Category: Opinion

  • Africa & COP 28: Shunning sugar-coated diplomatic lullabies

    Africa & COP 28: Shunning sugar-coated diplomatic lullabies

    By Matthew Abah-Enyi

    One of Africa’s most widely embracing words of wisdom is the one that says he whose father was a victim of the preying lion would flee from the bush-rat that spots the lion’s type of hair stripes to avoid belated regrets after death. Poor and vulnerable island nations most of which are from Africa participating at the ongoing Conference Of the Parties to the United Nations Framework on Combating Climate Change (COP28) in Dubai need to be adroitly apprehensive and guided against a repeat of past diplomatic manoeuvrings around the conference tables that saw them going back home after the event with “hollow achievements”.

    As negotiations on Climate Change dependent existential issues such as the national boundaries of island nations and the economies of sub-Saharan African countries are tabled and debated, African leaders must mobilize to avoid the hooks that carry the baits which lured them into grooving along the paths on which COP26 and the resultant Paris Agreement emanated from. On the pages of the Paris Agreement which were literally idolized by the industrialized nations even before it was made public, the word “Agriculture”, the main stay of African nations’ economies, employing millions of their citizens, was never mentioned, not even once. This was diplomatically fostered on the agreement’s pages at a time desertification was galloping at the speed of 0.6 kilometres per annum from the already conquered northern region of Nigeria towards its southern region in response to Climate Change effects, and Lake Chad’s shores were receding at alarming speed, all of which facts and figures had been unloaded on COP26 tables. 

    At the end of the summit, all that African leaders could point at in their bags as they returned home to their famished nations whose majority of citizens lived on less than one US dollars per day-far below the UN’s own recommendation for human life quality level- were the application of diplomatic yeoman-ship to placate the attendees. Loss and damages, the cliché for long overdue demand for funding empowerment for vulnerable nations to recuperate from years of onslaught of climate change disasters was ostentatiously GRANTED a new status called STAND ALONE!

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    Indeed the continent has continued to stand alone as it has been buffeted by years of economic losses since the grant of the well sung status. National insecurity and insurgencies that have combined to threaten countries of the Lake Chad region’s existence on the world’s map have been nurtured to birth and find fertile recruitment grounds amongst youths rendered jobless and out of schools by climate change-hastened environmental degradation. African nations are presently entrapped in the crystal-coloured lullaby of submitting what amounts to their dizzying Internally Determined Reduction Plans and waiting for pass marks while about 80 percent of their population are not sensitized enough to comprehend the document.

    Meanwhile, adequate funding of Loss and Damages recovery needs of Africa remains a mirage. The abysmal rate of the continent’s population’s awareness on climate change personal liabilities find rueful justification in the low level of their continent contributions to Worldwide Climate Change Gas Emission rate which stood at three percent at last time I looked.

    The well-grounded reasons why African leaders and their climate change vanquished peoples must prepare for war without lethal weaponry but environmental activism on the scale of a social revolution, includes and mainly surrounds the facts and figures that have been unearthed by the theory of the Social Cost of Carbon (SC-CO2). The theory came about as a result of humanity’s need to make all-inclusive rules to guide the emission and reduction of carbon dioxide in view of the self-extinction roles its uncontrolled emission poses to life on earth’s surface. Upon scientific establishment of its possibility and urgency, the theory sought to establish the economic value of carbon dioxide emitted by a geographical entity or organization. Various aspects of life that impact on carbon dioxide production and emission were taken into consideration. Factors such as health hazards, economic losses suffered through agricultural losses and lifestyle enhancement ones such as heating and air-conditioning were all considered. Emissions were quantified in metric tons while the US dollar was the monetary value adopted. Scientifically powerful agencies, including the Environmental Protection Agency of US were put together to establish the SC- CO2. Consequent to this endeavour, published documents on SC- CO2 for the years covering 2015-2050, calculated in 2014 at the unit cost of each metric ton established that in 2015, the cost per metric ton would be between $20 and $120 at various quantum of emission and discount rates; up to 2050 when it would cost between $29 and $240 per metric ton.

    Very interestingly, based on this facts and figures, using the 2015 SC-CO2, at the average discount rate of 3%, at $40 per ton of emission, the United States of America, which emission figure for the year 2013 stood at 6,673 million metric tons of carbon was responsible for the total emission whose SC-CO2 stood at frightening figure I implore the reader to tap out on his or her calculating machine in view of its security implications. This was the background in 2016, when, the then election result humbled Barak Obama decided to undertake an act of constriction on the altar of the Green Climate Fund by ordering a remittance of $500 million being the second instalment of a $3billion commitment to a $200billion budget for climate change activities leading up to COP26.

    Former president, Donald Trump’s consequent repudiation of the Paris Agreement, taken together with the end results of COP27, President Biden’s present body language and electoral rating as well as the Republican Party’s anti-climate change lobbies and antagonism towards climate change sciences are all germane issues African leaders need to put before themselves and dispassionately address behind closed doors as they hit Dubai and COP28. They are called upon to ensure their adequate representations at the all-important Agreement Drafting Tables upon which intangible “grants” as metaphor for failed ambitions can be dressed in the toga of COP26 “achievements”. In further justification for the clarion call for Africans to begin to prepare for a social revolution on climate change rights issues, the nexus between the quantum of greenhouse gases being emitted by supper polluters and the economies of vulnerable nations need to be highlighted even if belatedly for the recording cards of hunger-demobilized African environmental activists. As Nigeria’s Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala holds sway at the World Trade Centre, ensuring that only the right quality of products are allowed into the international market, her compatriot investors in Nigeria and other African nations continue to dig deep into their products quality enhancement and pay roll budgets to purchase diesel gas to power private sources of energy away from their epileptic national supply grids heavily crushed by inadequate generation and distribution fund.. On the other hand, the investor in China, USA, EU28, and the other 10 worst-polluter-nations in that order, continue to wax stronger at improving their products qualities in rest minded assurances of steady supplies from their national power grids that supply state-subsidised energy to weapons and air-conditioner manufacturing industries which combine to pump up to 70 percent of greenhouse gases into the collective atmosphere annually in vexatious comparison to Africa’s collective emission annual[ rate of less than 40 percent.

    • Abah-Enyi sent in this piece from Jos. He writes via windsoundafrica@gmail.com

  • Unlocking Nigeria’s potential through U.S. partnership

    Unlocking Nigeria’s potential through U.S. partnership

    By David Greene

    Nigeria is on track to be the world’s fourth-most populous country by 2050. It already has the largest economy in Africa and, with 60 percent of its population under the age of 25, it stands on the threshold of a demographic dividend that can dramatically transform its economy for the better. Nigeria’s strategic partnerships are essential in harnessing this potential, and the United States is playing a leading role. As we near the six-month mark of President Tinubu’s administration, our relationship has emerged as a key for success. One year ago, at the U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit in Washington, DC, President Biden renewed our commitment to deepening engagement across the continent. Here is how we are doing that in Nigeria – working in areas that matter most to everyday citizens, such as growing the economy, strengthening democracy, improving health outcomes, ensuring security, and addressing the climate crisis.

    Nigeria’s economic potential is vast, and with the right macroeconomic framework, a sound fiscal strategy, and a strong commitment to rooting out corruption, it can become a preferred destination for foreign direct investment. American investors and companies are eager to engage with Nigeria, and the United States government is doing its utmost to build our bilateral trade and investment ties.

    Consider these examples: We have joined forces to accelerate Nigeria’s digital transformation, with investments from U.S. tech giants such as Microsoft, Cisco, Meta, Google, and Starlink. This partnership has built a platform to train unemployed and underemployed women and youth. Moreover, it has been a catalyst for quality investment, accounting for more than a quarter of all venture capital flowing into Africa.

    Collaborative efforts in agriculture further underscore our commitment. For example, the U.S. Department of Agriculture recently dedicated $22 million to strengthen Nigeria’s cocoa value chain, supporting more than 60,000 cocoa farmers, processors, marketers, and other agribusiness service providers in what is Nigeria’s number two foreign exchange-earning export. From tech to agriculture, these steps go beyond statistics. They translate into tangible outcomes: good jobs, seed money for new ventures, and higher-value agricultural exports.

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    The United States is also a steadfast partner in strengthening Nigeria’s health sector. With World AIDS Day – December 1 – approaching, it is worth recalling that over the past two decades, PEPFAR, the leading U.S. initiative to address HIV/AIDS, has invested nearly $8 billion in Nigeria, providing more than 1.6 million individuals with life-saving HIV treatment.

    In response to COVID-19, the United States donated more than 44 million vaccine doses, helping the Nigerian government approach its target vaccination rate of 70 percent of the eligible population. Partnerships like the U.S. President’s Malaria Initiative, with an annual budget of more than $71 million, have reduced child death rates and strengthened health systems.

    Those investments are just part of our overall development assistance to Nigeria. In fiscal year 2022 alone, the U.S. government allocated over $1.2 billion dollars in such support. These funds provide humanitarian assistance, and improve health, economic development, education, social services, democracy, human rights and governance, and peace and security.

    In the latter two areas – democracy and security – we aim to support an inclusive future where Nigerian citizens’ votes count and translate into responsive governance, and where they can live in peace. We are a steadfast partner in seeking to strengthen election processes that will enhance accountability to meet citizens’ expectations, and pursuing innovative projects to help communities resolve differences without violence.

    Through cooperation with and training of Nigeria’s military and police, we are building more capable forces. Collaborating with civil society, law enforcement, and the judiciary, we are confronting the security challenges that stand in the way of economic growth while upholding a shared commitment to human rights. Initiatives include building Nigeria’s counter-terrorism capacity, bringing technology to courtrooms and case-management systems to help in the administration of justice and reduce pre-trial detention, and supporting efforts to enhance accountability and transparency in police forces.

    Our partnership to address the climate crisis reflects our mutual recognition of this challenge, and our respect for Nigeria’s role as both an energy producer and a country profoundly impacted by the effects of climate change. In the lead up to COP28 – the 28th Conference of Parties to the UN Framework Convention for Climate Change, which begins this week – the United States and Nigeria are aggressively seeking solutions. For example, U.S. support for Nigeria’s leadership as a Global Methane Pledge champion has led to action that is reducing greenhouse gas emissions for the benefit of all.

    These programs and cooperative efforts advance a joint agenda that is built and driven by the highest levels of our leadership. President Biden met with President Tinubu in September, and numerous senior U.S. officials have come to Nigeria in recent months to confer on meeting Nigeria’s energy needs, driving U.S. trade and investment in Nigeria, and strengthening our law enforcement cooperation. These engagements strengthen our ties, address Nigeria’s pressing needs, and tackle shared challenges.

    Ultimately, realizing Nigeria’s potential hinges upon enhancing its fiscal and economic health – and capitalizing on its strategic partnerships to build on that foundation. The opportunity has never been greater. Nigeria, with its youth, energy, and entrepreneurial spirit, is poised to seize this moment.

    We commend the government for its bold actions thus far to try to move the economy to a more solid footing. The United States is your partner in that effort – through investment, better security, a stronger workforce, and resilient institutions – that benefits all Nigerians and expands prosperity for both our peoples. Our journey ahead has its obstacles, of course. But together we will find a path toward a shared prosperity.

    •Greene is Chargé d’Affaires, United States Embassy Abuja.

  • On the Adamawa army/police clash

    On the Adamawa army/police clash

    By Zayd Ibn Isah

    In a rather unfortunate and distressing turn of events, the nation recently bore witness to yet another tragedy as the Army and the Police clashed in Adamawa State. This recent debacle in Adamawa is just one out of a series of clashes between the two security agencies over the years. This incident in particular prompts urgent questions about whether the police and the military, both established by the constitution as federal agencies, are undergoing a troubling transformation into rival factions entangled in persistent struggles for power and supremacy.

    As outlined in a press statement from the Adamawa State Police Command, the clash unfolded during a routine stop-and-search by officers from Jimeta Division. The officers encountered three soldiers on pass from Taraba State. However, tensions reached a critical point when one soldier brandished a jack-knife, ordering the police to leave the road. In the struggle which ensued, a shot was fired, accidentally injuring a soldier in the leg, before he was swiftly taken away to the hospital.

    Despite earnest efforts by the Adamawa State Commissioner of Police to contact both Brigade and Sector Commanders, these attempts proved futile. Shockingly, a few hours later, the soldiers mobilized and launched an attack on the Police Command, resulting in the tragic death of a police officer. Meanwhile, the army, in their defence, claimed that the police shot and kidnapped one of their soldiers, prompting a rescue operation at the Command Headquarters.

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    The army’s defence raises deep concerns and questions as to whether the Nigeria Police Force has deviated from its constitutionally mandated role of protecting lives and property to a ragtag terrorist organization, kidnapping people at will for ransom. Notably, the Adamawa State Police Command, in its report, emphasized numerous unsuccessful attempts to contact Brigade and Sector Commanders. As such, the evasive actions of the army in this case suggest that there might be a predisposition to teach the police in Adamawa a lesson. Consequently, these unfolding events have underscored an urgent need for enhanced communication and collaboration between these critical security entities, if only to avert such destructive clashes.

    Adding to the astonishment surrounding this incident are the reactions of some Nigerians on social media. It is especially saddening that those expressing joy at the police and the army being at odds, rather than focusing on inherent implications, might be forgetting the timeless adage: “When two elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers.” These clashes are symptoms of a troubling malaise, especially one which threatens our strength as a nation. It is difficult to sustain peace and stability when law enforcement and military agencies show hostility towards each other. This is because at the end of it all, it is the civilians in need of protection that will bear the brunt.

    Although the governor of Adamawa State, Ahmadu Fintiri, intervened and brokered peace between the military and the police, such an agreement remains shaky at best. In order to ensure that such an embarrassing incident never occurs again, concrete steps must be taken and strict measures initiated. There is an urgent necessity for comprehensive reforms as well as a commitment to fostering harmonious working relationships between vital security entities. In learning from this ordeal and similar ones before it, we must strive collectively for a future devoid of internal strife amongst our trusted guardians.

    It is also noteworthy that at the core of unending clashes between security agencies in Nigeria is a troubling lack of patriotism and professionalism. The task of securing a nation should be left in the hands of those who, in critical situations, must always put the country first before their egos. It does not matter the colour of the uniforms you wear, or the rank you bear: the guiding principle of one’s mentality as an officer or soldier is the prioritization of national peace, security and stability.

    Going forward, the National Orientation Agency might need to come up with a deliberate and strategic policy of enlightening our men and women in uniforms, especially those at the lower ranks, as it appears that these frequent egotistic battles more often than not involve them. Therefore, they should be told in the strongest of terms that the green-white-green colours are the universal colours we all wear, regardless of the agencies we belong to. The ultimate goal is the peace and stability of our fatherland.

    Ultimately, it would be in the best of our interests as a country to quickly revive and sustain the dying morale of esprit de corps, if only for the betterment of our nation. And there should also be consequences for unpatriotic actions among our security personnel, as it would serve to deter those who might contemplate such actions in the future. The ongoing fight against terror and other threats to the peace and stability of our country cannot be won by ego but by synergy. It is high time relevant security agencies at organizational and individual levels realize this and step up to the heights of professionalism and excellence which their uniforms demand.

    •Isah writes via lawcadet1@gmail.com

  • How Israel-Hamas war threatens world peace

    How Israel-Hamas war threatens world peace

    • By Türkmen Terzi

    The deadly operation by the Islamist militant group Hamas in southern Israel on Oct. 7, in which 1,200 Israelis, including civilians, were killed and more than 200 hostages were taken to Gaza, shocked the world. After the attack, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu declared that the Hamas attack was Israel’s 9/11 and succeeded in uniting the opposition and forming a war cabinet. Netanyahu has predicted that the war in Gaza will spread to the region and has vowed to change the Middle East map. Looking at the situation, one can say that both Hamas and Netanyahu are motivated to expand the conflict to the region, as Israeli forces have focused on destroying Hezbollah forces in Lebanon, bombing Syrian airports near the Turkish border and “accidentally” hitting Egyptian positions near the Gaza border. Former Hamas leader Khaled Mashal vowed to continue fighting for the liberation of Palestine. He asked Hezbollah and the Arab states for help and said in an interview with Saudi TV station Al-Arabiya on Oct. 19 that the Palestinians were prepared to sacrifice millions of people to protect their land.

    US President Joe Biden and British Prime Minister Rishi Sunak continue to support Netanyahu’s war in Gaza, which has left more than 11,000 civilians dead and nearly 30,000 injured, 75 percent of them women and children. According to the Hamas-run health ministry in Gaza, some 1.6 million people in Gaza had been internally displaced and more than 220,000 housing units destroyed by Nov. 13. Arab foreign ministers have called for a ceasefire since the Israeli bombardment of Gaza began, while Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has offered to mediate between the leaders of Israel and Hamas. French President Emmanuel Macron has hinted that Tehran is supporting Hamas in the form of “aid” and “cooperation,” but he also said France has no official evidence of this. Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, however, denied Iran’s involvement, although he did praise the Oct. 7 attack.

    The African Union strongly condemned the Israeli airstrike on the Al-Ahli Baptist Hospital in Gaza on Oct. 17, which killed more than 500 people, Hamas claimed.  The two major African nations, South Africa and Egypt, are playing a very active role in trying to stop Israel’s relentless attacks on civilians. Egyptian President Abdal-Fatal El Sisi hosted the Cairo Peace Summit on Oct. 21 in an effort to end the catastrophe in Gaza. The one-day meeting in Cairo was attended by Arab heads of state and government and representatives from France, Germany, Russia, China, the United Kingdom, the United States, Qatar, Turkey and South Africa, as well as representatives from the United Nations and the European Union. However, the absence of Israel and the presence of the United States in Cairo without high-ranking officials cast doubt on the effectiveness of the summit. South African President Cyril Ramaphosa expressed during the summit that his country had experienced oppression by an apartheid regime not so long ago and that the world did not want to see that kind of oppression again. South African Foreign Minister Dr. Naledi Pandor, who participated in the UN Security Council open debate on the situation in the Middle East on Oct. 24, called on the United Nations to create a two-state solution in which Israelis and Palestinians live side by side in peace. She emphasized that this must be done in accordance with the 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as the capital of Palestine. Pandor criticized the UN Security Council for not preventing the conflict from leading to this level of violence and harm to the civilian population in Gaza. The ruling African National Congress and the South African Department of International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO) condemned the Israeli attack on the Gaza Strip.

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    A proxy war is brewing in the Middle East.

    After the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) collapsed in 1991 and the Russian Federation lost its influence in Central Asia, it was not in a position to comment on the two US Gulf Wars in the Middle East. However, since Russia’s powerful leader, Vladimir Putin, has increased the Kremlin’s influence in the territory of the former USSR, the US is backing Ukraine to weaken Russia in the region, and this means that another proxy war between the US and Russia could engulf the Middle East. US President Joe Biden visited Israel to express his full support for the Netanyahu government, and the world’s largest aircraft carrier, the USS Gerald Ford, was sent to Israel as a show of support after Hamas attacked. Israel is the US’s most important ally in the Middle East, where Washington has been losing its authority over major Arab states such as Saudi Arabia, Egypt and the United Arab Emirates. At the 15th BRICS summit, which took place in Johannesburg in August of this year, the application of these three countries for BRICS membership was officially accepted. Washington is no longer dependent on the oil of the Arab Gulf states, as the US produces its own oil. The oil-rich Gulf states have lost their trust in the US government since Washington failed to protect Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates from Iran’s drone attacks in recent years. China and Russia are the two most important powers in the BRICS economic group, and China has become the largest importer of Saudi Arabian oil. On Oct. 18 the US vetoed the Brazilian-led call for a humanitarian pause and corridors into Gaza, while China voted in favor of the resolution at the UN Security Council. Prior to the vote, two amendments proposed by Russia for an “immediate, durable and full ceasefire in Gaza” were rejected by the Security Council. China and Russia had vetoed a draft resolution introduced by the US on Oct. 24, which highlighted the ineffectiveness of the Security Council in providing a unified response to end the humanitarian crisis in Gaza.

    Hamas’ unprecedented attack on Israel and Netanyahu’s ongoing bombardment of the Gaza Strip have made any peace initiatives in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict even more difficult. Both sides claim that Palestine is their ancestral homeland. Since the British Empire took control of Palestine from the Ottoman Empire during World War I and drafted the Balfour Declaration of 1917, which announced Britain’s support for the establishment of a “national home for the Jewish people” in Palestine, the conflict has never been resolved. The UN voted to partition Palestine into a Jewish and an Arab state in 1947, but the Arabs rejected the plan and the Jews declared Israel in 1948. There were many peace talks between Israel and Palestine, but these were interrupted by outbreaks of violence. Today, around 3 million Palestinians live in the West Bank and 2.2 million in the Gaza Strip, which is one of the most densely populated areas in the world, but more than half of the population has already been displaced in the Gaza Strip.

    Netanyahu is determined to expel the entire Palestinian population from the Gaza Strip, where Hamas has been in control since 2006. Qatar and Turkey are harboring Hamas leaders and Iran is arming them. NATO member Turkey’s leader Erdoğan has already stated that Hamas is not a terrorist organization and that they are liberators. Neither Netanyahu’s war cabinet nor the Hamas leadership promises a peaceful life for their people and are keen to become tools of the proxy wars of the great powers.

    •This article was first published in www.turkishminute.com

  • Akpabio and Niger Delta Development 2024 budget

    Akpabio and Niger Delta Development 2024 budget

    By John Mayaki 

    The election of Senator Godswill Akpabio as the president of the Senate has raised questions about the fate of the budget for the Ministry of Niger Delta Development. With the former governor’s extensive experience in governance and his history of advocacy for the Niger Delta region, many are eager to see how his transition to this new role —from Minister of Niger Delta Development to President of the Nigerian Senate — will influence the ministry’s financial prospects and the region’s development come the 2024 fiscal year.

    A seasoned politician and administrator, we have an “uncommon” Akpabio hails from Akwa Ibom State, a core part of the Niger Delta region whose tenure as the minister was marked by advocacy for more substantial budgetary allocations to address the developmental needs of the region.

    The former “uncommon” minister and now “uncommon” president of the Senate faced a distressing moment in 2020 when he presented the ministry’s 2021 budget proposal to the Senate Committee on Niger Delta. The proposed budget of N26.6 billion for 2021 was seen as inadequate to address the pressing needs of the Niger Delta region.

    In 2022, the ministry received a slightly higher budget of N28.1 billion for Personnel Costs, Overhead Costs, and Capital projects. However, the situation in 2023 is alarming, as the ministry was handed a meagre envelope — dealing with a much smaller budget of N10 billion, which is N16.6 billion less than the 2021 budget.

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    It must be noted that back in 2011, at the inception of the ministry, it received a more substantial budget allocation of about N50 billion, but even that amount could only cover limited number of critical road projects. This stark difference raises questions about the decline in budget allocation over the years.

    Today, Akpabio’s new position as Senate President provides him with a significant platform to advocate for increased budget allocations to the Niger Delta Development Ministry. Having personally experienced the challenges faced by the ministry during his previous role, he may be more motivated than ever to push for improved funding.

    As Senate President, Akpabio will have a direct influence on the budgetary process. He can ensure that the budget proposals for the Niger Delta Development Ministry receive thorough consideration and are aligned with the ministry’s mandate as proposed in the eight presidential priorities of President Bola Tinubu and the region’s development priorities.

    Akpabio’s close ties with his colleagues, such as chairman, Senate Committee on Appropriations, Senator Solomon Adeola, and his counterpart in the Green Chamber, chairman, House Committee on Appropriation, Abubakar Bichi, could lead to collaborative efforts to secure additional funding for the ministry. These partnerships may involve appealing to the presidency and other relevant stakeholders to explore and source budgetary funding for the much-needed infrastructure in the oil-rich region.

    This financial constraint has far-reaching consequences. It disrupts vital programs, hinders opportunities for youth and women, causes project delays, and invites disruptions by local youths. It directly impedes the fulfilment of the ministry’s mandate to meet the yearnings and aspirations of the Niger Delta people.

    It is imperative that we all must act as advocates for the Niger Delta, unite, and raise our voices. We must call for a substantial change in the budget allocations for the Niger Delta Development Ministry. The Niger Delta’s immense potential must no longer be held hostage by financial limitations.

    Stakeholders, from traditional rulers to local communities to government officials, must begin to voice their concerns over this dwindling budgetary allocations and mounting liabilities. We, as advocates, should stand with them and demand additional funding to support the region.

    One of the critical strategies to overcome this financial shortfall is active collaboration between the states and the federal government. It’s a major task, and it’s one that the current minister, Abubakar Momoh, has undertaken through his visits to the region and discussions with state governors for collaboration and partnerships in addressing the region’s infrastructural deficit.

    As advocates for the Niger Delta, good governance and economic justice, we have the power to effect change. It is our duty to raise our voices, call for adequate budget allocations, and promote collaboration to empower the region. Let us be the catalysts for a brighter future, where the Niger Delta flourishes and fulfils its vast potential.

    Together, we can make a difference, and Akpabio’s leadership could encourage a more comprehensive approach to addressing the unique challenges facing the region, including environmental concerns, youth engagement, infrastructure development, and economic diversification.

    Being the Senate President, he has the potential to bring significant changes to the budget of the Niger Delta Development Ministry. With his personal commitment to the region and the increased influence he wields in his new role, we can expect greater advocacy, oversight, and collaboration to address the developmental challenges in the Niger Delta. As the region watches with hope, Akpabio’s tenure as Senate President could be a turning point for the Niger Delta’s development and prosperity.

    • Mayaki is Country Director, Coalition for Good Governance and Economic Justice in Africa.

  • Subsidy removal – What went wrong?

    Subsidy removal – What went wrong?

    By Peter Okediya

    As of this moment, fuel prices have surged towards the N1000 mark, and the dollar to naira exchange rate has surpassed N1000. Palliative measures appear ineffectively sporadic, while the NNPC has once again assumed its role as the primary fuel importer, with assurances of no imminent fuel price hike. This shift raises questions about the previously advocated market-based pricing approach. Some argue that the removal of subsidies is leading to daily savings in the trillions. However, it’s essential to recognize that the concept of subsidy, while not as it was traditionally understood, still persists. This time, it operates in a different context even though fuel prices are substantially higher. This describes the journey thus far.

    In view of the above and the government’s frequent policy reversals, there is a need to have a close look at the management of subsidy removal by the current administration. What factors have contributed to the inconsistencies in subsidy removal? What really went wrong? 

    In the realm of economic policy, both subsidies and their removal represent strategic manoeuvres, and their efficacy is inherently tied to efficient management. These policies yield positive economic outcomes when properly implemented and affordable. Subsidies become problematic when their cost places an excessive burden on government revenue, leading us to question their viability. Likewise, when the promised benefits of subsidy removal fail to materialize for the general population, there is often a desire to revert to the subsidy system. In essence, the effectiveness or inadequacy of both these policy instruments is primarily a result of management decisions.

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    A wrong notion that followed the removal of subsidy was that it benefited only the rich and the elite. Curiously, this notion was often perpetuated by some political figures who presented themselves as modern-day Robin Hoods. However, the reality that emerged after the subsidy’s removal shed new light on the situation. It became evident that subsidy removal had far-reaching consequences that extended well beyond merely affecting the wealthy.  Transportation costs surged, the prices of essential food items and commodities skyrocketed, inflation reared its head, and poverty deepened. It was clear that subsidy removal was not a simple wealth redistribution mechanism; instead, it disproportionately burdened the less affluent. While the affluent managed to weather these economic shifts, ordinary citizens found themselves sinking deeper into financial hardship.

    Characterizing subsidy removal as a noble attempt to ‘eat the rich’ obscured the core issues tied to the abrupt announcement by the president. This is fundamentally an economic matter that transcends political rhetoric and calls for a more comprehensive evaluation.

    In the context of the government’s approach to subsidy removal, there is a concern regarding the prevailing tendency among public servants to address economic challenges primarily through short-term palliative measures. While cash transfers and palliatives serve as valuable stop gap solutions, they often provide only temporary relief and typically lack the substantial impact needed to uplift the average person facing financial hardship. In July when the Nigerian Labour Congress intended to embark on strike action because of the hardship from high fuel prices, the president addressed them promising to disburse various kinds of money to mitigate the hardship, all without a clear strategy for equitable distribution. The NLC took this as a form of compensation despite being aware that palliatives mostly end up in the hands of corrupt persons. When the government predominantly resorts to addressing pressing economic problems through short-lived remedies, it signals a potential absence of the robust commitment needed to resolve the issue comprehensively.

    Another fallacy that began to spread was that the Nigerian economy does not support economic theories. People found it easy to discredit the laws of demand and supply, often treating Nigeria as an exception. They see a bad economic decision and blame the adverse effects rather than hold the decision makers accountable. The subsidy removal initiative initially encompassed multiple components, including a unified exchange rate, the deregulation of the petroleum sector, and the end of NNPC’s fuel importation monopoly. Regrettably, as of today, none of these supplementary measures remain in effect. The exchange rate has surged, impeding importers’ access to foreign exchange, and NNPC has reverted to its role as the exclusive fuel importer. 

    Subsidy removal fails in the absence of prudent and accountable management during the transition towards a market-determined pricing system. While the president’s address may have been perceived as sincere and heroic if fuel pricing were solely a domestic concern, the complex truth is that fuel prices are intrinsically linked to international oil prices. Failing to consider the wider implications of geopolitical factors and global price fluctuations, subsidy removal can impose a significant burden on our citizens, as we are currently witnessing. 

    Subsidy removal fails where inefficiency, leakages, wastes and widespread corruption persist. The original intent behind subsidy payments has often been eroded by systemic corruption and mismanagement. Transitioning from the subsidy era to subsidy removal is hindered when institutional corruption remains pervasive. Additionally, issues like oil theft and cross-border fuel smuggling continue to plague the industry. As a result, Nigeria struggles to meet its OPEC quota of 1.8mb/d and consistently produces below 1.4mb/d. This production shortfall means that the increase in global oil prices doesn’t necessarily translate into higher foreign exchange earnings, and the Nigerian naira remains vulnerable to depreciation. 

    Subsidy removal fails where the Excess Crude Account (ECA) is tapped out. The ECA represents one of the critical accounts where the Nigerian government accumulates surplus revenues resulting from discrepancies between the budgeted benchmark crude oil price and the actual international market prices for a given year. Conceptually, the ECA was conceived as a financial buffer to shield the country from the volatile fluctuations of global oil prices, particularly in today’s turbulent geopolitical landscape.

    However, the current state of the ECA, which stands at a mere US$473,754.57 is indicative of its near depletion. This situation leaves the nation vulnerable to the ripple effects of distant geopolitical events and erratic oil prices. At its core, a robust ECA would help stabilize the national currency, rendering it less volatile, and would alleviate the need for the NNPCL to intervene on a weekly basis in response to price fluctuations. With a well-funded ECA, the foreign exchange market would operate more smoothly, mitigating the challenges faced by fuel marketers in sourcing foreign exchange as market dynamics would tend to self-correct following volatile periods.

    Subsidy removal fails when refineries fail. Refineries are supposed to be available for oil marketers to buy directly and sell to the Nigerian market. However, the current dependence on imported fuel places substantial strain on our foreign exchange (FX) demands, thereby exerting considerable pressure on exchange rates and foreign reserves. It’s evident that foreign exchange rates play a pivotal role in determining the landing costs of fuel. Marketers, quite understandably, cannot buy PMS at a high foreign exchange rate and then sell it at a lower pump price. As the naira weakens, the landing costs of fuel in local currency surge, leading to an increase in the costs associated with subsidy removal, which in turn triggers a corresponding rise in pump prices. Effective subsidy removal strategies are most feasible when our currency is stable, and foreign exchange can be accessed without undue complications. Even when our refineries are functioning optimally, it is important to note that crude oil is still priced in dollars because upstream producers primarily transact in this currency. Implementing subsidy removal before addressing foreign exchange control is like attempting to put the cart before the horse. The sequencing of these actions is essential for an effective strategy.

    Way forward

    Subsidy has to go. However, the current strategy has led to increased fuel prices and uncontrolled hardship, with the state oil company bearing the brunt of the cost to prevent even steeper price hikes. This essentially means that despite the intention to remove subsidies, the current approach has not achieved the desired results and has created fiscal complexities.

    Complete removal of subsidies would indeed result in higher fuel prices than today. However, the implementation of subsidy removal by the current administration was marred by certain missteps. A phased approach, combined with efforts to reduce government expenditures (including political appointments), curb oil theft, and establish effective relief measures for the commercial sector and vulnerable populations, could have yielded a more favourable outcome. Additionally, the introduction of tax incentives such as VAT and personal income tax exemptions, rather than focusing solely on keeping fuel prices low, could have ensured a more sustainable transition. While international factors affect fuel prices, a comprehensive strategy would help prevent us from regressing to the starting point (or a worse situation).

    • Okediya is an energy policy analyst and a sustainable finance thought leader with background in law. 

  • Benue and the suppression of Idoma people

    Benue and the suppression of Idoma people

    By Onjefu Okidu

    A great appellation associated with Reverend Father Hyacinth Alia shortly after his emergence on the Benue political scene as a gubernatorial aspirant and candidate is: “Yes Father!”  Like lots of people with appellative nicknames, Fr. Alia never chose “Yes Father!,” he just came to accept the way the generality of the people of the state embrace and endorse him politically not just as a “man of God” but as “charismatic priest  immersed in the ways of God.”

    Undoubtedly, the appellation was a very strong public statement of overwhelming acceptance. For any good observer, the campaign engagement of the appellation significantly saw him made great strides in the 2023 elections. Father Alia obviously was able to pull overwhelming popular vote with admiration due to the general sentiment across the state that there was the need to turn to God to find solutions to the myriads of problems bedevilling the state. The state was (and still is) in a real mess, and actually needs repairing and rebuilding spiritually, materially, physically and psychologically. There were so many gaps – no salaries, no security, no capital investment, no ethnic unity, no sincerity, no honest, no integrity, no truth etc., etc., etc.

    To be fair, on his part, Father Alia responded at the time with every Godly responsibility. He demonstrated a deep spiritual response of a potential upright leader with worrying impulsiveness of a “man of God” in a hurry to put things right.  Actually, it could be observed that his heart desired to glorify the Almighty God with his blessing of a victory as he consistently promised to use it for the benefit of all Benue and Nigerian people. To be sure, while offering prayers to the Almighty God for a gift of fidelity and perseverance, Fr. Alia re-emphasized his enormous love and passion for the ways of the Almighty God. He disclosed that “God directed him to take a sabbatical on his sacred orders to take a more spiritually significant role in promoting the value of the crucified Christ among the suffering people of Benue State.”

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    However, since he took over the reins of power in May, apart from the fact that the appellation has completely disappeared from the Benue and national airwaves, the most random Benue people are beginning to frankly and candidly re-examine the pernicious banter they had used to assess him as a “man of God.” They are kind of taking another look at the appellation as to whether it still really defines the man. A central tenet of religion in society, especially Christianity, which “Fr. Alia subscribes as a front-liner,” is the elimination of evil in all forms. For this reason, Pope John Paul II, wrote in his 1994 apostolic letter, “Priests should act in order that all doubts may be removed.” Apparently, doubts continue to abound since the governor came on board irrespective of the sycophantic communication of his aides, detractors and dementors.

    Now, let’s start literally, systematically and candidly. Actually, one of the prominent areas of doubt is Fr. Alia’s management of ethnic identity. A very sad recurrent gap which all and sundry expected the “Reverend gentle man” to address is the impingement of ethnic identity on the state’s political leadership, and by extension the social capital. For the avoidance of doubt, demographic, anthropological and sociological evidence clearly classify the Idoma as a major ethnic group in Benue state. In other words, they are strictly classified as a major ethnic stakeholder in the state as much as her Tiv ethnic counterpart, a reality that cannot be obliterated.

    The statistics on the father’s political appointments since the debut of his administration show that the representation of the Idoma people is almost zero percent. Yes, almost zero percent based on the people’s stake-holding in the state! It is actually needless to bore with the governor’s appointment statistics as other previous writers have made great efforts in providing them. Those who are in doubt can refer to them (cabinet and non-cabinet), make a sincere review and pen a rejoinder to this piece for a robust discourse. Actually, a very disturbing and scary trend in Benue politics at the moment is the systematic elimination of the Idomas from the political leadership of the state and by extension the country, in a bizarre, crude and naked manner. The scope of Father Alia’s political suppression of the people is astonishing. It is so great and extreme that some critics have observed that his proudest achievement in his 100 days in office may be the suppression of the Idoma people in political appointments.

    To be sure, many have written and made media appearances to appeal to the governor to address the situation but to no avail. For the avoidance of doubt, while some established and truthful Idoma political leaders and elders were disheartened and very pained that Idoma people were being excluded from the governance of the state, and were urging the state governor to do the right thing, Austin Agada, the state APC chair, threw up ominous media conversations in strong condemnation of the leaders and elders. The insults, indecencies, lies, misinformation and the indecorum that emanated from him should suggest to anyone that he is one of the numerous political actors in Idomaland devoid of any counsel that could be beneficial to either the Idoma people or the Benue State government.

    In fact, as it is, the fear is no longer political, but existential. Precisely because, when you remove a people from the corridors of political power you also remove them from the corridors of economic power. Since the First Republic, it has never been this bad. However, every now and again, the Reverend Father has continued to hype the cliché of repairing and rebuilding the state. Virtually all his political speeches since his inauguration have been spiced with the repairing and rebuilding cliché. The hard-hitting question being asked by conscientious God fearing Nigerians is: is Father Alia actually repairing and rebuilding Benue State by systematically excluding the Idoma people who are a vital majority stakeholder in the state from political leadership at home and abroad?

    To be sure, the appropriateness of the election of a clergy as governor of Benue State at a time of heightened threats of unfairness, injustice and inequity can never be overemphasized. Considering where he was coming from, many truly anticipated Fr. Alia’s administration to be forthright in upholding justice, equity, fairness, inclusiveness and unity in the state. Invariably, the complete opposite appears to be starkly gaining track and traction by day! Aside the God factor, democracy is not about vote-catching as has been argued in some quarters; it is a game of fairness and equity devoid of ethnic parochialism. It reinforces brotherhood bonds and generally maintains balance. Good political leadership therefore produces solidarity across ethnic lines via true brotherhood, generosity and empathy.

    Senators George Akume and Gabriel Suswam as governors of the state tried their best to build some kind of bridges, even as non-clerics. Yes, they did. The expectation was that Fr. Alia would improve upon them. Rather, he is seen pulling down the bridges.  Not only the Idoma people, the generality of the Benue people should at this point in clear terms reverse the appellation and say: No Father, this is not the ways of the Almighty God!

    • Dr Okidu writes from Ilorin. He can be reached through okidu2002@yahoo.com

  • Journalism, truth and invasive trends

    Journalism, truth and invasive trends

    By Sulaiman Salawudeen

    Indeed, digital revolution, in democratising dissemination of news, does instantiate journalism practice as possibility for every living human – professional or not! For a hand-held device to be smart is not just to possess entire aids to information/communication deliveries, but also harness such possession to localise the globe in forms as to assure knowledge of/awareness about conducts, utterances and conclusions, even within superbly physically fortressed recesses. It equally helps deliver audio-visuals about, as well as enable participation in, so-called secrets, such as may be occurring in lands flung as far as the Asiatic or the Icelandic. 

    Journalism cannot know restrictions again all because the phone is around! Anyone with an internet-powered smartphone or tablet can do/damage reports on events as they unfold; a reality that has brought new level of authenticity challenge to the field of news dissemination/reception. Strides of technology, democratisation of content creation, and ever-encroaching tide of misinformation resulting upon free-for-all media space have reshaped the universe of information dissemination, and of the nature and scope of human interactions for good. Ultimately, this affects ensuing accounts that shape common understanding of the human world. 

    From its traditional brief of educating, informing and entertaining, journalism – which has since morphed from familiar paper/electronic – radio/television – delivery modes, to include the new media, has inexorably been endowed with more roles, which often builds better and equally destroys with ease. Tech-soaked journalism of the trends, to be sure, still retains its primary roles, but the incorporation of the internet facility into mobile phone has revolutionised delivery of whatever tripartite goals it has in ways as must now wow. In content of that as served, and in speed and volume of delivery, journalism of a world in motion performs more than just what used to be: it magicises performances! The shrinking of spaces and collapsing of frontiers attendant upon admissible insurrections in information and communication technology are today facts that must grip all with inescapable immediacy.

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    The trend has inexorably birthed the era of citizen journalism in which unfiltered chronicles can potentially and do actually eclipse genuine facts. Indeed, a world of Facebook, WhatsApp, To-Go, Twitter (X), Yahoo, Instagram, Google and others, in serving the news by the second, often eases schemes to slant same to taste! Conveniently balanced in polar oppositions in an infinite eye-popping process today are junk/yellow journalism and data/factual journalism. But, if the phone device can second the trade to confuse and horrify, same process can be actuated to explain and clarify. Within the technology applied to simulate reality, is the technicality to expose the lie. But such certitude does not seem an eternal fixity, as news may often be served in forms as may leave more questions than answers, and fixers of wrongs do not always enjoy the privilege of early arrivals! 

    Until the forensics were summoned to confirm the truth – no more the lie – about the  killing by men of the Nigeria Army of youthful protesters at the now infamously popular Lekki Toll Plaza, the entire world had been meshed up in flamboyant confusions. Did soldiers kill and how many were killed in the late evening confrontation with End-SARS protesters became a subject of exquisite inquisitions, as much for conventional inquisitors as for the unconventional. Undeniably, very pertinent are questions about objectivity and transparency. In this evolving landscape, journalism must be tenored to assert commitments to truth, and device innovative ways to maintain/sustain public trust, even while accommodating the power of narration. The eruption of misinformation, commonly referred to as “fake news,” has emerged as formidable adversary to media practice. 

    Misinformation can be and are being intentionally promoted to determine/misdirect public opinion. In response, journalists must don the armour of fact-checking and verification, a task more demanding than ever amidst the din and flurry of instant news, aided by the invasive techs of post-industrial era. War against the plague of misinformation however extends beyond professional journalists, even as media literacy has become an essential skill for the modern citizen. The public must learn skills to assess credibility of sources, discern reliable information from falsehoods, and navigate quite convoluted tangles of narratives on the World Wide Web. Journalism has journeyed finally away from a commodity to purchase and return home; it now demands active interrogation by its consumers. 

    This reality has brought trust in journalism to a crossroads. Cynicism about media bias and agendas erodes reliance in established news organisations. Rebuilding this is not merely a matter of reaffirming journalistic ethics and integrity; it necessitates transparency in reporting processes. Trust seems a fragile commodity, and it must be carefully nurtured, especially as scepticism has now legitimately unloosened its contents upon the majority. Social media platforms, in particular, have amplified the reach of sheer narratives. Falsehoods go viral in seconds and victims are left to pick the pieces when facts get brazenly distorted and reality blurred.

    Narrative journalism – editorials/opinions/features – often promotes subjective voices of journalists, inviting readers to step into their shoes and assess events through personal prisms. While this can enhance empathy and understanding, it also can and does introduce bias and subjectivity. Striking a balance between both is a challenge that modern journalism faces.

    In a rapidly changing world, media reporting undeniably stands at the forefront of the battle for truth as opposed to twisted bundles. While digital revolution has occasioned the era of immediacy and authenticity, it equally has prompted the phase of misinformation and scepticism. Journalists have to navigate this landscape, combat falsehoods with fact-checks and uphold the highest standards of ethical practice. The future of journalism lies at the intersection of technology, ethics, and narrative, where the quest for truth and the art of storytelling converge. Of note are blows new media has dealt traditional media, particularly the atrophy upon their markets and fortunes of the mercantiles.

    In the final analysis, what may be blamed is the journalism of extreme possibilities, and of limitless attainments – both as contingent upon awesome technologies of our day! Journalism’s eternal relevance derives in its power to partner the public in reaching the truth on developments. While there always are two sides to the truth at any given time, the profession helps in massing up evidence to support accessing the truest of truths – actual factual truth! Doubtless, journalism faces a future which lies at the intersection of technology, ethics, and storytelling, one which will witness sustained onslaughts on traditional media and waning fortunes for traditionalists. 

    While data journalism in a way stands apparently opposed to peace journalism in the sense of favouring releasing facts raw, straight as they are, rather than hoarding to respect sensibilities and maintain so-called peace, safety and protection of emotions on part of recipients, it does something far more – it respects the sanctity of truth and saves the community from needless worries regarding content, depth and magnitude of disasters. Ultimately, it prepares everyone for the worst! DJ Switch may now be recessed in a Canadian nook, just some manipulation followed by a click on a diminutive device by a supposed fugitive had actually unloosened a process that instantly blew the shroud off a bestiality which signposted horrific, even maniacal, underbellies of a disappearing state!

    • Salawudeen, writer/freelance journalist, writes via obastunde@yahoo.com

  • Obaship institution at the crossroads

    Obaship institution at the crossroads

    By Oluwole Ogundele

    Talking a load of rubbish and weakening the old domain loyalties of the institution of obaship in the south western region as elsewhere in Nigeria, have their deep roots in the colonial past. That is to say, that the old social order began to crumble away as from the tail end of the 19th century. The popular but inglorious invasion of Benin in Edo land in February, 1897 by the acting Consul-General of Nigeria (James Phillips) cannot be forgotten in a hurry. This was during the reign of Oba Ovonramwen who succeeded Oba Adolo in 1892. Indeed, this was an assault on the country’s collective kingship system.

    After a polite reply to the Consul-General’s letter not to visit him (Oba Ovonramwen) because he was performing Ague ceremony for his late father, James Phillips, including his entourage came to Benin. Visitors were forbidden from entering the community to see the king during that festival. However, most members of the group were killed by the Benin soldiers who were lying in ambush. The brutal expedition that followed was a manifestation of the hidden agenda of the Consul-General to enter the city with a view to looting the Benin world-class court art pieces.

    One great lesson from this incident was that the monarch (Oba Ovonramwen) took his courage in both hands. This was an attempt to defend the culture and tradition of his community. Today’s obas need to have the courage of their convictions at all times.   Monarchs must be ready to take the bull by the horns in the interest of cultural sustainability and general human progress.

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    Despite the inevitable, but ontologically ethnocentric judgements across the global village about cultures and traditions, every serious, development-oriented society respects its age-long heritage. This is within the confines of critical transformation or change. It is common knowledge, that European and Asian geo-polities among others, necessarily allow their cultures to occupy centre stage in the scheme of things. Their kingship systems are still being respected despite the challenges and sensitivities of modern global politics. They are not moronic at all!

    Obas in Yoruba land have to maintain their terrestrial and extra-terrestrial statuses as “living” ancestors. Their palaces are major political, cultural, and social powerhouses. In actuality, palaces are sources of inspiration to the people. Therefore, those overbearing former and current political leaders, who lack the capacity to domesticate “international” protocols, must begin to do a rethink.  Those who treat obas, emirs, and obis like a bunch of trash need to go back to school. Traditional rulers represent the hearts and souls of their communities. Such an existential reality is a global language. Despite the dynamic character of culture, certain salient facets must be preserved for the sake of social stability and robust humanity.  Preserving our cultural originality or authenticity is a collective responsibility of all Nigerians.

    However, the kings should not have unbridled extroverted minds. They have to be reserved humans in order to earn maximum respect and/or honour. Obas are supposed to socialise with people within the framework of moderation or decorum.  In other words, some reasonable amount of seclusion is of the essence. Kingmakers in Yoruba land always make it compulsory for an oba-designate to be inside ipebi (a secluded, sacred space) for some days. This is part of the training process. Surprisingly, some obas-designate try to avoid this stage, although at their own peril. This may account for some of the reasons why a few of them occasionally cast caution to the winds.

    It is too easily forgotten, that obas are deities as the crowns sometimes, cover their faces. In the past, community members see the faces of their kings only on special occasions. An extremely extroverted mind or prince is not fit to be an oba/king. The phenomenon is beyond the idea that it is my turn to rule. The chagrined world, watch some post-colonial political leaders as they defecate on the public space due to power-drunkenness. They have to liberate themselves from the bondage of superiority complex-a relic of savagery.  However, those kings desperately pursuing contract awards here and there cannot have their cake and eat it. But there are some extremely fine minds who double as obas in our communities. Others should start emulating them.  Kingmakers should help us in showcasing the best candidates when searching for new obas. In this regard, a considerable degree of de-materialisation of their minds (kingmakers) is very critical. Good character and readiness to serve a given community with justice and fairness are of the essence. This is how we can begin to gradually craft a new obaship institution enshrined in integrity. The lost glories must be reclaimed at all costs.

    If caution is not taken, some megalomaniac individuals among us would soon start whipping our obas either inside the palaces or in the public space. Nigeria is on the edge of a precipice. There is fire on the mountain!

    In my opinion, the modern political class seriously needs the traditional rulership institution more than hitherto. Thus, for example, the high crime rate in today’s Nigeria can be reduced to the barest minimum with the collaboration of the obas, obis, and emirs. We seem to quickly forget that these maligned traditional rulers, are the best surveyors and security officers of their domains.  They can easily identify strangers coming into their communities. They also can get intelligence reports about them. These rulers need to be motivated so that they can begin to collaborate much more than hitherto with the police and other security personnel. Therefore, state governors cannot succeed without these obas.

    No rural development projects can be sustainably executed without networking with our community leaders.  Obas and other categories of local leaders across the board, remain a force to reckon with. Flexing muscles with them is counter-productive in a plethora of ways. It is very worrying, that after more than six decades of independence from Britain, most of our political leaders have failed to grow up. Their numerous trips to overseas countries are like a mere jamboree. They have failed to critically incorporate some of the best values from the Western world into the Nigerian socio-economic and political culture. Indeed, the country can be compared (to a large extent), to an animal kingdom. Travelling on our roads is now a nightmare scenario. This reflects cumulative governmental failure. As a matter of fact, our dilapidated/demonic roads are consuming tires like pounded yam as if nobody is in control.

    The kingmakers need to start selecting new obas on the basis of merit including fairness. Corruption de-humanises in the long run. Indeed, corruption is a world away from wisdom. It is at variance with happiness and progress on a sustainable scale. Once again, Nigerians should not join the former colonial overlords and their sympathisers in ridiculing critical facets of the country’s time-tested cultures and traditions. Suffice it to say, that Brazil, Spain, Portugal, France, Britain, and Italy among others, do not bastardise their kingship systems under the guise of modernity.

    • Prof. Ogundele is of Dept. of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of Ibadan.

  • The fire this time

    The fire this time

    It’s always been a hibernating tinderbox environment waiting for the slightest spark to flare. The latest spark occurred early at dawn on 7th October when Israelis at an overnight party in southern Israel were barnstormed by a horde of fighters from the Palestinian militant group, Hamas, who had breached the heavily fortified border with Gaza Strip to infiltrate the Jewish state. That assault was facilitated by a barrage of rockets fired from Gaza, which blew out homes in Israel. The hailstorm of rockets triggered the Israeli system of siren alarm blaring to alert sleepy citizens, but belatedly so. At the party, the Hamas militants fired indiscriminately at frolickers, leaving no fewer than 260 dead. Militants also fanned out into the communities where they attacked Jewish habitants and abducted about 150, mostly civilian hostages, across the border back into Gaza.

    The Israeli government rallied to respond to the ambush attack. Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu went on air to declare that the country was at war. “Not an operation, not a round (of fighting), but at war,” he said. Israel has since replied with thousands of rockets fired into the Palestinian enclave, besides a rain of airstrikes – many hitting civilian homes. The Jewish state reinforced her blockade on Gaza and called up an unprecedented 300,000 reservists, amid indications it may soon or late stage a ground assault. Israeli media said Hamas fighters killed some 900 people in the weekend attack, including the 260 at the music festival. Gaza authorities put the death toll in Israel’s retaliatory strikes at 770, but Israel said bodies of some 1,500 Hamas fighters were found in her territory. Other countries that reported their citizens dead in the Hamas attack include Thailand, Argentina, the United States and Britain. Tel-Aviv said it had ordered a “complete siege” on Gaza, cutting off supplies of food, water and electricity to its roughly two million residents.

    Founded in 1987, Hamas is both a political party and militant group that holds sway within limited autonomy allowed under Israeli control in Gaza – a small strip of roughly 140 square mile that is considered one of the most densely populated spaces on earth. The group is backed by Iran and is deemed a terrorist organisation by many nations. Its defining ideology is its refusal to accept the statehood of Israel, and a radical militancy in pursuit of the destruction of the Jewish nation – an approach differing from the more sober quest for Palestinian statehood by Fatah party in West Bank. The 7th October attack coincided with the 50th anniversary of the 1973 Yom Kippur War – a grim reminder of the deep roots of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict that anyone who would make sense of the vicious cycle of violence must consider.

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    We can only accommodate a summary here. The Zionist movement of the early 20th Century had mobilised Diaspora Jews to what is deemed their historic homeland in Palestine. That initiative climaxed with the 14th May, 1948 creation of the State of Israel, which was preceded in 1947 by the United Nations (UN) approval of the partitioning of Palestine into Jewish and Arab states and a proposal that Jerusalem, the birthplace of three Abrahamic religions of Judaism, Christianity and Islam, be placed under special international administration. On the heels of Israel’s declaration of Independence, Arab nations joined with Palestinians in an offensive that was the first Arab-Israeli War. That war ended the following year with Israel emerging victorious, and with the territory carved into three regions namely State of Israel, which after the war occupied 60 percent of the area proposed as a Palestinian state under the UN plan; West Bank along the Jordan River, controlled by Jordan; and Gaza Strip under Egypt’s control. It was in this war, which made thousands of Palestinians stateless, that Israel annexed the western half of Jerusalem. After the war, the Jewish state refused to grant Palestinians the right to return, thereby seed-bedding a nationality driven by passionate aspiration for self-determination.

    In 1967, Israel waged a preemptive six-day war against Egypt, Syria and Jordan, resulting in her annexing West Bank and East Jerusalem from Jordan, Gaza Strip and Sinai Peninsula from Egypt, and Golan Heights from Syria. The Jewish state emerged from this conflict with territory four times its original size, and more than a million Palestinians coming under Israeli rule in occupied lands. Egypt and Syria staged a surprise reprisal attack in 1973, leading to a 19-day war that again ended in Israel’s victory. This conflict known as the ‘Yom Kippur War’ because fighting started on Yom Kippur, the holiest day in Judaism, brought humiliation to the Arab world, weakened Arab unity, and by extension united Arab backing for the Palestinian cause, and eventually led to the Camp David Accords of 1978 – Israel’s first ever peace treaty with an Arab nation by which she agreed to restore Sinai Peninsula to Egypt in return for Cairo’s formal recognition of, and normalisation of ties with Tel-Aviv. Although the treaty had a framework for Palestinian self-rule in Gaza and West Bank, implementation was elusive.

    The years 1987 to 1993  witnessed the First Intifada (Arab for ‘shaking off’), a Palestinian uprising characterised by stone-throwing mass protests and acts of civil resistance against Israeli occupation in West Bank and Gaza Strip, and the start of the Oslo peace process. The historic Oslo Accords of 1993 established the Palestinian Authority in West Bank and Gaza, thereby providing Palestinians some degree of political autonomy towards fulfilling the right of the people to self-rule. There was, however, disagreement among the Palestinians, with those who believed only armed resistance could free their land from Israeli occupation considering the treaty a betrayal. The Second Intifada erupted in 2000 in response to then far-right Israeli Opposition leader Ariel Sharon’s provocative visit to the contested Temple Mount, the third-holiest site in Islam. In 2005, Israel unilaterally withdrew from Gaza Strip, dismantling Jewish settlements and ending its military presence in the enclave in a bid to burnish its image. But this also marked a complex turning point in the conflict, as it raised questions about the feasibility of unilateral actions in resolving the broader territorial and political disputes between the two sides.

    Palestinians held elections in 2006 in which Hamas won majority seats in the Palestinian Legislative Council, defeating the secular Fatah party, and was set to administer the occupied territories of Gaza, West Bank and East Jerusalem. But having been designated a terrorist group, much of the international community refused to recognize Hamas rule. A civil war soon after broke out between Hamas and Fatah, with Hamas gaining control of Gaza while Fatah held onto West Bank. Citing security concerns, Israel and Egypt in 2007 both imposed a blockade on Gaza, restricting movement of people and goods in and out of the strip in what has created severe economic and humanitarian challenges for the population. Human rights groups likened conditions in the enclave to that of an “open-air prison.”

    That is the general situation of Gaza over which flare-ups have recurrently erupted between Israel and Hamas, often resulting in significant casualties amid quest by the global community for a lasting ceasefire. Only that the quest falters at every turn owing to perennial aggression mode of parties concerned. Israel is fundamentally a ‘war state’ because not only was her birth secured by aggression in the first Arab-Israeli War, she has had to hold up amidst enveloping enmity of Arab neighbours. Some of these have signed peace treaties with the Jewish state, though, the latest being the 2020 Abraham Accords by which Tel-Aviv normalised relations with the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Sudan and Morocco. Moves by the U.S. are currently underway to forge ties between Israel and Saudi Arabia. But implacable enemies remain: besides Hamas in Gaza, there is Hezbollah in Lebanon that is also sponsored by Iran. The two-state solution proposed by the UN hasn’t flown with Israel because it involves giving up annexed East Jerusalem to Palestinians. The Jewish state says the ‘City of David’ is its historical territory that can’t be divided.

    Hamas was beyond bestial in its latest attack on Israel. In the raging conflict, however, even where Israel is the aggressed and not the aggressor as in the latest case, she comes off as a monster in her reprisal that puts Palestinian civilians in way of aggravated harm. Humanitarian agencies say the present siege has created acute shortages of food, water and medicaments for hundreds of thousands of Gaza residents. Israel must find a way of responding to Hamas without so severely hazarding the civilian Palestinian populace. But let’s be clear: the conflict is all about territory and has nothing to do with religion. Nothing.

    • Please join me on kayodeidowu.blogspot.be for conversation.