Category: Opinion

  • Insecurity and the plight of kidnap victims (2)

    Insecurity and the plight of kidnap victims (2)

    Perceived callousness in society comes, chiefly, from the responses of the government to public issues as they affect individuals and the collective. As a country and society, we are perhaps the most cold-hearted people on the surface of the earth. Here, a man who fed his children last night and … could still afford something substantial as zakat, that’s our definition of generosity. An armed robber who is lucky to escape unhurt is the one society worships. In our fated clime, if you don’t have money, you are in trouble. In the eye of the nouveau riche, why must you not even have money? Times and things have now gone so bad that those who lived under Ibrahim Babangida would think that Sani Abacha was complete evil, whereas those who lived under Muhammadu Buhari would also think as if this sad and sympathetic country had a better yesterday. Taking the most optimistic view, Abacha’s approach would have been one of ‘live-and-let-live’.

    In 1980, Ogunpa flooding happened to Ibadan. No doubt about it: it was a terrible tragedy, with millions of naira worth of goods either destroyed and/or carted away. Lives in their preciousness were also lost. Not unexpectedly, the government’s response was swift, but only in terms of jingles and advertorials, not that foodstuffs and/or clothing were given to the people. In specific terms, there were no physical interventions as in what could truly touch the people. Instead, eloquent words – that the government would see to the sufferings of the people – were in excess of expectations. The late Bola Ige, who was the governor of the old Oyo State at the time, was on hand to mitigate the perceived energy of the enemy, notably Adisa Akinloye and Richard Akinjide, who were not only indigenes of the ancient city but also rubbing and defending the ego of Shehu Shagari, the then president of Nigeria. To the victims, nothing came; unfortunately, so!

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    Somewhere along the line, something important happened, but not in the public glare. The Federal Government intervened with N30 million, and the money was shared. Friends and colleagues watched as government officials of specific calibre started building monstrous houses and buying exotic cars; and they were careless with their mouths. Though the victims documented what Ogunpa took away from them, it was just an exercise in futility. When money came, which took several months due to the shape and size of Nigeria’s bureaucratic slip-ups, the people had moved on, obviously without any assistance from anybody. But their children in the civil service saw what happened and news went round. As at that time, Ige was no longer in government. People saw all those anomalies but there was no way they could push their aggression beyond bottling up the resentment they had for the government and government policies; and it was freely discussed among the people. Again, that’s where it ended. After all, there’s no sympathy for government money, more so as it belongs to no one. Sad therefore that the handlers of Nigeria’s affairs have consistently shown sufficient callousness to the extent that nobody pities them again. Sadder that that policy has been responsible for the depravity in the system, which makes nobody care. The saddest part of it is that it subsists till date, because nobody has attempted to address it.

    Look at the parents of the Chibok girls, Leah Sharibu and many others who are still languishing in the terrorists’ enclave. Talking seriously, that’s sufficient enough to take their faith away from them because, if one has a God who cannot actually save one while one is here, it is useless believing in the afterlife. If one calls on God while one is on earth, and, indeed, He hears but cannot save one, then it is as if one doesn’t have a Saviour in the first place! With this sad expression staring us in the face, isn’t it time our religious leaders called on God again – if, truly, they know how to call on Him – to come down and rescue those who trust in Him? Isn’t it time we beheld His real power, because, for those who truly believe in Him, at no time is His power limited?

    The pathetic truth is that those who are leading us on the religious path in Nigeria are unperturbed even as dear fatherland has turned into a fount of uncertainties, a cocktail of misfortunes, a terrible economy and a nation divided. Pastor Adejare Adeboye is fine; Pastor Folorunso Kumuyi is fantastic while Bishop David Oyedepo keeps acquiring jets as if he’s buying motorcycles. Remember former President Buhari also rode to Aso Rock on the promise of recovering the Chibok girls. PMB has done his 8 years and gone back to Daura, leaving behind policy summersault, unmet promises, unsettled obligations and, most importantly, the girls at the mercy of Boko Haram and ISWAP terrorists. As things stand, nobody remembers poor Leah who is wasting away in the forest for knowing the God she served or her parents who continue to walk the path of their fate. Still, our spiritual fathers continue to use this same God to make money; and it is as if being a Nigerian is a crime. And we ask: isn’t ours a terrible tragedy?

    For heaven’s sake, how did we get to this pass?

    • Concluded.

  • Governor Oyebanji’s one year in office

    Governor Oyebanji’s one year in office

    Governor Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji of Ekiti State is privileged to have inherited a stable platform. Were it to have been otherwise, one doubts if he would by now have finished negotiating the trouble zones, not to talk about development in the state. Not just that, the governor also has a thriving centre to his advantage. So, whichever way it goes, it’s a good step, which brings to the fore the need for him to engage the best of brains – which, of course, Ekiti State has not been short of – and apply same towards development.

    Without doubt, the quietness or stillness that’s being experienced in ‘The Fountain of Knowledge’ in the past one year of the Oyebanji-led administration has been a blessing in disguise, for it has given him the ample chance to plan and execute his strategic vision for development, more so as Ekitis are actually expecting a lot from him.

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    Discreet inquiries have revealed that the governor has done so much within so short a time. This man with a good heart has not only felt where the shoes pinched the people’s feet but also responded to them positively, a situation that has set him apart as a leader made ready for his people’s needs. Immediately he assumed office, BAO, as Oyebanji is fondly called, hit the ground running, which showed that he’s not just there to experiment but one who has a sophisticated understanding of the world around him.

    Well, while I intend to interrogate some of the exploits of this unassuming achiever in the coming days, for the governor, this mustn’t be the end. Thankfully, BAO still has time on his side. This good addition to Nigeria’s rich history still has a long way to go towards creating a new reality for Ekiti State in particular and Nigeria in general. So, he must fight through all the chances in this world with a view to giving the people the dividends of democracy. This is no era for excuses at all!

    As Governor Oyebanji clocks one year in office on October 16, 2023, Nigerians can only pray for him to do more!

    May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

  • Climate Change: Balancing debt servicing and disaster response

    Climate Change: Balancing debt servicing and disaster response

    By Samuel Jekeli

    SIR: Climate change is a global crisis that transcends borders, affecting countries in various ways. Nigeria with a diverse ecosystem and a large population, the impacts of climate change are becoming increasingly evident. Rising temperatures, erratic rainfall patterns, and extreme weather events are posing significant challenges to the country’s development. One pressing dilemma that Nigeria faces is how to allocate resources between debt servicing and disaster response in the face of a changing climate.

    Nigeria is no stranger to the adverse effects of climate change. From flooding in urban centres to prolonged droughts in rural areas, the climate crisis is exacerbating existing vulnerabilities, disproportionately affecting the most marginalized communities. This has created a double-edged sword for the Nigerian government: the need to manage its growing debt burden while also responding to climate-related disasters.

    Nigeria, like many other developing countries, carries a significant external debt load. Servicing this debt is a financial obligation that consumes a substantial portion of the national budget. In recent years, the allocation of resources for debt servicing has raised concerns, particularly in light of the pressing climate crisis. Critics argue that dedicating a large portion of the budget to servicing debt hinders the country’s ability to respond effectively to climate-related disasters.

    The changing climate is leading to an increase in the frequency and severity of disasters in Nigeria. Floods, droughts, desertification, and food insecurity are all consequences of climate change that demand immediate attention. Disaster response requires substantial resources, from emergency relief to long-term recovery and adaptation efforts. The government must invest in infrastructure resilience, early warning systems, and climate adaptation strategies to mitigate the impact of these disasters on vulnerable communities.

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    Balancing debt servicing and disaster response in the context of climate change is a complex challenge, but it is not an insurmountable one. Here are some strategies that Nigeria can consider:  Debt Restructuring, Climate-Focused Financing, International Support, Insurance Mechanisms,  Public-Private Partnerships,  Education and Awareness.

    Exploring debt restructuring options, such as extending maturities or renegotiating terms, can help reduce immediate debt servicing obligations. This would free up funds for climate resilience and disaster response.

    Allocating a portion of the national budget specifically for climate adaptation and mitigation efforts can help address the impacts of climate change. This would include investments in infrastructure, agriculture, and disaster risk reduction.

    Nigeria can engage with international financial institutions and climate funds to access additional financing for climate-related projects. These funds often offer favourable terms and grants for climate resilience initiatives.

    Implementing climate risk insurance schemes can help the government manage the financial burden of disaster response. These mechanisms can provide rapid funding in the event of a climate-related disaster, reducing the strain on the budget.

    Collaboration with the private sector can mobilize additional resources for climate adaptation and disaster response. Public-private partnerships can fund and implement projects that strengthen resilience and reduce vulnerability.

    Raising awareness about the impacts of climate change and the need for climate resilience can encourage individual and community-level actions. Education campaigns can help reduce the long-term burden of disaster response.

    Climate change is an undeniable reality that is reshaping the world, and Nigeria is not immune to its effects. Balancing the need for debt servicing with the imperative of disaster response in the face of climate change is a formidable challenge. However, it is essential for the government to adopt a multifaceted approach that considers both short-term financial obligations and long-term climate resilience.

    By restructuring debt, securing international support, and prioritizing climate-focused financing, Nigeria can better allocate resources to address climate-related disasters. Additionally, public-private partnerships and climate risk insurance mechanisms can provide valuable tools to manage the financial burden associated with climate change impacts.

    Ultimately, finding the right balance between debt servicing and disaster response is crucial for Nigeria’s sustainable development and the well-being of its people. Climate change is not a problem that can be deferred; it demands immediate attention and proactive measures to ensure a resilient and sustainable future for the nation.

    • Samuel Jekeli, Centre for Social Justice, Abuja.

  • Let’s save Aremo Taiwo Allimi’s life

    Let’s save Aremo Taiwo Allimi’s life

    By Bayo Osiyemi

    Every season brings out the best in any area – from the farm and among humans.

    In the Second Republic, a star emerged from the firmament and became an instant celebrity in television broadcasting and all of Nigeria attested to his imagination and creativity then.

    Taiwo Allimi is his name; a young American-trained television presenter and programmer whose emergence introduced a breath of fresh air into the hitherto lack-lustre political presentations in the country. He came into national consciousness as a youth corps member in NTA headquarters in Lagos but it didn’t take long before he established himself as a television superstar waiting to be discovered.

    He introduced uncommon personality interviews for top politicians at the state and national levels, such that the long-forgotten deeds and misdeeds of such political actors were unearthed to either diminish or promote the electoral fortunes of such political gladiators.

    He was the first in TV personality interviews to dig into past actions and utterances of politicians, which were contradictory, with a view to exposing the variance in their standpoints on crucial national issues.

    For example, he would take on his interviewees, running for elective offices, and ask them to reconcile their past positions on which he would quote them verbatim, with their latest utterances which were apparently being made to hoodwink the public with a view to seeking votes. 

    In Taiwo Allimi’s words then: “ Mr or Chief or Doctor so so and so, in so so year, you said and I quote; how do you now reconcile these statements with your present positions on the same issues”

    Those well-researched questions destabilised some of these politicians from which they never recovered on live television and these went a long way to put them in bad light which ultimately affected their electoral fortunes at the polls.

    That stellar performance by a young, dynamic TV presenter of the time drew the ire of the victims of his probing and incisive interviews but it brought him out as a TV star that anyone who valued class and talent would treasure.

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    Alhaji Lateef Jakande, who also went under Taiwo Allimi’s unsparing and rigorous interviews on television as a gubernatorial candidate of the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), went on to win convincingly the governorship of Lagos State; and one of his very first acts as governor was to decide in setting up a state-owned radio and television outfit as against the federal radio and national television. 

    He was quick to appreciate the professional wizardry in Taiwo Allimi and promptly decided to hire him to set up a television station for Lagos State. That decision met with stiff resistance from the federal government which deployed all the dirty tricks in the game to jam the then LTV8 Ikeja out of existence. But, as they say, there will always be a way where there’s a will. Jakande, a world class journalist himself, knew the power of TV broadcasting and was resolute in ensuring that LTV, as a baby did not suffer still-birth while Taiwo Allimi showed his brilliance and assembled a team of young and vibrant men and women like Jimi Odumosu to start off and immortalise the truly ubiquitous LTV, Ikeja.

    Taiwo Allimi became a gold fish that had no hiding place. He became much-sought after by governments, to assist their information dissemination process. 

    Ogun State, where he hailed from, snatched him from Lagos and made him its commissioner for information by a military regime. He was such a roaring success that he was retained by two or three successive regimes in Ogun State to remain to date the longest serving information commissioner in any state in the country.

    The federal government also could not be indifferent to his high professionalism as he was appointed some years ago as the director general of Voice of Nigeria in Abuja where he also served without blemish.

    But suddenly, he went out of the radar, until recently it was discovered that he was vegetating away in his Sagamu homestead due to an illness that is said to have made him bed-ridden due to lack of funds to get him quality medi-care.

    A star of Taiwo Allimi’s calibre must not be allowed to dim so soon, as his brain is still needed to re-jig the broadcast industry. This is a challenge that must be taken up by all and sundry, first by the governor of his home state, Prince Dapo Abiodun, in whose state Aremo Taiwo Allimi is a member of the Council of Elders; the Lagos State Government to which he has bequeathed a standard television station, the Voice of Nigeria where he also made impact and all his friends in the media, advertising industry and elsewhere.

    To make Taiwo Allimi bounce back to life is a task for everyone who wish to celebrate and preserve talent!

  • For a global community of shared future

    For a global community of shared future

    By Charles Onunaiju

    Last month, the State Council Information Office of the People’s Republic of China published a white paper outlining Beijing’s proposal and actions in regards to the construction of a community shared future for mankind. The vision for a community of shared future was first presented by the Chinese leader, President Xi Jinping during a speech at the Moscow State Institute of International Relations of the Russian federation in 2013. And since it was unveiled, it has been steadily enriched and global dialogue and enthusiasm around it has grown phenomenally.  From the rigorous exertions to understand the evolving trends and historical trajectories of the contemporary world, the Communist Party of China (CPC) generates prospective outlooks that engage the specific need of the times.

    To understand the evolving and developing trends is crucial, but to assemble the necessary and existential tools to shape it, in the directions that maximize its benefits while reducing to the barest minimum its adverse effects is more facilitative and conducive to the well-being of the entire humanity.

    The proposal and vision of the community of shared future derives from acute and rigorous interrogations of the current state of mankind and its prospective objective outcomes of either to prosper together or be dammed together. It is obvious fact that “in the universe, there is one earth, the shared home of humanity”. 

    The pathway to integrated global order illuminated by the unprecedented breakthrough in information and communication technology has made for epic transitions from the previous fragmented and isolated world. While there has been copious study of international system both in its various parts and the whole, the mechanics and process to undertake practical its consequential challenges and align its outcomes to the well-being of humanity has been in clear deficit. The community of shared future is a holistic theoretical approach that methodically deconstructs the patterns of emerging global trends, clearly delineated its tapestries but more importantly engages the practical tools to respond to question it raises.

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    A major Chinese wisdom in contributing to the questions of the times about the future of humanity, the vision of a community of shared future for mankind, set the tasks to basically provoke new thinking across the world about the challenges of the new era. As the white paper noted “as information technology advances with every passing day, most prominently in the fields of internet, big data, quantum computing, and artificial intelligence, human exchanges have become deeper, broader and more extensive than even before and countries are more bound together in several fronts of the human endeavours. Despite the obvious ground for cooperation, the current international order is fraught with several challenges. Some countries still hold on to the outdated views of their exceptionalism and desperately stand in the way of the emerging multi-polar world order. But multi-polarism by the historical reality of diversity of human civilization is the basic feature of our world. Different histories, national conditions, ethnic group and customs have given birth to diverse civilizations and mutual learning among civilizations provides important impetus to human progress.

    In its century-long history, the Communist Party of China has consistently championed a global vision grounded in the rigorous engagement with reality without losing focus to the specific national condition of China.

    The CPC richly accumulated experience has taught it to understand that the fate of China is intrinsically linked to the world and to strive for a prosperous China is to also bring opportunities to the world and strive for global prosperity. The vision of community shared future for humanity has not been an empty political rhetoric. Because it is a vison derived from materialistic conception history, its trajectories would be essentially driven by creating the material condition for its realization. And to this end, China is exerting herself and generating the global partnership necessary to travel down the journey of inclusive global order.

    In the past ten years, China has proposed and developed a global framework to building a community of shared future through the partnership of the Belt and Road Initiative, (BRI) which have generated the world’s most extensive public goods. Though the Belt and Road initiative originated in China, its opportunities and achievements clearly belong to the world. Two-thirds or more than 150 countries are already partners in the Belt and Road construction and a World Bank report recently noted that when fully implemented, intra-BRI trade will increase by 4.1 %.

    The Asia Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) and Silk ROAD Fund have been set up, providing financing support for hundreds of projects. People-to-people connectivity continues to strengthen. Roads, bridges and development belts that lead to a happier and better life are constantly emerging in participating countries. Such life changing initiatives as building wells, cultivating hybrid rice and other small projects that work faster in improving people’s lives are giving local people of BRI countries a stronger sense of gain and fulfilment. For example, the Malawi’s 600 wells built with Chinese assistance under the framework of the BRI cooperation, known as ‘wells of happiness” is serving 150,000 local residents. The Mombasa-Nairobi railway which has added more than 2% to local economic growth in Kenya or Nigeria’s first deep sea port, the Lekki deep seaport, the airport upgrades and renovation along with expanding rail network in Nigeria bring to vivid life, the impact of the Belt and Road cooperation as a practical tool to navigate to the community of shared future for humanity.

    The vison of a community of shared future is a clarion call to every part of the world to rise to the challenge of contributing meaningfully and constructively to the shared destiny of mankind, a common future. It is the practical interpretation of globalisation in the new era and represents a humanization of the process that puts the well beings of all peoples first above profit. 

    The white paper which Chinese has released on the directions and prospects of the global community of shared future deserve attention and study because it poses the most existential question for the future and must be harnessed and enriched by the varied wisdom of mankind of different civilizations. Africa and Nigeria in particular should play pivotal roles in advancing the road map to the global vision of shared future for humanity. 

      • Onunaiju, research director, Centre for China Studies, Abuja.

  • Real reason Ukraine isn’t ready to join NATO

    Real reason Ukraine isn’t ready to join NATO

    • By Mark Hannah

    Six of the seven Ukrainian deputy defense ministers were fired last Monday morning. Earlier this month, when President Zelenskyy of Ukraine sacked his defense minister, news reports cited the ministry’s allegations of mishandling military contracting and corruption. This sort of corruption prompted President Biden to state last month that Ukraine was not ready for NATO membership.

    But just a couple days later, at a NATO summit in Vilnius, member countries insisted it was only a matter of time before Ukraine would join the alliance. They even dropped the requirement for Ukraine to abide by a Membership Action Plan – NATO’s rigorous program which ensures aspiring countries meet the alliance’s military, economic and democratic standards. Zelenskyy visits the U.N. General Assembly and White House this week, bringing Ukraine’s NATO aspirations back into the news.

    Pundits cast the war in Ukraine as ground zero of a global struggle between democracy and autocracy. Through its vigorous defense against Russia, they argue, Ukraine is a battle-tested soldier for democracy and thus worthy of NATO membership. Membership will, in turn, reverse the further erosion of Ukraine’s flawed democracy. Or so the argument goes.

    But that argument misses an important distinction: NATO is designed to defend countries which are already democratic, but it’s wholly unequipped to promote democracy within those countries. So Ukraine’s membership in NATO, contrary to the conventional wisdom, wouldn’t bolster the cause of Ukrainian democracy.

    Democracy succeeds when its principles are embraced and manifested in laws, political norms and institutions; and when it is defended by anti-corruption advocates, civil liberties and civil rights organizations, and media freedom groups. Unlike physical territory, democracy can’t be defended with defense pacts, with bombs or bullets, with missiles or minefields.

    The NATO charter might require aspirants to support democracy, individual liberty and the rule of law. But it fails to prevent democratic backsliding once countries join the alliance. Member countries Hungary and Turkey are prime examples. Hungary’s Viktor Orbán and Turkey’s Recep Tayyip Erdo?an have presided over the persecution of independent media, the silencing of dissent and the erosion of rule of law. Both have entertained closer ties with Russia amid the war in Ukraine, with Erdo?an recently meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Sochi.

    Despite their democratic backsliding, Hungary and Turkey remain members of the alliance in good standing and have even extracted concessions for stalling Sweden and Finland’s accessions to NATO. The United States might entice these increasingly illiberal allies with arms deals, but NATO is powerless to address the root cause of their obstinance. Hungary says its stonewalling of Sweden’s membership is a response to the European Union’s suspension of billions of dollars of its funds. What is the EU’s reason for the freeze? Hungary’s democratic decline.

    Hungary and Turkey’s slides toward authoritarianism offers a cautionary tale for Ukraine’s membership aspirations.

    A case can be made that NATO isn’t threatened by the presence of a few democratically deficient members. Contrary to the rhetoric of a grand, global struggle between democracies and autocracies, the U.S. often finds common cause with illiberal countries. The U.S. works closely with Saudi Arabia and Egypt, for instance, in fighting violent extremism in the Middle East, and the Philippines hosts American military bases to help the U.S. defend its interests in Asia.

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    That’s a fair counterpoint, but one that opens a can of worms about the strategic logic of the transatlantic alliance structure. After all, if NATO doesn’t exist to defend democracies, what is it for? If member countries signed up to defend only other democracies, will they be less likely to keep their commitment when less democratic countries are admitted? Will countries, such as Georgia, which aspire to membership – while withstanding Russian aggression and struggling to make democratic reforms – begin to think the membership criteria is squishy or hypocritically applied?

    To be sure, Ukraine has made some progress in cleaning itself up, and President Zelenskyy has been more of a reformer than some of his predecessors. News of his personnel purges regularly interrupts battlefield updates. Last summer, Zelenskyy sent waves through Ukraine when he fired his prosecutor general and the head of his security service for “grave failure to perform their duties.” More than 650 cases of treason were then opened. In January, six deputy ministers and five regional administrators were fired for corruption, and recently, Zelensky overhauled all of Ukraine’s regional military recruitment offices after the discovery of embezzlement.

    Zelenskyy takes a hard-line stance against corruption, calling it out as a national scourge. But such a crusade is only necessary in an ailing political system – a system which, to some extent, implicates Zelenskyy as well.

    When Western financial institutions sought independent heads atop Ukraine’s oligarch-run firms, Zelenskyy fired his cabinet for taking the initiative too far. Zelenskyy dismissed his prime minister after he clashed with media tycoon and oligarch Ihor Kolomoisky over appointments at a state-owned electrical company. Kolomoisky’s TV network had helped make Zelenskyy a famous comedian and later gave his presidential campaign preferential coverage. Kolomoisky is under U.S. sanctions, and was charged earlier this month with fraud and money laundering. Zelenksyy’s anti-corruption initiatives, whether sincere or merely performative, are clouded by his closeness to Kolomoisky, and his deference to other oligarchs.

    In July, a Swiss intelligence report observed “authoritarian traits” in Zelenskyy as he tried to push Kyiv Mayor Vitali Klitschko out of contention for Ukraine’s presidential elections in 2024. Citing martial law, Zelenskyy has since canceled the 2024 presidential election.

    Consolidating democracy takes time. Before being admitted in 2020, North Macedonia participated in the Membership Action Plan for more than 20 years. Montenegro spent eight years in the program before its admittance in 2017. Bosnia and Herzegovina and Georgia continue to grapple with fragile democracies, trying to make democratic reforms in pursuit of their membership aspirations.

    Ukraine righteously battles for its territory and survival, and Zelenskyy has valiantly steered his country through devastating conflict. It’s natural that Ukraine would seek NATO membership, as it would enhance the defense of its borders.

    But at what cost? Other analysts have well-articulated the risks of a devastating escalation with Russia, or the threat to the American credibility when the U.S. makes security promises with thin public support. And giving Ukraine NATO membership in the short term removes a powerful incentive for it to strengthen its democracy in the longer term: namely, the promise of (eventual) NATO membership.

    But there’s another risk. Since the end of the Cold War, NATO has insisted that it is not an alliance arrayed against Russia but one designed to defend democracy. Admitting Ukraine while it is plagued by democratic shortcomings would further erode NATO’s reputation as a defender of democratic norms. Ultimately, it could be yet another discouraging case study in how NATO can defend democracies from without, but not from within.

    •This article was first published in www.politico.com under the title headline ‘The Real Reason Ukraine Isn’t Ready to Join NATO’

  • For a foreign policy that works

    For a foreign policy that works

    By Charles Onunaiju

    Any useful considerations for a foreign policy that works must begin with adequate understanding of the world and the international system in its existential reality along with the trends that shape it and how its trajectories would continue to unfold.

    Foreign policy is among the core components of any country’s policy, not only because any such country must engage in relations with other countries, but because the outcomes and inputs from foreign relations count and contribute significantly to the total domestic aggregates that constitute the wealth, power and prestige of any country. If foreign policy is not tailored to generate returns and inputs that contributes to the domestic aggregates, such policy is sub-optimal and lacks utilitarian value and consequently, a burden and drain of national resources.

    Foreign policy leverages the institutional efficiency and credibility of the domestic or national political process and its socio-economic terrain and more importantly, the competency of its diplomatic machinery for effective delivery. A poorly defined and ill-articulated policy cannot fly no matter the technical competence of its diplomatic service and a mediocre foreign service or diplomatic machinery will ruin the best of foreign policy outlines.

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    For a foreign policy, both properly defined, meticulously articulated and efficiently projected, a proper grasp of the international system, its trajectories and how it is evolving  and its changing patterns along with the trends shaping it, is absolutely essential to maximizing the outcomes of foreign relations and its contributions to domestic aggregates.

    Many Nigerians like to reflect on the dynamism of the country’s foreign policy in 1970s, 80s, and even the 90s, and the diplomatic service that ensured robust and efficient delivery of the country’s foreign policy. The same reflection cause some observers to bemoan what some have tagged Nigeria’s lacklustre contemporary foreign policy, made worse by a far less efficient and even dysfunctional Foreign Service establishment. While there might be some good point that in the past, Nigeria’s foreign policy and its diplomatic service were far more robust, efficient, visible and attracted regional, if not global admiration than its contemporary counterpart, there are strong argument that the challenge of articulating foreign policy and making of the diplomatic service is far more complex than it was in the past.

    The world and the international system have significantly evolved and newer elements are heavily weighing on the international system, much more acutely than in the period of the post-world war II international order.   

    The system of the international order in the aftermath of the World War II which heralded the icy cold war was essentially exclusive to the preeminent powers of that period, US-led Western Alliance and the former Warsaw pact headlined by Moscow. The Breton Wood Institutions of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) were the main factors in defining the trajectories of international finance, as Western liberal rules and economic outlook were generously embedded as the foremost architecture of global economic landscape. Most countries, including Nigeria were under Western dominated colonial rule and have little or no impact, in the immediate post-World II International Order. 

    Even on becoming independent, most countries in Africa, Asia and South America sought to shield themselves from the most egregious fallouts of the intense geo-political competition through the United Nations and the Non-Align Movement. But there was no escaping the reach, influence and power of the Western dominated international institutions, especially the all-powerful Breton Wood Institutions. It was therefore, the international milieu of restricted opportunities, fostered by the ideological bigotry of super power rivalry that Nigeria and many other African countries gained independence and emerged on the global scene on their own. Though, the period weighed heavily on the choices and options of the emergent states, it nonetheless provided them with crucial tools to navigate the delicate terrain.      

    Nigeria, shepherded to independence through negotiations with British colonial authorities retained a degree of the extant influence of London with whom, she inherited both the tradition of its foreign service and even foreign policy outlook. This did not detract from Nigeria coming into its own at independence and her largely efficient diplomatic service ensured robust delivery of the country’s foreign policy. Africa and the world acutely felt the presence of Nigeria as it took stance on critical global issues, whether on decolonization especially in Southern Africa, the French nuclear test in the Sahara desert and even the readmission of the People’s Republic of China to the United Nations.

    However, the current and emerging post-cold war international order, characterized essentially with multilateralism, a phenomenon of broad inclusion in global governance and unanimous understanding for the centrality of the United Nations system offers broad opportunities for Nigeria to wean off, the historical constraints. The dominant Western-centric institutions are still important landmark of the global economic and financial architecture but are now far from being alone. The rise of the Asia-Pacific and its economic powerhouse, China, has also caused a considerable shift in the balance of global economy and finance. In 2012, the then US President Barack Obama made the famous “pivot to East Asia” regional strategy whose major outlines  “are strengthening  bilateral security alliances, deepening our working relationships with emerging powers, including with China, engaging with regional multilateral institutions, expanding trade and investment….”.

    The Asia-Pacific accounted for 37% of world GDP in 2021 and expected to rise to nearly 45% by 2040. About 39% global trade takes place in this region. A country like Nigeria, whose priority is economic recovery and measures to expand the economy, cannot ignore the region with the seemingly most robust economic activities. China since 2014 has offered the world, the most practical public goods through her Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) which offers infrastructural connectivity, unimpeded financial flows, industrial and production capacity cooperation among others on a grand scale.  Even the usually China-sceptic London-based Economist Magazine commented that “ in many ways the BRI have lived up to the hype”, and that more than 150 countries accounting for almost 75% of the world’s population and more than half of its GDP, have signed on to the scheme”. The magazine added that China has “given out hundreds of billions of dollars in loans and grants for railways, roads, and other infrastructures that might otherwise have gone unfunded”.

    It reminded the West which unveiled a “$600 billion plan to invest in infrastructure in low and middle countries to now honour their commitment” as “earlier such promises mostly went nowhere”. Nigeria needs to digest very acutely the trends of the contemporary international system that leads to initiatives that “live up to the hype” and others that “mostly went to nowhere”. A utilitarian foreign policy and diplomatic service for its efficient delivery must first understand these tendencies and how best, it can be leveraged for maximum returns to the country’s priority domestic agenda of economic recovery and sustainable and inclusive growth. While focusing on the factors with the prospects for a greater return, the country must maintain a posture of vigorous engagement with the world at large. Part of the reasons for the art of diplomacy is after all, for keeping in touch when there is even, no compelling reason to do so.

    Nigeria’s foreign policy has now the leeway and ambience to reinvigorate itself and find a niche to the opportunities of the contemporary multilateral system that is open to global partnership without the political I-owe-you of narrow alliances and conclaves.

    • Onunaiju is research director of Abuja based think-thank.       

  • Democracy is never a sprint but a marathon

    Democracy is never a sprint but a marathon

    By Usman O. Abdullahi

    SIR: Democracy is derived from the Greek words, Demos and Kratos. Demos means the people or audience while Kratos means government. The concept of Democracy comes from the Latin Phrase “Vox Populi, Vox Dei” which means the voice of the people is the voice of God.

    Harris Soche defined democracy as a form of people’s government which suggests democracy is all inclusive and participatory as everyone has a role and function to play in ensuring our democracy is strengthened and sustained.

    Democracy is not a quick fix; it has its own challenges as well as hurdles that must be surmounted and annihilated before its dividends are seen to all and sundry. Democracy itself doesn’t guarantee a smooth journey but there is always assurance of a safe landing.

    As a sport aficionado, I get thrilled whenever I see athletes do what they know how to do best and one of my favourite track and field events is the long-distance race or better still “The Marathon”. There are lots of lessons to learn from it.

    The marathon race is a tripod which includes tactfulness, stamina and resilience, all of which are needed for great feats. While I look at the world top marathoners, over 90% of them always come from Kenya and Ethiopia. I stumbled on some reasons why they excel in marathon and these salient points are noteworthy.

    Kenyans and Ethiopians have three distinct features which separates them from others as regards long distant races. The first is that they start to train very early in life at about three years old which helps them in developing tact, they also train in High Altitude Rift Valley which is about 6000 feet above sea level where they develop stamina and resilience over and over again, and finally their diet which is high in carbohydrates, low in fat and sufficient protein intake recommended for athletes, popular amongst them is Ugali. A lesson or two could be drawn from this. Democracy never grows itself; the actors are responsible for its growth through feeding, nursing and strengthening it. Who are these actors? The leaders and followers, government and the governed, that is, you and me.

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    Democracy needs to be energized and engaged at all levels. The people need to be aware and conscious that the power of government rest with the governed (the people). Little wonder, the famous author Helen Keller quipped “Alone we can do so little, together we can do so much”.

    In my opinion, the lethargic and docile nature of the populace is actually responsible for the rot and decay we see in governance. People no longer ask questions, followers aren’t concerned with the nuances of government. We tend to be more reactive than proactive.

    Moreover, caution should be applied in the society as democracy is not a license to be rebellious and recalcitrant but rather engaging and diplomatic. There is something called “Due Process and Rule of Law” which should be strictly adhered to at all times, one of it is to know that the only way in or out of government office is always through the ballot and nothing more.

    It was Edmund Burke who said the only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing. I will say, when you say nothing, do nothing, then you become nothing.

    While I watch many African countries retrogress from democracy to autocracy, authoritarianism and totalitarianism via coup d’état and subjugation, it saddens my heart because democracy has never been the problem, the actors are. The actors are in various cadre and strata because we are all actors as far as democracy is concerned.

    As the popular cliché says Rome was not built in a day, democracy cannot be built in a day or a moment because even the best democratic nations still encounter challenges even with their democracy. Democracy is work in progress, though it has its ups and downs, notwithstanding, it is still the best option.

    Democracy is a steep learning curve, you never get tired of learning; you fall, rise, fall and rise again, only then you will know how to rise better and stronger. Need I say, the gains of democracy may not be geometric, it could be arithmetic.

    Democracy is not a spectator sport, it is a participatory event, if we don’t participate in it, it ceases to be a democracy so says Michael Moore.

    I end with the words of the Chief of Army Staff, Lt General Taoreed Lagbaja where he declared at a recent passing out parade ceremony: “The only thing better than democracy for Nigeria, is more democracy”.

    • Usman O. Abdullahi, Lagos.

  • Nigeria Immigration Service and hire purchase passports

    Nigeria Immigration Service and hire purchase passports

    By Michael Owhoko

    With a thriving and fertile environment for extortion and racketeering, process for obtaining the Nigerian passport has turned the booklet into a hire purchase document where applicants pay official cost at point of application, connoting preliminary down payment, and thereafter compelled to pay a bribe as balance in instalments or in full, depending on the deal reached with Nigeria Immigration Service (NIS) officials involved in this underhand deed.  This is the practice nationwide.

    Applicants who fail to comply with this process risk delayed services characterized by uncertainty, except for Very Important Persons (VIP) and those with direct contact with top officials of NIS who enjoy some level of waivers exempting them from any form of bargains.  Despite this, a balance sum is made as gift at the end of the exercise to the facilitating official in appreciation, but at the discretion of the applicant.

    Sadly, some of these NIS officials have also extended these unethical practices to foreigners and the country’s missions abroad.  As a government agency providing direct services to foreigners, NIS is the face of Nigeria.  How it carries out its activities and obligations rub off on the country’s image with implications on public perception.  Its conduct can be used to gauge corruption in the course of passport, visa, work permit and expatriate quota issuance.

    The hire purchase process is embodied in two recognized methods of application, namely, online and physical through NIS official.  In the online, applicants are required to apply through dedicated portal on the internet where payment is made and appointment date assigned for biometric capture.  Fixed date for collection is not known, and applicants need not contact NIS officials prior to application. 

    But applications through NIS officials are directly handled and facilitated by a contracted official who superintends over the process.  Based on the agreed sum, payment is made inclusive of official cost, and thereafter, dates for biometrics capture and collection are given to the applicants.   Processing time through this method is short and definite.  This is the preferred choice for NIS officials due to attractive illicit returns.  

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    Unfortunately, while the online method is officially and openly canvassed as the appropriate channel, it is softly and covertly discouraged by unscrupulous NIS officials owing to inducement constraints.  Once these NIS officials are aware you have applied online, you are treated like a leprosy patient to be avoided. You may not even get a response for a simple enquiry relating to collection date.  Sarcastically, they ask you to go back to the internet to get a date.  This is done to discourage applicants from applying online. 

    At any passport office, online applicants are subjected to indecent conditions, including standing in scorching sun almost all day, and drenched in a state of uncertainty.  In some instances, they are crammed into small office spaces, either waiting for biometrics capture or collection of passports or making enquiries for collection date.  Sometimes, they go through this process next day with no definite assurances. 

    Persons applying through NIS officials are not subjected to these depressing conditions.  They are given special treatment which enables them to reduce their waiting time either for biometrics or other formalities.  Their transaction timelines are guaranteed.  Once their passports are ready, they are contacted by the handling official for collection.

    Kickback charged by NIS officials for direct applicants is contingent upon delivery time, whether for fresh passport application or renewal, and this ranges between N30,000 and N60,000, depending on negotiation.  However, any frustrated online applicant may also speak to any NIS official for intervention to facilitate the process, but this requires a bribe of not less than N20,000 or higher, depending on compromise.

    Despite being fraught with corruption, the public is still advised to apply online to avoid touts, as asserted by the acting Comptroller General of NIS, Caroline Wura-Ola Adepoju recently on Channels Television’s Sunrise Daily.  According to her, “our applications are available online and we are trying to sensitise our applicants that they should go online for these applications to avoid patronising touts”, assuring that “for a fresh application, it takes six weeks to get the passport ready, while it takes three weeks for renewal”.

    This declaration is at variance with realities at all NIS passport offices.  Touts operate within the precinct of NIS, and mostly, in collaboration with some NIS officials. Besides, passports are not ready in weeks as current minimum waiting period is two months, just as online applicants are still required to visit the offices for biometric capture despite automated process. 

    The cost for a 64-page passport with a 10-year validity period is N70,000 while same page with five years period goes for N35,000, just as a 32-page passport with a five-year validity period costs N25,000.  Officially, NIS says applicants are not required to pay any other fee outside these costs, but in practice, it is not true, as actual costs are padded.  

    Nigerians in diaspora and foreigners living in Nigeria alike are not spared the agonies inflicted by crooked NIS officials.  These are manifested when travelling through the country’s international airports where these NIS officials brazenly solicit for alms in hush tones from travellers without mindful of existential damage to the country’s image. 

    At the country’s missions abroad, NIS methods of service delivery are poor and do not conform to international best practices as obtain in advanced economies.  Despite the presence of NIS officials in those foreign territories, they ignore enculturation of prevailing work ethics and civility of their host nations, preferring to hold on to the Nigerian factor where Nigerians in diaspora are subjected to undignified manners in the course of passport issuance.

    Renewing or obtaining fresh passports abroad by Nigerians is a nightmare.  Most of these applicants travel long distances either by road or air to get to Nigerian Embassies or High Commissions.  Yet, upon arrival, they are confronted with cold reception and unruly behaviour with a mentality of doing these applicants a favour, resulting in low morale of many Nigerians in diaspora.

    From Ottawa, Canada to Atlanta and Washington D.C., USA to Bern, Switzerland to London, England to Madrid, Spain to Brasilia, Brazil to Berlin, Germany and to Johannesburg, South Africa, the story of ineptitude, poor work ethics, lack of professionalism, poor service delivery and recalcitrant disposition are the same, leading to stress, trauma and humiliation of applicants. 

    As a result of these glitches and contradictions in the operations of NIS, the agency conjures image of graft and ineptitude, just as the uniform constantly reminds the public of existing ethical gaps in the system. While these are symptoms of larger dislocations in the Nigerian system, the greed of some of these NIS officials who take delight in sabotaging the system for selfish gains should be curbed, failing which, means NIS has been compromised beyond redemption.

    It will do the country no good if these greedy officials who have exposed NIS to profound ridicule, undermined and precluded the system from delivering a seamless process for all Nigerians are allowed to sustain their dubious acts of extortion.

    It is absurd for a country like Nigeria that is enmeshed with corruption toga to have a preferential service reserved for a category of Nigerians while others are subjected to ill-treatment.  It is therefore, imperative for the entire NIS system to be retooled for transparent, equitable, optimum and improved delivery capacity to save the country from a few elements who are bent on making corruption a lifestyle. 

    • Dr. Owhoko, Lagos-based journalist and author, can be reached at www.mikeowhoko.com.

  • Climate cynicism: Fossil fuel growth in Africa

    Climate cynicism: Fossil fuel growth in Africa

    By Kola Ibrahim

    While Africa is being conned by global climate change politics, the same people who claim to be fighting climate change are the ones promoting fossil fuel, globally and in particular, in Africa. Indeed, Africa has become a new frontier for fossil fuel development. This is being carried out by global finance capital, multinational corporations, governments of developed economies, and worse still multilateral organizations that claim to be spearheading the funding for climate actions.

    Of course, this is done with active connivance of African political elite and big business class, who serve as local junior partners.

     While the Paris Agreement was reached in 2015 and put into effect in 2016, investments in oil, gas and coal development increased across Africa, especially between 2016 and 2021. A research report by a group of NGOs, (Geuskens and Butijn, 2022), found that there are 964 fossil fuel projects in Africa, 782 of which are currently in operation or were under construction (as at 2022), and 111 others approved. The report also noted that, out of over $132 billion that was committed to 58 fossil fuel projects and 24 fossil fuel companies in Africa; 54.8% came from western countries (Australia, Europe and North America), while 31.4% is from Asia (mostly China).

     In fact, top 10, out of 24 national financial institutions providing financing for fossil fuel development in Africa between 2016 and 2021 were located in China, United States, Japan, Korea and United Kingdom. These 10 institutions were responsible for 94.6% ($23.7 billion) of fossil fuel funding in Africa by national financial institutions. Also, 81.4% ($16.8 billion) of the $20.4 billion committed by private financial companies (banks and financial businesses) to 58 fossil fuel projects in Africa came from North American, European and Asian companies. Furthermore, 88.8% of over $88.8 billion general financing of 24 biggest fossil fuel companies in Africa come from European, American, Australian and Asian multinational financial companies, while only 10.8% is from African companies (mostly South African companies). Yet, between 2016 and 2019, G-20 public financial institutions and multilateral organizations only committed $13 billion to renewable energy in Africa.

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     Indeed, nine multilateral institutions committed $4.8 billion to fossil fuel between 2016 and 2021, with African Development Bank, AfDB, World Bank Group and Africa Ex-Im Bank contributing the lion share (63%) (Geuskens and Butijn, 2022). Interestingly, AfDB and World Bank currently have different projects and programme on clean energy and climate mitigation and adaptation in Africa. Yet, they are committing more and more resources to fossil fuel.  This underscores the reality that these institutions of global finance capital are only serving the interests of major big business whose main aim is to maximise profits at all costs, and are not prepared to commit much needed capital and resources to transit to clean and climate friendly energy and production systems. 

    It is important to note that oil exploration financing in Africa increased from $3.4 billion in 2020 to $5.1 billion in 2022, while 18 out of 45 countries where oil and gas are being prospected are frontier-countries, i.e. countries where oil and gas are being produced for the first time.

    Half of the 20 companies developing the largest oil and gas upstream projects (12.27 billion barrel of oil equivalent, bboe) are from China, Japan, United Kingdom, France, United States and Italy. These companies together hold 6.56 bboe, (53%) (Tucker and Reisch, 2021). Even those projects being developed by African state-owned companies like Nigeria’s NLNG, Algeria’s Sonatrach, Libya’s NOC, Mozambique’s ENH and Ghana’s Springfield, are mostly jointly owned or foreign debt- or equity-funded. Between 2021 and 2022, new projects have been added which include the Tanzania LNG Liquefaction Project ($30 billion), Rovuma (Mozambique) LNG Terminal Project ($30 billion), Etan and Zabazaba (Nigeria) oil fields ($13.5 billion), Algeria’s Berkine Basin Gas development ($4billion)  (Tucker and Reisch, 2021). 25% of the TotalEnergies’ fossil fuel production in 2021 came from Africa, while its new discovery in Namibia has fossil fuel reserve of three billion. The French multinational, which has been branding itself as promoter of energy transition, is adding 2.27 billion barrels of oil equivalent to its investment in Africa in the short term.

     The continuous investment in fossil fuel again knocks a big hole in the purported and much touted climate action commitments of developed economies, multilateral institutions representing global finance capital, and global multinational corporations, especially in Africa. Their climate funding in Africa, aside being grossly inadequate and meagre is also aimed at deepening underdevelopment and poverty in Africa. Yet, their commitment to fossil fuel is extremely legendary. Therefore, it will be self-delusion to expect global finance capital, developed countries and their multilateral agencies, to genuinely play any serious role in climate sustainability in Africa. Rather, they will use climate change as disguise to further exploit Africa’s resources, and plunge it into deeper debt holes and underdevelopment.

     The increasing investment in fossil fuel will increase Africa’s carbon emission and raise Africa’s share of contribution to climate change. In 2021, Africa contributed 3.9% (1.45 billion tonnes of CO2 eq.) of global carbon dioxide emission from fossil fuel and industry (Ritchie, et al, 2020). According to report by a group of NGOs (Tucker and Reisch, 2021), if the largest upstream oil and gas projects worth 12.27 bboe come on stream, it will add 4.54 billion tonnes of CO2 equivalent (tCO2eq ); more than three time Africa’s 2021 emissions. New coal projects are expected to add 105,000 tonnes of CO2 equivalent. Furthermore, some seven million boe/day will be produced in Africa in 2025, which will add 3.01 million tCO2eq  per day (or 1.08 billion tCO2eq  per year) (Tucker and Reisch, 2021). It will subsequently increase global emission and make it difficult to reverse climate change and its terrible outcomes. This is dangerous for Africa, which already is bearing unfair and disproportionate impacts of climate change, a situation that will get irreversible and terribly worse if global temperature rises to 1.50C or 20C.

    Secondly, fossil fuel exploration is associated with environmental degradation and pollution. Large scale oil exploration and production have been associated with destruction of natural forests, air and ocean pollution and displacement of indigenous people. Several reports have highlighted various impacts on health, livelihood and environment of oil and gas production in Africa.

    Moreover, the economic implication of fossil fuel production put the continent on the road another round of economic crisis. This is because some of the oil and gas projects will turn oil producing Africa countries, whose main public revenues come from fossil fuel production, to be more oil-wealth dependent. This will mean that global transition to clean energy, even on basis of current slower scale, will lead to serious strain, if not collapse, of the economies of these countries.

    Furthermore, oil and gas investments in Africa pose serious financial risks for Africa. Some of the finances for the African oil and gas projects are secured by national governments, especially those sponsored by governments.

    • Ibrahim, an author and scholar-activist, is a public intellectual and climate justice researcher and campaigner.