regional market, where good appetite for Nigerian manufactured goods, including pharmaceuticals, have been established for decades.

    Part of our goals at NEXIM Bank is to unlock opportunities in the maritime sector through effective indigenous participation, thereby stimulating maritime-related employment as well as minimise capital flight by domesticating substantial percentage of an average $5 billion generated within the country annually from import and export tonnages. Also, the objectives of the Sealink project ventilate the economic goal of Nigeria’s foreign policy which has always emphasised support for Africa. In this context, development practitioners, including the World Bank, have identified growth of intra-Africa trade as a necessary prelude in improving Africa’s trade with the rest of the world.

    Business case and governance

    In providing transportation service for producers, manufacturers and traders across 35 countries of West and Central Africa, the Sealink project will be serving a market of over 400 million people. Our initial proposition is to start off with three passenger-cum-cargo vessels. This ensures we accommodate the preferences of our traders who are accustomed to travelling with their articles of merchandise.

    Traded goods which the Sealink vessels will carry include agricultural produce like yam, plantain, pineapple, water mellon, etc. The dry cargoes will also include used vehicles, automobile spare parts, manufactured products, building materials, solid minerals, etc. Financial analysis by the financial adviser to the project, FBN Capitals, projects very attractive financial performances by the company which will operate the venture. A robust corporate governance framework has been put in place by a carefully selected board from the leading light of private sector operators. Partners to the setting up of the Sealink projects, apart from NEXIM Bank, are Federation of West African Chambers of Commerce & Industry (FEWACCI) and TRANSIMEX – an integrated logistic services provider based in Cameroon.

    Development impact

    I believe the biggest development impact of the Sealink project would be its enhancement of food security in West and Central Africa over the coming years. Countries within the sub-regions have differences in food production capabilities due to climatic and cultural reasons. Food surpluses in some countries would be traded in countries having shortages. Because of market access, we foresee enactment of economies of scale and elimination of wastage arising from production to excess consumption requirement in one country or region. Thereby, the principle of comparative advantage would be unleashed to combat poverty and boost prosperity by facilitating job creation, especially in agriculture and industrial activities around the port areas, as well as by saving foreign exchange which would have been lost to exorbitant freight charges of European shipping lines.

    · Orya is Managing Director / Chief Executive Officer, Nigerian Export–Import Bank

  • It is about Nigeria, not Buhari

    It is about Nigeria, not Buhari

    The registration of the All Progressives Congress (APC) by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has changed the geo-political calculus in the country.

    But observers and critics have beamed a searchlight on the mega party by promoting debates on its prospects and challenges as an amalgam of like-minded progressive actors from the religious and culturally diverse six geo-political zones. Many have predicted doom for the organisation, based on their assumption that the struggle for the presidential ticket on the platform may polarise the fold and weaken its collective zeal and resolve to get power, ahead of the critical 2015 election.

    The past attempts at forging a common front by the progressive leaders in the earlier dispensation hit the rocks. But the APC merger drivers have succeeded where the men of the old order failed. The future is pregnant with many possibilities. Since the party derives its strength in its power of ideas and avowed commitment to change, the ruling hegemony cannot be indifferent to its permutations and seemingly superior ideological postulations.

    The road to 2015 is bumpy. It is slippery and laced with thorns. But APC has antecedents in 11 states where its governors have lived to expectation. How to reenact the feat at the centre is the challenge, and not the competition for the presidential slot by the members of the united political family.

    Former Head of State and chieftain of the APC Gen. Muhammadu Buhari , in this article, counsels observers and critics to elevate issues over personalities as they focus their discussions on the legitimate scramble for power, morality of political leadership and the repositioning of the polity in the post-2015 period.

     

    The registration of the All Progressives Congress- APC -which was a merger of the main political parties in the country, has generated a great deal of excitement and rekindled the prospect of strengthening democracy and hope in our country, in place of national despair. By this act alone, the leaderships of the merging opposition parties have demonstrated that Nigeria, its future, progress and prosperity of its citizens are greater than individual ambitions. The APC is therefore a platform for Nigerians to have an alternative to fulfil their aspirations and realise their potentials with a party that is strong and nationally based. What is more it will help to arrest the drift towards oppression and anarchy.

    Democracy is not just about free and fair elections, the consequence of which parties alternate to form governments. It also provides opportunities for fresh policies to move the country forward. That is why presidential systems have term limits, such as we have but the failed third term attempt is a clear indication that given the opportunity, some politicians will try and subvert the system.

    In parliamentary systems, where there are no term limits, members of the governing parties remove the head of government, however successful she or he is in government and popular with the voters. That was the fate of two British Prime Ministers, Margaret Thatcher and Tony Blair, in recent times. Alternatively, provided there are free and fair elections, the electorate will vote out unpopular governments such as what happened with Mrs. Ghandi in India.

    The dangers of one party or an individual remaining in power for too long are two fold: first is corruption of power. Power, it has been said corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely. The second element is the temptation to absolutism, the rule of one party has the tendency to become the rule of a faction of the party and ultimately the rule of one person, a forbidding path to a Stalinist state.

    Regrettably, after the euphoria of its registration, public discussion has been more about personalities and less on the benefits of the emergence of a strong alternative to the governing party and the prospect it offers to widening democracy and stemming the drift to impunity, where an elected President can say he doesn’t give a damn about public opinion.

    The issue is not just about Buhari, but something greater than Buhari or any individual or parts of its whole, it is about Nigeria-its future, progress and prosperity of its citizens, living in peace, harmony, its evolution and integration.

    By joining the army, I had signed up to lay my life for my country. This was what my colleagues and I faced during our tragic civil war to keep our country united. Nigeria has been good to me. I was an orphan but it educated me and trained me and offered me the ultimate prize any citizen can hope for-its leadership.

    My involvement in the political process is another call to duty and my desire to give back to Nigeria a little of what it gave me, by joining hands with others to provide viable options to our fellow citizens and evolve social and economic policies that are sustainable and all inclusive, by a caring leadership that is dedicated to the efficient management of the economy, social justice and individual liberty.

    Such leadership is not restricted to government alone, we all have roles to play-the National Assembly, the judiciary, the security services, the press and civil society groups, to ensure checks and balances, protection of all under the law, and accountability.

    If some politicians find it more convenient to drag public discussion towards the weaknesses of Nigeria, in order to hide their incompetence and divert attention from their theft of public funds, it is the responsibility of the press to steer the debate to policies and programmes, not withstanding the diversionary self-destruct antics of the PDP.