Category: Opinion

  • Aregbesola and the journey of Brother Tortoise

    Aregbesola and the journey of Brother Tortoise

    By Gboyega Amoboye

    In Yoruba mythology, tortoise is an animal credited with immense wisdom but considered dishonorable.

    Viewers might remember the Oloja of Oja, Oba Adenle in the vintage but now rested Village Headmaster in one of their episodes, dancing to  a solo, in mockery  of a chief thus: “Brother tortoise when will you return from this your journey?”  Tortoise replied;”Not until I have been disgraced”.      

    There is a Yoruba folklore ‘Eebu alo ni ti ahun (tortoise), ti abo ni ti ano re’ that seems to agree with the solo by ‘Kabiyesi, as Oloja was fondly addressed by his subjects.  While still searching for an appropriate translation it goes thus: Mr tortoise went to steal yams from his father in-law’s farm and was caught red handed. To humiliate him, his in-law tied him to a stake along a busy market road.   In the morning, he was mocked by market women on their way to the market for his shameful act. But on their way back in the evening, the same market women still met tortoise at the stake. In annoyance, they turned their abuse on his inlaw. ‘Do you want to kill him? After all, he’s your in-law! One could find a correlation in Rauf Aregbesola’s rebellion against his mentor President Bola Tinubu in this shameful story of brother tortoise.

    Aregbesola a former protege of President Bola Tinubu was former governor of Osun State. That Aregbesola was made politically by the President is said to be incontrovertible. That he was made governor by his mentor is also incontrovertible. According to political observers  Aregbesola use to be  lord of the  largest local government in the country, Alimoso and also by the courtesy of Bola Tinubu.

    That Aregbesola could rebel against his mentor and even now leading a gang of politicians to stop him in 2027 is considered a puzzle carried too far.

    READ ALSO: North frantic about 2027

     But what could have led to a case of Chinua Achebe’s ‘Falcon not hearing the Falconer?’. A well informed Yoruba leader told me recently that Aregbesola’,’ grievance was that he had been marginalised in Osun and Lagos State by the President. But to political observers this was the same Aregbesola who was appointed Minister of Internal Affairs by the immediate past President Muhammadu Buhari apparently on the recommendation of President Bola Tinubu.

    Unless if he were one of the ‘born to rules’ said a critic, one should be surprised that he could not stay out of power for a while to allow for fairness to others.  It has equally been argued that there was no way he could have been left in the cold by the President if his loyalty had not been in doubt.  My informant spoke of attempts being made to  reconcile him with the President except that his’Omoye has already danced naked in the market Square’  But Marrie Correli in her novel Ziska said ‘,”even with a late repentance love pardons all.”. Will this be true of Aregbesola? “Time will tell”, says Jimmy Cliff.

    Yoruba drummers are equivocators. One watched Aregbesola recently on the social media dancing to a rebellious gangan drumming, ‘praising him for daring his mentor. While dancing in reckless abandon to the consternation of viewers his apparently remorseful wife, Sherifat, called him to order.

    Paradoxically, this group of gangan drummers are never loyal to anyone. It would not be strange tomorrow for them to turn  the gangan against Aregbesola  in eulogy  of President Bola Tinubu if he wins the 2027 Presidential election thus; ‘Ta nibata ko subu. Aregbesola,  ta nibata ko subu. Aregbesola, Oko Sherifa, ta nibata ko subu. Ojo esin nku si dede, alakori, ta nibata ko subu ‘ ( Kick Aregbesola with your shoe and let him fall down in disgrace).

    • Amoboye, a veteran journalist, is a media consultant.

  • Appraising Wike: A candid political prognosis

    Appraising Wike: A candid political prognosis

    By Mobolaji Sanusi

    “A good example is not the main thing in influencing others, it is the only thing.” — Anonymous

    Nyesom Wike has firmly emerged as a celebrated power broker under the current political dispensation. From historical records, he didn’t just arrive at this destination without fighting battles. Some he won by sheer providential interventions, others with unbridled political resilience. But one thing is clear, he has, within the past ten years, established himself as a political warlord with a big war chest and vast connections in the right places.

    There are several instances to buttress these assertions. For example, his reelection as his home state’s local government chairman, after serving his first term was guaranteed by the accidental meeting and intervention that had a touch of providence of then governor, Dr. Peter Odili, who vetoed the truncation of his second term candidacy for Obio-Akpor Local Government Area when his name was almost removed from the list.

    Later, he moved to join the tortuous battle for the restoration of Rotimi Amaechi’s governorship ticket and after the Apex Court’s miracle verdict that proclaimed him governor, Amaechi compensated him because of his committed roles in his ascension struggles by appointing him as his Chief of Staff. And when they fell apart, he meandered his way to emerge as a minister of the federal republic of Nigeria under the administration of President Goodluck Jonathan. He used the opportunity of that position to successfully launch the battle to succeed Amaechi as governor and ruled the state for two terms of eight years.

    Unlike other governors before him in Rivers State who failed to install their preferred successors, Wike set the precedent of handpicking his successor in Governor Sim Fubara. But against his own public pronouncement that after his  governorship duty, he would not jostle for any political appointment having failed to secure the vice-presidential slot to veteran presidential candidate, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, GCON, Wike resurfaced in Abuja where President Bola Tinubu, GCFR, graciously appointed him as the high profile minister of the Federal Capital Territory(FCT). The first southerner to occupy the position.

    READ ALSO: Epidemic looms in Lagos’ largest estate as re-commissioned water project fails

    In Abuja, he battled the Abuja mafia that saw him as attempting to unsettle the progress-retarding status quo ante cartel in the FCT. While slugging it out with the cartel, his installed successor in his home state, Fubara, was fomenting the battle for political independence which Wike wasn’t ready to give.

    As a man who is used to fighting battles, even at the shortest notice, he fought Fubara to sustain his domestic political survival and to preserve his inexorably rising political profile in Abuja. In the end, he taught Fubara a great lesson by not only making the state ungovernable for him but in also stimulating a volatile political environment through his foot soldiers on ground that led to the imposition of an emergency rule in Rivers. With emergency rule in place, the contentious local government elections conducted by Fubara was annulled, in supposed obedience to the apex court’s judgment.

    Finally last Saturday, a fresh local government election conducted in the twenty-three local governments in the state returned Wike as the indisputable godfather of Rivers State politics. The exercise adjudged by observers to be peaceful, surprisingly saw the All Progressives Congress(APC) won twenty councils while the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the state of which Wike is a member, won a paltry three council areas.

    Wike, with his delicate hybrid brand of politics, is now firmly in control of the grassroots across Rivers state.

    The FCT minister can henceforth reassert his authority over APC and PDP machineries and also be in-charge of the local councils’ chairmen, councillors and more importantly, grassroots mobilisation. He is strategically brainy enough to rename his group after the president’s political shibboleth: Renewed Hope Agenda bloc. By this nomenclature, his loyal tendencies in both APC and PDP are now firmly under his influence ahead of the 2027 general election. Effectively now, Wike, not Fubara, when the emergency rule is lifted, will dictate the modus of delegates’ selection and equally who gets what ticket in the upcoming and subsequent primaries. His national political influence as a strong south-south leader is now gradually, if not already solidified.

    A subregional powerbroker in Wike, if he manages his affairs well, is now in the making. He can now consolidate his networks and loyalty base as a trusted ally of the president. But for how long can Wike play the president’s game? Except he decides to commit self-inflicted political suicide, his loyalty to the president cannot falter between now and 2027. Again. Would he have helped our current president if Atiku had picked him as his running mate in late 2022? After 2027, especially if Wike is not reappointed or that his FCT portfolio, which today stands unlikely, is changed, won’t his current disposition to the president change?

    By 2031, ceteris paribus, apologies to the economists, when the president would have finished his second term in office, won’t Wike turn against him if he thinks political calculations preferred by the president are not favourable to his aspirations?

    Yours sincerely is asking these questions because of the cautionary aphorism of that Chinese philosopher that championed personal and governmental morality, Confucius when he said: “The man who asks a question is a fool for a minute. The man who does not ask is a fool for life.” Because l do not want to be a fool for life in view of Wike’s antecedents in actions and words, which are not favourable to the president and even the APC that is the central government party. His 2022/23 actions and uttered words most especially, lacked political integrity and character.

    Barrister Wike spewed out statements and put up conducts against the president and his party that should make a right thinking person ponder on whether his seeming current “absolute political loyalty to the president” is not something fleeting and for his current political survival? In our assessments of persons, Frank Herbert admonished us to ask: “Do actions agree with words? There’s your measure of reliability. Never confine yourself to the words.”

    For a concise juxtaposition, past and present actions and words should be used if we’re desirous of arriving at an empirically appropriate conclusions on the FCT minister.

    Wike was once caught on camera espousing denigrative statements on our president and APC: Lets highlight two instances and the first being where he alluded to one of our dear president’s campaign statements; he derisively enthused: “I heard people declaring for APC saying that they want to continue the good job of Mr President (Buhari). Is it the good job of people dying everyday? Is it the good job of naira falling everyday? I feel so ashamed that we have gotten to the level of sycophancy. Where people will come and say they want to continue the good job of Buhari….What is the good job of Buhari? Is hunger the good job? Is poverty and insecurity the good job? Or the economy falling the good job? It’s such a shameful thing. I can’t believe that someone will come out in today’s Nigeria and say I want to continue where Buhari has stopped.”

    The second being at a point in time when asked if he’ll leave PDP for APC: He sarcastically declared: “Leave for where? I presently have malaria that can be treated easily and I will go and look for cancer that will kill me immediately?….Is the APC a party? A party that has killed Nigerians? No way, I can’t leave the PDP for such a party. Any fight we engage in the PDP is inside the PDP and that is where I will fight. If they like, they injure me there or I injure them but I won’t ever run away. Though I know they cannot injure me….That is where we will fight our fight but to leave the PDP that has common malaria for the APC that has cancer, no, it can’t happen.”

    Who knows what Wike will say about our current president if they developed strained political relationships somewhere along the line? If for nothing, we have seen and heard words and dispositions of Wike to some of his past political benefactors including Dr Peter Odili, Dr & Mrs Goodluck Jonathan, Rotimi Amaechi and others.

    Yours sincerely is only just being futuristically cautious by drawing our dear president’s attention to what a politically cantankerous Wike could do, after all, Wolfgang Schauble once said that “reliability is the precondition for trust.” Also, Confucius’ disdain for unreliable people under whatever guise is unsparing when he referred to them as “utterly useless.”

    It is necessary to point out that this piece is not out to denigrate Wike who is widely seen, acknowledged and justly celebrated as “Mr Projects” during his 8-year tenure as governor of Rivers State. The same commendable template of projects’ initiatives, he has been implementing in the FCT infrastructural turnaround, as its hardworking minister.

    Most times, habits develop into character and following from this, the reliability of Wike’s political character is somehow questionable and to protect our President, this necessitates the need to advert our minds to this detrimental political temperament of Wike and to prepare an antidote for curtailing him when the time comes.

    Besides the aforementioned, ride on the presidential beloved Barrister Nyesom Wike, the Mr Projects of the FCT.

    • Sanusi, former LASAA MD/CEO is a managerial psychologist and currently the managing partner of AMS RELIABLE SOLICITORS.

  • Sustaining Unongo’s legacy with Fidelis Msughter

    Sustaining Unongo’s legacy with Fidelis Msughter

    By Toryila Peter

    In a time when Benue North East Senatorial District, Benue State and indeed Nigeria yearns for and requires transformative leadership, Hon. Fidelis Msughter Unongo emerges as a refined voice of integrity, innovation, and inclusive development. His life is a compelling story of purpose, preparation, and people-centered progress. A story that speaks directly to the hopes of Benue North East Senatorial District and the entire Benue State.

    He is the proud son of the late Wantaregh Paul Iyorpuu Unongo, one of Nigeria’s most distinguished elder statesmen, former Minister of Power and Steel, Second Republic political icon, founding member of the political parties that brought Nigeria to her present political democratic maturity, and a towering voice in the Northern Elders Forum.

    Paul Unongo was more than a politician. He was a moral compass in turbulent times, a bridge between the old and the new, a relentless advocate for the unity of Nigeria, and a global ambassador of Tiv heritage. In the heat of national crises, his voice resonated with courage and clarity. He fought for Nigeria’s democracy during its most fragile moments, stood firmly for justice in the face of political pressure, and worked tirelessly to ensure that the North, and indeed Benue, had a respected seat at the national table.

    His unwavering support for the people of Benue cemented him as one of the greatest sons of the soil.

    Today, that rich legacy calls for continuity. Hon. Fidelis Unongo carries his father’s vision, discipline, and love for Nigeria in his veins. His own record of service spanning across governance, grassroots empowerment, and national policy influence proves he is not merely Paul Unongo’s son by blood, but by character and conviction.

    READ ALSO: Epidemic looms in Lagos’ largest estate as re-commissioned water project fails

    Supporting him is not just about electing another senator; it is about preserving a national legacy and ensuring that the ideals Paul Unongo fought for: unity, equity, development, and the dignity of the Benue people; live on through a new generation of leadership.

    We call upon leaders of thought, elder statesmen, business icons, the political class, and patriotic Nigerians across party lines to rally behind Hon. Fidelis Unongo so that the flame of service, unity, and progress ignited by Wantaregh Paul Unongo will not be extinguished but will burn brighter for Benue, for the North, and for Nigeria.

    Born and raised with the values of service and excellence deeply rooted in his heart, Hon. Unongo has grown into one of the most distinguished public administrators of his generation. He currently serves as Special Adviser to the Executive Governor of Benue State on Special Duties and Intergovernmental Affairs, where he coordinates strategic engagements between the state and federal, international, and development-focused organizations.

    But his story does not begin at the corridors of power. It begins with the community, with people, and with a burning desire to uplift the ordinary citizen. Whether advocating for grassroots governance or championing job creation, Hon. Fidelis Unongo has always placed the people at the center of his work.

    Prepared For The Moment, Poised For Leadership

    Educated in the fields of International Relations (BSc) and Peace and Conflict Resolution (MSc), Hon. Unongo is not just well-read—he is well-rounded. He has undergone specialized executive trainings in project management, public policy, digital governance, and media communication, positioning him as a 21st-century leader with the tools and temperament to solve real-world problems.

    A Fellow of the Institute of Chartered Administration in Nigeria (FCAI), his administrative excellence is not just recognized; it is certified. He is a man who blends intellectual rigor with street-level pragmatism, capable of understanding policy in the boardroom and people’s needs in the marketplace.

    Track Record Of Service And Results

    Hon. Fidelis Unongo’s record speaks volumes; measured not just in speeches, but in results:

    He was instrumental in organizing the National Agricultural and Mechanization Summit, the MSMEs Clinic, and the Transforming Nigerian Youth Program, which brought national focus and economic opportunity to Benue.

    He influenced the Mastercard Foundation Business Development Program, empowering over 2,000 women in enterprise and entrepreneurship.

    He pioneered the Benue Fashion Hub, a world-class youth empowerment initiative projected to create over 48,000 direct and indirect jobs annually.

    He serves on the Federal Government’s Yam Export Technical Committee, ensuring Benue’s famed agricultural potential contributes to Nigeria’s non-oil export revenue.

    As Chairman of the Advisers Forum, he harmonizes the efforts of political advisers, streamlining government operations for efficient service delivery across Benue State.

    These are not abstract accomplishments; they are proof that Hon. Unongo does not wait for the future to happen. He builds it.

    Rooted In The Gassroots, Refined In Statecraft

    In 2019, he offered himself to serve the people of Kwande East in the Benue State House of Assembly. Though he did not clinch the seat, his campaign set a new standard in community engagement, issue-based debate, and youth mobilization. That campaign remains a reference point for what modern, respectful, and development-driven politics should look like.

    What makes Hon. Unongo unique is his deep connection with the grassroots. He knows the roads of Adikpo, the farms of Ushongo, the marketplaces of Vandeikya, and the aspirations of young people from Jechira to Kwande, and the dream of Sankera. He listens, learns, and leads.

    A Candidate For The Future Of Benue North East Senatorial District

    As the people of Benue North East Senatorial District look forward to a future of better roads, stronger institutions, agricultural revival, job creation, quality education, and responsible representation, they deserve a leader who combines experience with energy, vision with values, and access with action.

    Hon. Fidelis Msughter Unongo is that leader.

    His public service so far has not been about self, but about service. It has not been about politics, but about purpose. And it has not been about titles, but about transformation. Every community he has touched, every program he has driven, and every policy he has influenced has one thing in common: people first.

    What Benue North East Senatorial District Can Expect

    A bridge-builder with national and international networks to attract development.

    A policy-maker who understands the legislative process and will advocate for laws that improve lives.

    A youth-driven leader who empowers, mentors, and includes the next generation.

    A patriot who will uphold the cultural dignity and economic potential of Zone A.

    A proven servant who delivers quietly, humbly, and efficiently.

    A Legacy In Motion

    Hon. Fidelis Msughter Unongo represents a rare blend of vision, humility, competence, and courage. He is not just ready to serve; he has been serving. Now, he seeks a broader platform to continue his life’s work: building a prosperous, peaceful, and progressive Benue where every citizen has a voice, a purpose, and a place.

    For Benue North East Senatorial District, this is not just another election. It is a defining moment to choose a path of dignity, innovation, and sustainable development. That path is clear. That name is known.

    Hon. Fidelis Msughter Unongo, FCAI is your son, your servant, your senator-in-waiting.

  • Assessing governance in Enugu

    Assessing governance in Enugu

    By Chief Basil Ani

    When a trader in Ogbete Main Market is slapped with a daily levy by an agent flanked by armed police, or when a mother at a Primary Health Centre in Uwani waits hours for a drug that never comes, they aren’t debating the merits of the APC versus the PDP.

    Their calculus is far more basic: where is the governance? Where are the essentials? Contrary to much-touted ojectives, there is no functioning health center available to the community at present.

    No branding echo, no glossy billboard, and certainly no change of political party allegiance can replace the tangible presence of functioning clinics, equipped classrooms, or paved roads.

    Yet, as swirling rumours suggest Governor Peter Mbah is poised to defect to the All Progressives Congress (APC), a move seen by many as a pre-2027 survival strategy, it is imperative to spotlight Enugu state’s structural headaches. Performance, as the people’s lived reality attests, does not pivot on party colours but on palpable delivery.

    Through debt and extraction, a vice-like grip now appears to have been exerted on the state’s struggling economy.

    Governor Mbah’s ambition is grand: to grow Enugu’s economy from $4.4 billion to $30 billion by 2031.

    However, the strategy to get there appears less about creating wealth and more about extracting it aggressively from an already strained populace.

    According to the Debt Management Office (DMO), Enugu’s domestic debt stands at a staggering ₦188.42 billion as of March 2025. While the state’s 2024 Debt Sustainability Analysis revealed over ₦51 billion in federal-guaranteed loans were written off to ease the books, the debt burden continues to pinch capital spending.

    The question echoing across the state is: where are the payoff projects? 

    The borrowed billions haven’t materialised into the promised factories or agro-clusters. Instead, the government’s answer has been an unprecedented drive for Internally Generated Revenue (IGR). IGR shot from ₦37.4 billion in 2023 to over ₦200 billion in 2024, with projections aiming for an audacious ₦500 billion in 2025.

    For the government, this is a cause for celebration. For ordinary residents and SMEs, it feels like a vice-like grip. 

    The revenue is not flowing from new thriving industries but from the pockets of petty traders, transporters, and small business owners.

    In Enugu state, it has been a labyrinth of levies that feel like death by a thousand cuts

    The promise was a streamlined tax system through the Enugu State Internal Revenue Service (ESIRS). The reality is a proliferation of agencies – ESIRS, ENGIS, Enugu Capital Territory Development Authority, ESWAMA, Ministry of Health officials, VIOs, and local councils – all acting as overlapping revenue points, each with its own set of levies and sanctions.

    For transporters, it’s a daily ticket system for keke, okada, minibuses, and trucks, which must be paid before noon or face penalties.

    For shop vendors, it’s ₦30,000 annually; for market traders, ₦36,000, plus sanitation, signage, and other myriad charges. 

    Enforcement is often militarised, with ESWAMA officials and others accompanied by police, creating an environment of fear rather than voluntary compliance.

    A petty trader at Ogbete, who pleaded anonymity for fear of reprisal, captures the mood: “They come often with police. I pay rent, utility charges, and now these endless levies. They claim it’s for development, but I see no change. I only see more padlocks on other shops that couldn’t cope.”

    This aggressive extraction has a direct, inflationary impact on households. Landlords are passing the costs of government levies to tenants, with rents in some areas jumping from ₦350,000 to ₦600,000 in a single year. 

    It is little wonder the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) recently listed Enugu as one of Nigeria’s most expensive states to live in.

    The grand illusion in the state is in the so-called flagship projects that appear pitted against genuine populist needs,

    The government points to its flagship projects to justify the revenue drive: the renovated Hotel Presidential, plans for an International Conference Centre, and the NigerGas revival.

    Yet, these elite-focused projects have little direct impact on the daily struggles of the average citizen. To make matters worse, the Presidential Hotel project is also incomplete; the third and fourth floors still remain unfinished. Despite this, the hotel was officially commissioned, leaving critical work outstanding

    Smart Schools? More Like Smart Talk! Sadly, Governor Mbah’s Smart School project remains largely incomplete; although 260 schools were promised, less than ten have been completed to date and some of the already built structures have even collapsed.

    The administration’s flag off of its 260 smart schools project claims to have trained over 18,000 teachers but this is only slightly more impactful than a mirage. 

    Out of the 260 schools target meant to be sited across various wards, only fifteen have been constructed as at the beginning of September, 2025.

    School heads in Nsukka and Udi still report no ICT equipment, unreliable solar panels, and no meaningful training follow-through. 

    “They showed us devices during launch. But we’re back to slates, cramped rooms, and unpaid teaching assistants,” a head teacher confessed.

    There are also terminals that terminally don’t exist: the much-trumpeted ultra-modern bus terminals in Emene and Abakpa remain largely empty and dusty.

    There are no ticket booths, no schedules, and no functional shelters. Commuters still pay cash to drivers on the street, under the watchful eyes of taskforce squads collecting their own levies.

    Sadly too, health and agriculture reflect promises without pulse: the pledge of 260 Type-2, 24-hour PHCs and a new 300-bed hospital rings hollow when a midnight visit to a centre reveals no doctor, no drugs, and no staff.

    Meanwhile, farmers in Nsukka say the promised “one million hectare agro-industrial” scheme is yet to translate into road access, tractors, or improved security.

    On-going purported moves towards defection can hardly serve as anything more than mere distraction: a change of clothes won’t heal the wound.

    In the face of glaring governance inadequacies in Enugu state, a defection to the APC would be the cheapest form of political theatre. It can only be a manoeuvre designed for survival, not service.

    As an Abuja-based political analyst bluntly put it, “Changing parties is cheap theatre. Without delivery of democracy dividends, it’s just political cosmetics.”

    Such a move would not reduce the state’s crippling debt burden, rein in the multitude of agencies extorting residents, power a single smart school or stock a single PHC with drugs. Neither can it reverse Enugu’s damning ranking as 36th out of 36 states on the ease-of-doing-business index.

    Governance is not an identity parade! As Enugu inches toward 2027, the subtext is clear: party change or political restructuring won’t fix broken pipelines or classrooms.

    The voters demand substance over spin, results over rhetoric. Soiling new party labels with old, unmet promises won’t erase what Ndi Enugu truly ask for: real schools, functional health centres, open roads, fair taxation, and thriving jobs.

    Many feel concerned about what they see as Peter Mbah’s pretentious governance. Of what essence is branding without bread? Governor Peter Mbah promised Ndi Enugu “a new dawn.”

    Instead, what we see today is a government heavy on cosmetics and light on content; a government obsessed with photo shoots and billboards, yet indifferent to the gnawing hunger of its people.

    Surely phantom industrialisation cannot be an answer to yearnings for true economic development. 

    Mbah’s industrialisation dream is nothing but smoke.

    Two years down the line, not one new factory has sprung up, not a single investor has pitched a tent, and not one Enugu youth has found work in the so-called “industrial revolution.”

    Instead, borrowed billions are wasted on phantom “smart schools” that exist more in glossy presentations than in the broken classrooms where our children still sit under leaking roofs.

    Can citizens live with luxury on empty stomachs? 

    When a government pours billions into renovating Hotel Presidential while its people scavenge for food, priorities are upside down.

    What ordinary trader or keke rider can afford to step foot into that hotel? 

    The project, concessioned to friends and financiers, reeks of self-enrichment in a state where hunger stalks the streets.

    The rampant daily complaints about taxation without mercy deserves attention. 

    Ask the average Enugu trader or driver what Mbah’s “ease of doing business” means, and they will laugh bitterly. 

    It means multiple taxes, endless levies, harassment, and extortion. It means shuttered shops and crippled small businesses. 

    Instead of empowering his people, Mbah has become a tax collector-in-chief.

    Every visitor is greeted with billboards of shiny transport terminals. Ndi Enugu know better. 

    They see no terminals, no order, only harassment by taskforces who collect government levies with intimidation. It is deception in its purest form.

    Debt and deceit cannot be a recipe for the pursuit of greatness. 

    Mbah is alleged to have mortgaged the future of Enugu’s children with reckless borrowing running into hundreds of billions. 

    Yet the loans vanish into contracts without jobs, without industries, without infrastructure. 

    The people are left with debt, while cronies laugh all the way to the bank.

    Even the farmers feel betrayed. The much-hyped “1 million hectare” agriculture revolution? Now appears to be pure propaganda. 

    Our farmers still trek to insecure farms on dangerous roads, with no tractors, no support, no policy framework. Hunger deepens, but the governor keeps boasting at conferences.

    Of greater concern to some of his critics is the perceived suppression of democracy. When a government that claims to uphold rule of law brazenly denies Hon. Bright Ngene his mandate, it is clear: this is no democracy, it is a fiefdom. 

    Dissent is gagged, opposition trampled, yet Mbah preaches about justice abroad while practicing injustice at home.

    Too much of healthcare and education appear to be in ruins Public hospitals rot. Schools decay. Teachers are demoralized. But the governor seems to spend more on branding exercises than on human lives, giving rise to perceptions that he governs for headlines, not for humanity.

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    This gives rise to being seen as a mercantilist government Everything under Mbah is concessioned, outsourced, or sold to cronies. Governance has been reduced to trading public resources among private allies. The people are spectators, not beneficiaries.

    The verdict of the streets appears unforgiving; the people of Enugu easily see through deception. They know Mbah is not people-focused but profit-focused, not a reformer but a brand manager. His government is a glossy cover with empty pages inside.

    Ndi Enugu did not elect a PR firm; they elected a governor. And until he descends from the billboard to the streets where his people groan, branding-heavy his legacy will remain one of betrayal and branding without bread.

    If Governor Mbah or any political actor truly wants to reclaim the hearts of the people, they must pivot from extraction to empowerment, from elite projects to populist needs. Because when the electorate steps into the voting booth, they won’t be voting for banners or party logos—they’ll be voting on their lived experience: the boarded-up shops, the inflated rent, the empty health centres, and the fear of armed tax collectors. No defection can erase that record.

    • Chief Ani is APC chieftain based in Enugu

  • TINUBU IN BRASILIA: Nigerian, Brazilian Leaders deepen ties during historic State visit

    TINUBU IN BRASILIA: Nigerian, Brazilian Leaders deepen ties during historic State visit

    By Keem Abdul

    There is something about Brazil that any Nigerian with some knowledge of the world can relate with – and that is the many commonalities the two countries share. These commonalities exist in almost every area – but especially in those of geography, history and culture. 

    And they’re not skin-deep, either; indeed, they are profound.

    The Federative Republic of Brazil is the most populous country and largest economy in S/America, just as the Federal Republic of Nigeria is the most populous country and one of the largest economies in Africa (a position which has conferred on each country enormous clout within its region). Both countries’ commercial hubs, Sao Paulo and Lagos, are the largest cities on their respective continents. Both countries, whose populations are roughly the same, boast a staggering demographic diversity – Nigeria with its over 200 ethnic nationalities, and Brazil with its racial diversity, from aboriginal ‘Red Indian’ tribes in the Amazon, to descendants of European (especially Portuguese) colonizers  and migrants, to descendants of former African slaves – most of whom, especially in the state of Bahia in the country’s northeast, have retained their African identity, cultural and even traditional religious practices (such as traditional Yoruba  practices such as Ifa divination).

    Both countries belong to the so-called Global South – emerging economies seeking a place on the global stage commensurate with their growing aspirations as far as economic growth, industrialization and sustainable development are concerned: Brazil as a leader in the club known as BRICS (acronym for ‘Brazil, Russia, India, China and South’) and Nigeria as the arrowhead of ECOWAS, the West African sub-regional economic grouping. Both countries’ experiments with demographic governance have been frequently interrupted by long spells of military rule in the past. And at different times, Nigeria and Brazil saw fit to move their respective capitals from bustling coastal cities to virgin locations in the interior; Brazil from Rio de Janeiro to Brasilia in 1960, and Nigeria from Lagos to Abuja in 1991.

    And in their respective Presidents – Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Luis Inacio da Silva (better known by his nickname, Lula) – each country is led by a political maverick with a history of activism and a penchant for bold reform. The engagement between Tinubu and Lula on the occasion of the former’s state visit to Brazil can, therefore, be said to be a meeting between two kindred spirits.

    More importantly, though, it was a meeting between two nations who, apart from the commonalities cited above, also share a desire to cultivate strategic global partnerships and broaden their alliances in a multipolar world and an increasingly uncertain geo-political environment. Though this is Tinubu’s third trip to Brazil since his assumption of office, it was far more significant than the previous two, which were centered around international summits like the G20 and BRICS meetings, while the latest was focused on bilateral agreements. It was an opportunity for Nigeria to derive tangible and intangible benefits from Brazil’s global leadership in mechanized agriculture, agribusiness and renewable energy in its quest for economic diversification, and its desire to engender mutually-beneficial investments to boost Nigeria’s growth and global standing.

    Speaking of agreements and deals, it was a visit of many highlights. Five MOUs were signed in the areas of foreign affairs, aviation, science and technology, agriculture, and cultural exchange.  One highlight, for example, was the Bilateral Air Services Agreement (BASA) which henceforth would enable direct commercial flights between Nigeria and Brazil – a development which is projected to reduce  travel time between the two countries from over 24 hours to just seven; already, an inaugural symbolic flight by the Nigerian carrier Air Peace took the Nigerian delegation from Brasília to Lagos shortly after the Tinubu/Lula meetings. Signed by the two Presidents and their respective ministers of aviation, the agreement, according to the Presidency, was an unequivocal demonstration that Nigerian carriers can compete on global routes, and that Nigeria’s partnerships – especially under Tinubu – can deliver immediate results.

    Indeed, in the aftermath of the BASA agreement, Air Peace and Caverton, another Nigerian carrier, will commence passenger and cargo services, respectively, on the Lagos-São Paulo route from the last quarter of 2025; a clear signal of their readiness to operationalize this potentially profitable corridor. ‎In a further strengthening of aviation and trade ties between the two nations, Air Peace ordered 21 Embraer jets from Brazil on the sidelines of the President’s visit.

    All in all, according to insiders, the trip is set to unlock $30bn in new Brazilian investments in the Nigerian economy – which is a key component of the Nigerian leader’s Renewed Hope Agenda, aimed at opening new markets, strengthening Global South cooperation, and creating opportunities for Nigerian businesses and travellers.

    In a further affirmation of Brazil’s deep cultural affinity with Africa (and especially Nigeria), President Lula also hosted one of Nigeria’s foremost literary icons, the Nobel laureate Prof. Wole Soyinka in a meeting at the presidential palace in Brasilia that highlighted a unique Afro-Brazilian heritage.

    In the meeting, during which Soyinka presented the Portuguese language version of his seminal essay, Myth, Literature and the African World to Lula (a latter-day bibliophile who, according to his bio, did not learn to read until he was 10 – no thanks to his poverty-stricken childhood) the two men shared their views on the role of literature, history, and education in bridging cultures and fostering mutual understanding. Sources say the Soyinka visit is part of a broader effort by Lula to deepen intellectual and cultural cooperation among the nations of the Global South, with Brazil leading the charge through engagements with African thinkers, artists, and cultural institutions.

    Along with the successes recorded with Tinubu and his team, the Soyinka engagement was very much in line with Lula’s vision of Brazil’s ‘soft-power’ role on the world stage. When, in 2007, Brazil won its bid to host the 2014 FIFA World Cup, and followed that up, just two years later, with the right to host the 2016 Olympic Games in Rio de Janeiro, Lula – then serving his first term – saw it as an affirmation by the global community of his country’s pedigree. He declared triumphantly on one of those occasions, “We are now a world-class country.”

    In spite of its current challenges, Nigeria, too, has the makings of a world-class country, and it is only to be expected that, in partnership with Brazil, the realization of Nigeria’s global aspirations is only a matter of time.

    • Keem Abdul, a public relations guru, publisher and writer, hails from Lagos. He can be reached via +2349046303816 or Akeemabdul2023@gmail.com

  • Senator Marafa: A withered finger in Zamfara politics

    Senator Marafa: A withered finger in Zamfara politics

    • By Abdulrahman Alkali

    On August 29, 2025, former Senator Kabiru Marafa, who represented Zamfara Central from 2011 to 2019, announced his exit from the All Progressives Congress (APC) alongside his supporters. 

    Their departure was attributed to claims that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is a “use and dump” politician, growing insecurity in Zamfara State, and the alleged marginalisation of the state in federal appointments under the current administration.

    While some may view the move as troubling, political watchers in Zamfara consider it a welcome development. For years, Marafa was seen as one of the most disruptive and self-serving figures within the APC, whose pursuit of personal interests and political rivalry contributed significantly to the party’s loss of the governorship and other key positions in the state.

    His stance was clear, “If I can’t have it, no one will.” He brought down the roof on everyone, disregarding the monumental damage and cost to his party’s political fortunes.

    It is well-known that in 2018, Senator Marafa ran for the governorship nomination of the APC in Zamfara State, but his bid was marred by internal conflicts within the party. The APC in Zamfara was divided into two factions: one led by Marafa and the other by then Governor Abdul’aziz Abubakar Yari. Each faction organized its own primary elections, leading to a dispute over the legitimacy of the process. 

    The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) recognized the candidates chosen by Yari’s faction, but Marafa argued that no valid primaries had taken place. 

    He insisted that the party’s internal process was flawed and that the primaries organized by Yari’s faction were illegal. 

    This disagreement prompted Marafa to challenge the primaries, ultimately taking the case to the Supreme Court of Nigeria.

    On May 24, 2019, the Supreme Court ruled in favour of Marafa’s position, declaring that the primaries conducted by Yari’s faction were indeed illegal. 

    Consequently, the court’s decision invalidated the election of all APC candidates in Zamfara for the 2019 general elections. 

    As a result, the APC’s votes in Zamfara were rendered void because the party failed to present valid candidates due to the lack of properly conducted primaries.

    In the lead-up to the 2023 general elections, Marafa quickly allied with his former political rival from the 2019 election cycle in a bid to realize his ambition of becoming governor. 

    This resulted in a crisis between two factions: one led by Governor Bello Matawalle, who had defected from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the APC a few months before the start of post-election activities, and another led by former Governor Abdul’aziz Yari and Senator Kabiru Marafa.

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    The crisis within the APC deepened when the then-National Caretaker Committee Chairman, Alhaji Mai Mala Buni, visited the state to welcome Matawalle to the party and announced that Matawalle was automatically the leader of the party in the state.

    Thanks to effective leadership and political maturity displayed by Matawalle, the implosion of the state chapter of the party and a repeat of the 2019 fate were averted, albeit at a cost. Matawalle lost his re-election bid, but the APC remained a united front in Zamfara.

    Marafa’s brief association with the Northern Elders Forum and his harsh criticism of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu are not rooted in northern nationalism but rather in a desperate attempt to maintain political relevance.

    It is reasonable to speculate that Marafa believed he was a frontrunner for a ministerial slot from Zamfara State, but his hopes were dashed when President Tinubu nominated H.E. Bello Matawalle, and appointed him as Minister of State for Defence. 

    This appointment clearly undermines Marafa’s and his allies’ claims of neglect of Zamfara in political appointments.

    It is also noteworthy that Mr. Yazeed Shehu Danfulani was appointed as the Chairman of the Nigerian Agricultural Insurance Corporation. 

    This appointment is not only political but also strategic, as Zamfara prides itself on farming, with the state slogan, “Farming is our pride.”

    Addressing the allegations of militarization during the recent by-elections, it should be noted that Zamfara, given its security challenges, could justifiably be considered a militarized zone. 

    To any objective Nigerian, the increased deployment of military personnel was intended to ensure the safety and well-being of the electorate, as these areas are within a hotbed of banditry and terrorism.

    While Zamfara remains in the news for security-related matters, it is on record that the Bola Ahmed Tinubu-led administration has neutralized over 20 bandit leaders declared wanted in the last two years. 

    This marks a clear departure from the situation in 2023, when the Muhammadu Buhari-led administration made insufficient efforts to secure the state, heavily militarized the 2023 governorship election, and failed to capture, try, or neutralize a single bandit leader.

    In my opinion, Marafa’s exit from the APC represents the self-elimination of a disruptive element from its ranks.

    – Abdulrahman Alkali, a social commentator, writes from Gusua.

  • Segun Adesanya: Celebrating a quintessential administrator

    Segun Adesanya: Celebrating a quintessential administrator

    The story of Segun Adesanya tells of a young man with a humble beginning with lofty dreams to turn challenges to opportunities. August 31 is a day to remember in the life of Adesanya. 

    A Yoruba proverb says: “Anyone who knows how to think critically will always know how to give thanks.” Another Yoruba proverb also say that an ingrate is akin to a robber that makes away with one’s goods. Adesanya has a lot to be thankful for: the sheer gift of life, sound health, a happy family, a prosperous populace and a promising future.

    His inspiring story is akin to a garden of endless harvests, a cavalcade of feats and heights attained. It is quite an impossible task to abridge the compendium of Adesanya’s remarkable accomplishments and achievements. By now, it ought to be clear that whoever the Almighty God has destined to wear a crown will do so. For him, perhaps the course of events has also been influenced by his name Adesanya.

    Before I met him, I have always wondered from a respectable distance what manner of man this irrepressible administrator and leader is; his simple visage and demeanour when you move close to him belies his startling bluntness, frankness. He gave me tremendous support and push especially in my career, and I do hope that someday I will chronicle his life events in a book for many to read and get to know about his amazing personality. 

    Looking back over the span of the decade that has followed, it has occurred to me that it was a providential meeting – one that altered the course of my life and spawned a richly fulfilling professional and personal relationship. On Adesanya’s birthday, I find it appropriate to celebrate not only the man, but my relationship of many years with one of the most remarkable individuals I have ever met.

    I count myself lucky to be within Adesanya’s circle of trust and space of authenticity, and can confirm that he has no facades – what you see is what you get. He exhibits a consistency of character that extends from his personal space to his public persona. There is no contradiction between private convictions and his public persona, which is a rare trait among public figures.

    For those who have followed Adesanya’s trajectory, in his characteristic exemplary leadership style, he has pitched his tent with this history-making camp. It comes with a price: courage. 

    On different occasions, I’ve had to learn from his wealth of experience, and equally, he has had to humbly confide in me and also sought for opinion(s) on issues. One instance is when Adesanya made the fateful plunge into partisan politics, I knew it was going to be a tough terrain. 

    Adesanya’s migration from the sidelines into the trenches of politics was intriguing. It seemed an experiment to test the widely held theory that honest and competent Nigerians cannot survive the quagmire of politics. This is the theory that has kept many good people of our generation, and that before ours, out of politics for fear of being tainted and consumed. Adesanya has negotiated the turbulent waters of partisan politics without losing his humanity.

    For obvious reasons, Adesyanya’s pathway to political power has been paved with thorns. That is not fortuitous; gold, before it becomes refined, must pass through fire. At the heart of this achievement lies Adesanya’s moral compass. He is first a man of deep convictions, and an administrator driven by concrete principles rather than situational ethics.

    For instance, when Adesanya was appointed as Chairman, Bariga Intervention Committee by the quondam chairman of Bariga Local Council, Hon. Kolade Alabi, he confronted his assignment with customary rigour, immersing himself in reaching to the downtrodden and the well-deserved beneficiaries. He demonstrated a clear determination to leave a legacy.

    Adesanya’s dreamy, rolling eyeballs behind his simple frame gives you the mistaken impression of quietude. His alluring simplicity cloaks astute managerial, even administrative skills as a leader, a fine thinker and a passionate humanitarian — attributes which he has brought to leadership. Interestingly, I’m still in awe over his style of uncommon leadership; a man who is more concerned with serving than engaging in unnecessary politicking.

    During one occasion, he stood ramrod and made his remarks with panache. His voice bellowed with resonance, passion, and conviction. He was speaking from the depth of his guts and his eyes were on the prize. He earned the hearts of many especially in Akoka community and Bariga at large. Adesanya commands people’s respect because he is devoted to worthy causes. No wonder he was nicknamed the “Mayor of Akoka”. 

    He is one of the very few people I know that can never be blindsided or fazed by any eventuality. His calmness and infinite optimism even in the face of life’s greatest odds are inspiring and worthy of the respect and aspiration of coming generations.

    His favourite line which he will always say with a soft-spoken voice, “Aanu mi a se yin” is a testament to his humane and humble personality. He is imbued with nonpareil intelligence, a clear-thinking, analytical mind, quick wit and sheer oratorical skills. 

    As he marks the historic date of his birth today, August 31, the occasion, no doubt, transcends the mere ticking of years; it is a remembrance of a life dedicated to progress, inclusivity, and the indomitable spirit of a people yearning for transformation.

    Alao Abiodun is a journalist.

  • Obi’s One-term tenure: Time to talk or time to take action?

    Obi’s One-term tenure: Time to talk or time to take action?

    By Shola Adebowale

    Peter Obi, the former Labour Party presidential candidate, has called for a one-term limit for the President of Nigeria, sparking significant attention and controversy, and highlighting the complexities of governance in Nigeria. As Nigerians weigh the potential benefits and drawbacks of this proposal, it is essential to examine the implications of such a reform on the nation’s development and stability.

    Obi’s proposal for a one-term limit aims to prevent the abuse of power and promote accountability in government. By limiting the president to a single term, Obi argues that the president will be more focused on delivering results and serving the people, rather than prioritizing re-election. This approach could also give the president the freedom to make tough decisions without worrying about political repercussions.

    However, implementing a one-term limit in Nigeria’s complex environment poses several challenges. A president serving a single four-year term might struggle to achieve significant reforms, especially in areas like infrastructure development and economic growth. Additionally, without the prospect of re-election, a president might not be motivated to prioritize long-term projects or tackle difficult issues. Furthermore, a one-term limit could lead to a lack of continuity in policies, as each new administration might have different priorities and approaches.

    There are historical examples of leaders who have made significant contributions in their nations during a single term, despite the challenges of governing in pluralistic nations with diverse ethnic nationalities. These examples demonstrate that effective leadership and strategic planning can lead to meaningful impact, even in complex environments. For instance, Nelson Mandela, as President of South Africa from 1994 to 1999, played a crucial role in transitioning the country from apartheid to democracy. His leadership and vision helped to promote reconciliation and nation-building. Similarly, Kim Dae-jung, as President of South Korea from 1998 to 2003, implemented significant reforms and promoted international engagement, strengthening the country’s economy and improving its global standing.

    READ ALSO: Nigeria’s season of harvest: Tinubu’s second term and promise of economic transformation

    Nigeria’s history and context are unique, and this uniqueness must be taken into account when addressing the country’s challenges. Nigeria’s history has been shaped by two significant periods that have had a profound impact on its development and institutions: a long period of military rule and colonialism. Military intervention in Nigerian politics has its roots in the colonial era, with Colonel Lord Lugard, a British Army Officer, amalgamating the Northern and Southern protectorates in 1914.

    The British policy of favoring Northern leaders in colonial administration contributed to political imbalances, ethnic conflicts, and instability after independence. The 1914 amalgamation of Northern and Southern Nigeria disregarded the ethnic, cultural, and religious differences across the regions, contributing to future political challenges.

    Given Nigeria’s diverse population with different nationalities and aspirations, a president must balance competing interests and priorities. A one-term limit could exacerbate Nigeria’s long history of regional rivalries. If a region or ethnic nationality is limited to a single term, they might feel marginalized, leading to resentment and further divisions. This is particularly concerning given the country’s history, including the Nigerian Civil War (1967-1970), which resulted from similar tensions and led to significant human suffering, including millions of casualties.

    Historical records indicate that over 2 million people, mostly civilians, died due to fighting, starvation, and disease. The war also resulted in widespread destruction of infrastructure, economy, and social structures. All of which were severely damaged, particularly in the southeastern region. There was also a massive humanitarian crisis, with millions displaced and forced to flee their homes.

    Moreover, Nigeria’s broken or non-existent infrastructure poses significant challenges to economic growth and development. Without such fundamental building blocks of nationhood, a one-term tenure for a president is more likely a daunting task to achieve much achievement. In other words, while a one-term limit has its benefits, it might not be enough for a president to make a meaningful difference in Nigeria’s complex environment.

  • The problem with Nigeria

    The problem with Nigeria

    By Austin Orette

    Is President Bola Tinubu the cause of Nigeria’s problem? Some time ago, I wrote that I did not endorse Tinubu because he will reduce the misery index of Nigeria. I did not endorse him because he will stop corruption and other ills that plague the Nation. I did not endorse him because he is a saint. The only reason I supported him was that of all the candidates, he was the only one with the sagacity to push Nigeria from the status quo of mediocrity.

    So far so good, I am not disappointed. He is doing so well. He has ruffled the feathers of the impostors who assumed that Nigeria belongs to them.

    The Tax Bill is our ticket to restructuring. I have always believed that the federation cannot progress unless those who believe in unitarism are excommunicated from the bus of progress. They will call Tinubu many names, but he will go down as the author of New Nigeria. We will all be equal in this federation.

    I want to live in a country where there is fiscal justice. I want to be certain that the tax that comes from my boozing is not used to sponsor hajj for those who will destroy the establishment of those who sell beer. There is the case of the oil. I am from the Niger Delta. We need 60 percent of the oil and no Sheik from outside the region should tell us what to do. We don’t tell them how to pray. Why are the ports in Niger Delta not operational? We had Koko Port, Warri Port and Burutu Port. We were a country.

    My people are tired of applying for visa to clear goods in Lagos. We are tired of staying in a place that has so much federal money thrown at it but cannot manage to come up with sensible urban and housing policy.

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    A visit there is a journey of chaos. What are the senators doing? Can they work harder and give the Niger Delta the Dangote Deal? Dangote is in Nigeria with his own refinery and ports. What is next for him? With the way things are going, he might end up with his own currency. Who says monopoly doesn’t pay?

    Nasir El-Rufai has been popping up lately, threatening the president with electoral misfortune. Can you imagine the effrontery? He became a governor with Almajiri votes and he did nothing for them. These people think they own Nigeria. Where was he when Buhari filled every position with his and his wife’s relatives?

    Restructuring means you spend and manage what you produce. It is the law of the farm. You reap what you sow and don’t raise your livestock in another man’s garden without any compensation. There is Mr. Peter Obi who thinks the road to the presidency is through educating the Almajiris. If it didn’t work for Goodluck Jonathan, why do you think it will work for him?  El-Rufai is no fool. He has the Almajiri votes locked up.

    The solution is to ship the Almajiris to my village. We have highly motivated mothers who will adopt them and turn them into lawyers, engineers, doctors and respectable members of our society. The almajiris are orphans with living parents who don’t care. We can care for them in my village. With 60 % derivation, the sky is our limit. After they come of age and have become very educated, we will send them to the North to recolonise the North.

    We need home grown colonizers in the North.  They will bring progress faster to the North than the Fulani who are in a race to return to the 7th century.

    Now they will accuse me of asking them to turn their hearts away from the gods of Saudi Arabia to the gods of my village. Who knows, some of them might become educated Imams and not hypocrites who hide Ogogoro in their prayer kettle and underage girls, under their agbada. They will not be hypocrites. This will bridge the gap in the distribution of graduates during NYSC.

    Peter Obi should address this. Why should states that have so many Almajiris and no graduates have more NYSC graduates serving than states that are producing graduates? We must correct this Dangote equation. Obi should learn from Tinubu. You don’t placate bullies. We are on the way to a new Nigeria, the end of serfdom. The cacophony all over the place is beginning to be louder than Biafra. The halls of academia have just been opened in Southern Zaria and El-Rufai is apoplectic.  He cannot even comprehend that Nigeria can grow beyond one school of aviation. He is inviting Nnamdi Kanu to Dinner and wants to review Nnamdi’s notes. These are interesting times to be alive in my dear country, Nigeria.

    We will end up with a federal government that does not baby sit any region. We must have a government that does not rob Peter to pay Paul. No region should become bloated and lazy with excess fat. Those who are addicted to that feeding bottle should be weaned. That is true federalism and equality.  Are the Fulani and Biafrans against this? They are five and six. Don’t let their recriminations fool you. They have one agenda.   They are one and the same side of a bad coin.

    Dr Orette wrote in from Houston, Texas, USA

  • Should civil servants participate in partisan politics? In search for final answer

    Should civil servants participate in partisan politics? In search for final answer

    Quite recently, public discourse was again forced to consider an old discourse that borders on the whether or not civil servants have the right to engage in partisan politics. This discourse, of course, became heated up given that the political order in Nigeria is already getting into a feverish pitch as a result of ongoing political strategizing in readiness for the 2027 general elections. The next election cycle seems a bit far, but politicians are not usually known to be that patient, especially when it comes to the struggle to gain or retain political power. The usual bickering concerning alignment and mudslinging have already picked up a heightened pace, and it is inevitable that we will once again come to the point of figuring out the political status of civil servants in the whole dynamics.

    Quite recently, on August 15, 2025, the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation (HCSF), Mrs. Didi Esther Walson-Jack, fired a salvo at the quarterly Stakeholders and Citizens Engagement interactive session. The basis of her argument is the crucial need to safeguard the political neutrality of the civil servants in accordance with their responsibility to any government of the day. And in response to the old Supreme Court judgement which reiterates the constitutional provision allowing any citizen of Nigeria to participate in politics, the HCSF argues that the constitutional provision (when conflated with the subordinate provision of the public service rules) permits civil servants the fundamental right to privately support any party of their choice without being drawn into the murky space of high-stake political activities. It did not take too long for the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), through its president, Mr Joe Ajaero, to respond. And it was typical. The NLC countered that both the Nigerian 1999 Constitution and the 2003 Supreme Court judgement—in the INEC v Musa and Others—foreground the right of civil servants, like all other Nigerians, not just to be card-carrying party members, but to also be involved in all other political activities.

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    The interesting issue is that both the HCSF and the NLC president pointed at the constitutional and the Supreme Court support for that legal stipulation of the constitutional provision of Section 40 of the Nigerian Constitutions states simply: Every person shall be entitled to assemble freely and associate with other persons, and in particular he may form or belong to any political party, trade union or any other association for the protection of his interests. However, the HCSF insists that civil servants, while adhering to this constitutional provision, must keep in mind the fundamental significance Public Service Rules which define and constrain the administrative behaviour of civil servants. Section 4 of the PSR defines serious misconduct as “a specific act of very serious wrongdoing and improper behavior which is inimical to the image of the service and which can be investigated and if proven, may lead to dismissal.” The PSR then went on to situate engaging in partisan politics as an act of serious misconduct. Does the Public Service Rule then undermine the Nigerian constitutional stipulation?

    There is no easy way to mediating this discourse. The two sides of the debate are cogent in the understanding of how the political status of a civil servant must be construed. The entire political order of the Nigerian state is anchored on the constitutional provisions which is the final arbiter on any legal issues concerning the government and the citizens of Nigeria. And the Supreme Court, in its 2003 ruling on INEC v Musa and Others, did well to uphold the Section 40 of the 1999 Constitution. But then, the administrative stability, professional status and performance capability of the civil servant to deliver her utmost in terms of articulating and implementing policies is anchored on the ability of the civil servant to remain neutral in political activities and engagements.

    At the base of this disagreement between the HCSF and the NLC is the most fundamental dichotomy that inaugurated the public administration. This is the politics-administration distinction which insists that politicians and civil servants have different remits in their connection with the running of a state. While politicians are saddled with the design and formulation of policies that service the social contract, the civil servants are concerned only with the implementation of these policies. And each party’s task is so specified that each need not collaborate or interfere with each other’s responsibilities. However, this dichotomy is not so easily explained and outlined. This is because it is simply a theoretical construct that different administrative traditions, approaches and contexts could interpret differently. This is because there is a complex framework of relationship between administration and politics, or between civil servants and politicians. Max Weber notes that a civil servant can either live for politics or live from politics. And both are not mutually exclusive. According to him, “Whoever lives “for” politics “makes it his life,” in the inward sense. He either enjoys the naked possession of the power he exercises, or he nourishes his inward equilibrium and self-esteem with the consciousness of giving meaning to his life by serving a “cause”. Probably every serious person who lives for a cause, also lives from this cause.”

    And Weber had the example of Otto von Bismarck who exemplifies living ‘for” politics in both senses of the allure of the naked possession of power and that of serving a cause. As Chancellor, Bismarck inevitably fell into a serious conflict with Emperor Wilhelm II in terms of the content of Germany’s domestic and foreign policies and how they affect the lives of Germans. Of course, Wilhelm fired his chief public servant for his strong political views and participation. However, Wilhelm himself got inextricably lost in bureaucratic officialdom that eventually undermined his government. The Wilhelm-Bismarck power struggle constitutes one perspective about the politics-administration dichotomy. On the flip side of that dichotomy is the Awolowo-Adebo collaborative efforts that was the basis of the significant infrastructural leadership of the old western region in the immediate post-independence period. That model held strongly to the separation of politics and administration in ways that allowed both to face their remit and ultimately achieve policy formulation and implementation.

    The Awolowo-Adebo administrative model emerged from Nigeria’s inheritance of the apolitical British civil service system. This tradition of public administration is common all across the Commonwealth countries. The British civil service system was designed to be thoroughly impartial; civil servants are trained to serve the government of the day with utmost impartiality regardless of whatever political opinions or views they hold. The system however gives room for special advisers who are specially appointed, hold temporary position and are exempted from the rule of impartiality in their duty to provide political advice and direction to ministers. This was the framework of the politics-administration distinction that gave Nigeria the golden age of the civil service in the immediate post-independence period. Unfortunately, one of the traumatic fallouts of the military incursion into Nigerian politics is the terrible distortions of Nigerian governance, political and administrative coherence. The massive purge of the public service in 1975/76 for instance, was in part a playout of the politics to contain the audacity that General Gowon enabled the super-permanent secretaries to have in the policy space; the audacity to step into the arena of politics at the time; one which must have put them in opposing camp with the war generals who then assaulted their rank in revenge, when the Murtala-Obasanjo assume the reign of power. When the Babangida administration began its Public Service Reform agenda, there was already on board the reform to transit Nigeria’s governmental structure to presidentialism. The Dotun Philips study group that preceded this reform framework was tasked with the objective of a professionalized civil service circumscribed by a managerial philosophy and grafted into the institutional context of presidentialism. Unfortunately, with the promulgation of Decree 43 by the Babangida administration, the objective of professionalizing the civil service system was jeopardized with the politicizing of the position of the permanent secretary which was then re-designated as the Director-General.

    How do we then tie this historical and conceptual reflections together? I suspect that the Supreme Court judgment which grounds the provision of the 1999 Constitution on partisan political engagement of Nigerians cannot be the final answer on the matter. And this position is far from being counterintuitive, coming from the Chairman of the Federal Civil Service Commission. This is my argument. The Constitutional order of the Nigerian state cannot answer to all realities, economic, political, sociocultural, administrative, and even governance. The Nigerian state has weathered all sorts of circumstances that had to be handled through legal pragmatism. Thus, while the Constitution is fundamentally right, at the most general level of the fundamental, to state that every Nigerian has the right to be political and to hold political views and participate in politics, the said constitution cannot legislate at the level of the concrete on what is best for the civil service system as both an administrative system and a profession in its own right. That has to be handled with an administrative wisdom and legality that would not undermine the constitutional order must be top in the next level administrative reform agenda for the Nigerian civil service, going forward. It is at this level that stakeholders in the administrative framework can decide what is best for the Nigerian public administrative system now and in the near future.

    This whole discourse on the political status of civil servants in Nigeria’s political and constitutional order therefore speaks to the urgency of what it takes to institutionally reform the Nigerian civil service system. The discourse, in other words, brings to the fore cogent and fundamental questions: How should the classic politics-administration dichotomy be reconceived within the framework of a new theory of change for institutional reform given Nigeria’s peculiar socio-political reality? What system of public administration is best for Nigeria at this stage in its evolution and for its transformation journey? What should be the role of the state and its constitutional order in that journey? These are key questions to reflect on in the light of two important objectives. The first is that Nigeria needs to become a developmental state that pushes the boundaries of democratic governance that elevate the well-being of Nigerians. A developmental state has to plug into the fourth and fifth industrial revolutions in ways that provide the technological and infrastructural wherewithal to make development happen. The second objective is that the public service must in time, even if aspirational, become a world class institution that can effectively and efficiently backstop the developmental aspirations of the Nigerian state.

    At the very heart of the institutional reform of the civil service system is indeed the nature and status of the civil servant as a public spirited and professional administrative persona with the twenty-first century public ethical conduct and competences to mediate the evolving knowledge society of the fourth industrial revolution. At the moment, the dysfunction of the system is due to its inability to jettison its old Weberian, “I-am-directed” structural modalities that engender bureau-pathology which prevents administrative efficiencies and promotes a culture that politicizes everything governance and development. This pathological condition calls for a re-professionalization strategy that capacitate the civil service system and its civil servants to function optimally in their vocational calling to serve Nigerians in manner that insulates it from distortionary politics. This is where all critical stakeholders, from the OHCSF and the Federal Civil Service Commission to the NLC owe the public administration a sacred responsibility. This is a far better focus than the intermittent public filibustering over how political the civil servant can be. This is a democratic system that requires a competent, efficient and impartial civil servant to help the government achieve its policy objectives for Nigerians. The best way to go is not to embroil these civil servants in Nigeria’s political complexities. This, I believe, is the cogent insight the HCSF is trying to pass across.

    • Olaopa Chairman, Federal Civil Service Commission & Professor of Public Administration