Category: Opinion

  • Makinde and a conscience at war

    Makinde and a conscience at war

    SIR: If anything has done great harm to the progress of Nigeria, it is the fact that Nigerians blindly support their favourite political parties and candidates that they refuse to see the good – even the smallest ones – from other candidates and parties.

    For Asiwaju Bola Tinubu to become Nigeria’s next president, my support is unshakeable: thanks to his amazing personality and track records.

    However, I am unable to support the APC governorship candidate, Senator Teslim Folarin simply because I have declared my support for an APC candidate at the federal level.

    Not only do the good works of Engr. Seyi Makinde challenge my conscience to a duel, it defeated it. I therefore declare my unwavering support for Makinde, and restate that: my allegiance is not to any political party, but to capable minds that would deliver Oyo State and Nigeria of my dream.

    Like the former governor of Minnesota, Jesse Ventura would say, “I love my country, not my government”. I also love my country and not any political party.

    Makinde has taken Oyo from the 26th position to 11th position on the national log. He scraped the burdensome ¦ 3,000 education levy imposed on students in Oyo public schools. LAUTECH, which was once known for its endless internal strikes is now a toast of admission seekers, thanks to the timely intervention of the governor, and the ¦ 500m he disbursed to clear the institution’s outstanding payments. He would later upgrade Emmanuel Alayande College of Education to University of Education. That, did not even affect the ¦ 200m he disbursed to Polytechnic Ibadan, which afforded the institution the opportunity to accredit 15 new programmes.

    Does one mention the special bursary of ¦ 500,000 each given to over 200 Oyo indigenes at the Nigerian Law School in 2020?

    Only a governor who values education would allocate over 20% of the state’s budget to the education sector. Commendably, in the 2021 budget, the education sector’s budget was 21% – which was even above the UNESCO recommended standard of 15-20%.

    Read Also; Prayer for Makinde

    The health of his people is not something he treats with levity; he had laudably renovated and remodelled one primary health centre in each of the 351 wards across the state. Thousands of Oyo residents are currently benefiting from the Oyo Health Insurance Scheme, which has reduced uncomfortable medical bills.

    His role in the Fulani crisis in Ibarapa is one that deserves applause. He swiftly led armed units like the Police, Amotekun, Vigilante, and others to the boiling part of Oyo State and restored peace, while also relieving victims of financial burdens. He even condemned the ultimatum that Sunday Igboho gave to the Fulanis – which sent a clear message that he presides over all the inhabitants of Oyo, and not just Oyo indigenes. An exceptional leader, that is.

    He was at the forefront of actualization of the regional policing unit, Amotekun.

    Only a governor who values the security of his people would have taken these laudable strides and more.

    He has taken Oyo State IGR from ¦ 1.7bn to ¦ 3.3bn monthly without burdensome taxes or rates. Makinde’s economic footprints in Oyo have led United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-Habitat) research to rank Ibadan as the second fastest growing city in Africa, citing industrialization, urbanization, and economic activities as reasons for the growth. Cutting to the chase, Oyo State has attracted private investments of over ¦ 27 billion in agribusiness alone over the past three years. How, on earth, would one’s conscience ignore these?

    Regardless of how naysayers weep like gnomes, brood like partridges, and make noises like a misfiring generator, Omituntun 2.0 is a divine project. The good people from across the five regions of Oyo State – Ibadan, Oyo, Ogbomosho, Ibarapa, Oke Ogun – would not forget all the good Seyi had done. He should worry less about the opposition that could not defeat him as a whole in 2019, let alone now that Penkelemesi and other big wigs have swept away a fractional part of them. Makinde’s fiery courage should not diminish because of the cutting tongues of oppositions and aggrieved Oyo PDP members, for he is the player while they are mere pawns on the Oyo political chessboard.

    • Hashim Yussuf Amao, Ibadan, Oyo State.

  • This unending media war on PENCOM

    This unending media war on PENCOM

    It is always quite easy to know when there is a coordinated media campaign against anyone, judging from my little experience of how blackmail works in Nigeria. Somebody would make a wild allegation, someone else would quickly parrot it, and before you could say “Jack Robinson”, the unconfirmed allegations would begin to trend in videos and comments on social media. NGOs would begin to issue statements threatening brimstone and fire. They would start organising public protests to fight imagined corruption.

    This is my reading of the trending and unending media attacks on Mrs Aisha Dahir-Umar, the Director-General of the National Pension Commission (PENCOM). In the last few months, it has been one week, one trouble. Since her appointment and confirmation by the Senate in 2020, the PENCOM DG, has soldiered on even with the avalanche of issues in the sector. There is no doubt that she has the strength of character to implement reforms in pension administration in Nigeria. This is a plus for the country and a minus for some stakeholders. I stand to be corrected.

    The National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS) recently threatened to rain fire should the PENCOM DG fail to resign based on allegations that do not have any proof. A member of the National Assembly had alleged that the least paid PENCOM employee earned N1 million a month. However, the commission said the highest paid official, which is the DG herself, does not earn up to N1 million a month. NANS had to beat a retreat and offer a public apology, saying after carefully reviewing its allegations, it found that there was a “marked difference between staff cost and staff salary,” with the former consisting of training allowances, staff exit benefit scheme, and employers’ pension contributions “as opposed to salaries that are fixed and earmarked monthly”.

    It blamed its threat on “ignorance and lack of inattentiveness at the National Assembly when the lawmakers recently invited officials of PENCOM to seek clarification on issues as part of their oversight functions”. The NANS senate president then described Mrs Dahir-Umar as a “pacesetter”, saying it had carried out an “independent investigation” and concluded that the allegation of wasteful spending “is in many parts misleading, untrue, unverified and therefore, should be ignored”. This is instructive. You shoot first and reason later.

    Read Also: Nigeria’s N14.42tr pension assets secured with PFCs, says PenCom

    It is not all bad news from the stable of PENCOM, as some would want unsuspecting members of the general public to believe with the way Dahir-Umar is consistently coming under fire from entrenched interests. So much so that one might be forced to ask what her sins are. Either she is appearing before the National Assembly, or some civil society organisations are breathing down her neck for reasons that remain in the realm of speculations. Unfortunately, such instances are commonplace in the polity.

    What has Aisha Dahir-Umar done differently at PENCOM that has warranted the barrage of attacks? She introduced laudable reforms that saw pension assets rise from N6.42 trillion in 2017 to N14.3 trillion as of July 2022. She introduced the Micro Pension Plan for the participation of informal sector workers in the Contributory Pension Scheme.

    A periodic Pension Enhancement programme was instituted, where the retirees’ monthly pension is enhanced based on the performance of their RSAs, every three years. She developed the Enhanced Contributor Registration System (ECRS) to clean up and enhance the integrity of the pension industry database and the RSA Transfer Window to enable contributors to change their PFAs at least once a year. The Multi-Fund Structure of investment of pension fund assets to address the investment appetite and preference of contributors as well as their age profile was also instituted.

    Under her watch, PENCOM automated the Annual Enrolment Exercise for retired federal civil servants to remove the inconvenience of the physical process of the exercise and approved access to a percentage of RSA balance towards payment of Equity Contribution for a residential mortgage. Also, she strengthened the minimum capital base of PFAs from N1billion to N5billion for better service delivery to contributors. She also facilitated the payment of outstanding accrued pension rights of federal government retirees, which drastically shortened the waiting period for accessing their retirement benefits.

    If these and many more are what she has done to deserve the salvo from all fronts, then something is fundamentally wrong. I would not assume that part of her sins is not opening the PENCOM vault unless the DG herself states this. Whatever may be the case, it might not be farfetched as we are in a society where your ability to open government vaults qualifies you as loyal and hardworking.

    We must redefine what our expectations are as a people and country. The PENCOM DG would be celebrated and not bashed for getting the job done in other climes. And God forbid that she succumbs to the pressure from these quarters. The implication is that pension assets in the country would be spirited out in a jiffy, and we would return to the gory days of pensioners unable to access their retirement benefits.

    In the 2022 Transparency and Integrity Index ranking for Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs), PENCOM emerged as one of the top three organizations in the Transparency and Integrity Index ranking. The ranking was carried out by the Centre for Fiscal Transparency and Integrity Watch (CeFTIW), supported by MacArthur Foundation.

    Umar Yakubu, the Executive Director of CeFTIW, said that 511 MDAs were assessed across six broad variables. “The ranking was aimed at preventing corruption in public office as it centred on procurement, budget, human resources, inclusion and website integrity. We used this to check the level of transparency with regards to public finances, especially in procurement, how the MDAs spend their money, generate taxes, recruit people; it also assesses them generally on efficiency.”

    The National Pension Commission has been certified with the ISO 27001:2013 quality standard certification for compliance in all core areas of operations in its Information Security Management System. ISO 27001:2013 is an internationally recognized set of information security standards that govern the security of information assets such as intellectual property, financial information, employee information, and information entrusted by third parties.

    These are not ordinary feats for a government agency, whose director general has been accused of spending an imaginary N14 billion on “personnel costs”. No amount of explanation would suffice as those sponsoring the calumny would stop at nothing. According to reports, some NGOs have been making all kinds of threats and allegations against her in the media. If I were in Dahir-Umar’s shoes, I would sue the hell out of them. It is also very important for the security agencies to scrutinise these so-called activists and establish the source of the resources they are deploying for this campaign of calumny.

    • Dr. Bajeh is an Abuja-based commentator on public affairs.

  • Nigeria’s misplaced priorities

    Nigeria’s misplaced priorities

    A very serious society is anchored to a strong, charismatic political leadership as a fundamental component of its experiential knowledge, critical to sustainable development in all its ramifications. A leadership has to prioritise the needs of the led, understandably because the natural resources of a given geo-polity are not inexhaustible. This shows the centrality of justice and equity to the emergence of a healthy human society.

    The Nigerian political leadership has to ensure that the issue of security and welfare are treated with maximum seriousness. These are the two most critical assignments of the president who constitutionally takes on the mantle of supreme power. No room for nauseatingly smelly lamentation! Do the job or get the boot! But painfully, Nigeria has a caricatured legislature unlike what obtains in saner climes and cultures, where poor governmental performance is inexcusable at all.

    It is a truism, that those who have been mowed down by kidnappers and bandits can never be resurrected. The same thing applies to those who have died of starvation.

    Therefore, the federal government and to a lesser degree, the 36 states have to confront the menace of out-of-school children and abject material poverty with uncommon vigour and determination. A hungry, uneducated population is a major threat to the fabric of our society.  It is much wiser to craft and faithfully implement healthy economic policies (which are capable of reducing security challenges, tensions, and conflicts to the barest minimum) than to be spending a chunk of the national budgets on fighting insecurity. Maximum insecurity will continue unabated, so long as the vast majority of Nigerians live in utter misery.

    Again, the Nigerian political leadership is still playing primordial politics embedded in ethnic and religious bigotry after 62 years of independence (at least on paper) from Britain. This primitive desire is one major reason why bandits and kidnappers (mainly from outside Nigeria), find it easy to network with the locals to maim and mow down innocent citizens without any appreciable resistance. The chagrined world is laughing at us, as a result of this baboon-like leadership style that has no respect for human lives. Almost everybody in power is trying hard to rape beautiful, rich mother Nigeria. She is now in a coma. The mess has a long history in our country bereft of unalloyed patriotism.

    Read Also: Nigeria and the pincers of poverty

    There is nothing wrong with taking foreign loans to execute capital projects, but everything is appallingly bad, for spending such monies for unprofitable investments. External loans and corruption lead to greater miseries. It is becoming increasingly clear, that these loans are a deprivation trap for Nigeria as well as most parts of Africa, where there is a dearth of charismatic, messianic leadership. The West and parts of Asia especially China, are strangulating the African spirit as our leaders remain unperturbed by the political machinations of modern globalisation.

    Mesmerising Nigeria through the lens of poisonous bilateralism goes on unabated. Thus, for example, the production of export crops like cocoa, coffee, and groundnuts are being encouraged in order to promote and sustain Western and Chinese industrialisation. Even food crops such as yam and cassava are now being exported. Nigerians wait for the finished products often with exorbitantly high prices. We continue to depend largely on cereals from outside. It is a shame that Nigeria remains a raw material economy after more than six decades of independence. Nigeria is like a palm tree with good fronds. However, the tree has refused to grow taller, thereby making it easy to regularly harvest the fronds for a wide range of purposes. In this context, smarter outsiders are the harvesters! Nigeria’s participation in the international community is still uncritical.

    The total debts Nigeria owes the West and China as well as locally sourced loans, as of June were approximately $103.31 billion. External debts as of June were $40.1 billion. This is an obvious contrast to $3.3 billion as of March 2007. Again, Nigeria owed China $3.67 billion as of July this year. According to one popular Yoruba adage, “it is risky to be scratching one’s nose with the head of a poisonous snake”. Uncritical closeness to China is deadly. Nigeria could risk the danger of forfeiting a lot of its strategic infrastructural assets to China in the future, if the political leadership refused to take the bull by the horns. It would be a horrible scenario for tomorrow’s youths to be enslaved by China, right here in our country.

    Nigerian leaders today (more than hitherto), are encouraging multi-layered, multi-facetted colonisation due largely to their politics of the belly and unspeakable parochialism.

    Our political leaders often explain away every serious issue as if the present and the future do not matter to them. There is no justification whatsoever for Nigeria to be a chronic borrower given the enormity of the natural and human resources at its disposal. Even the foreign reserves have been depleted, as a result of prodigality deeply embedded in a gross lack of patriotism and greed. Thus, for example, there has been a decline of foreign exchange reserves from $40.50 billion at the end of 2021 to $38.28 billion in September. The reserves further dropped to $37.22 billion in November.   There is no shock-absorber for the country’s currency, in the face of dwindling global economic fortune in the last two or three years. Good heavens, how can a single human being called Nigerian senator, be earning approximately N30 million (about $37,500) monthly, when the national minimum wage is N30,000?

    In 2021, N128 billion was allocated to the federal lawmakers of less than 500 membership as opposed to N46 billion naira budgeted for the healthcare sector to cater for over 200 million people. This is a great disservice to humanity.  Apart from this, the government is still planning to give severance allowances/pay of about N63 billion to very senior political appointees like the president, vice-president, governors, deputy governors, and legislators at the state and federal levels at the end of their term in early 2023. This is a disguised form of crude oil theft.

    It is extremely disturbing, that the above scenario is happening in a country where a university professor is still taking a starvation wage of N400,000 (about $500) monthly. No room for equitable distribution of national wealth.  Nigerian leaders (with a few exceptions) are merely interested in maximum power with a view to looting our commonwealth. Consequently, peace and progress remain elusive in the extreme. Therefore, Nigerians cannot afford to elect a bunch of “Janjaweed” leaders in 2023.

    Respecting the feelings of the ordinary people, is not an act of weakness. It is a strength in human resource management. Nobody is interested in their primitive posturing or egos.  We need leaders who are ready to tap the strengths from the comments or opinions of the led, understandably because nobody (regardless of his robust education or a lack of it), is an exclusive preserve of wisdom.

    • Prof. Ogundele is of Dept. of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of Ibadan.

  • Anti-Tinubu plot: Old tricks, one goal 

    Anti-Tinubu plot: Old tricks, one goal 

    Nigeria is back again to the familiar terrain of subterfuge. After a long drought in blackmail and campaign of calumny against the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), the recession is fast giving way to a boom in partisan bull-fight plotted to pitch the unsuspecting members of the public against the ruling party and its presidential candidate, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

    The setting is Nigeria’s political firmament where familiar faces from the same roots line up in various political turfs with varying schemes and tact to score same goal.

    The style, they say, is the man. For the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and offspring that thrive in mob tactics in driving their agenda, the manipulation of the pedestrian rabble into an act of rage against the opponent is the most clinical way of achieving predetermined ends.

    Barely four months to the prized contest to elect the nation’s Chief Executive Officer, operatives of the Nigeria’s political behemoth that are spread in various political parties hitherto rooted in PDP are revisiting their laboratory of old tricks to draw their opponent and easily the most promising presidential candidate, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu of APC, into a street-fight against Nigerian voters, aiming to harvest Tinubu’s political teeth and render him prostrate ahead of the February 2023 presidential poll.

    The man who started the plots, Olabode George, a military General, seems not to have learnt anything from history. Neither has he appreciated the potency and strength of Tinubu’s formidable political family after the retired naval officer in cahoots with former Lagos State PDP chairman, Muritala Ashorobi, and Obasanjo’s Presidency stirred the Lagos political hornet’s nest that stung George into unconsciousness, but which irrevocably consumed Ashorobi’s entire political career.

    Seventeen years down the line, the same George drew the first blood, stoking the fire of hate and rebellion to cage Tinubu in the suffocating political rest room, to nurse the wounds and filth associated with personality and character assassination, the cruel end-game in political humiliation and ultimately an end to a thriving political career.

    In this game to tame Tinubu, George has comrades in Peter Obi of the Labour Party (LP) and Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), all political twins from the same womb and, indeed, the same roots with the eye on the ball of the Aso Rock sceptre.

    Obi in his subtle assault chose subterfuge, enlisting the services of a discredited polls firm called NOI Polls Limited to spread a lie to Nigerian voters. NOI is allegedly owned by Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, a former Finance Minister and staunch member of the PDP that is struggling for breath after bequeathing the legacy of waste to Nigeria in its 16 years of misgovernance.

    The poll company had in the past conducted several political opinion polls with bizarre projections in 2014 and 2015 with ridiculous results that diminished its worth and shamed its clout, so much so that we thought the organisation would have closed down its operations as a result of its unprofessional and inaccurate polls results.

    Recently, Obi unleashed the same NOI on Nigerians’ sensibilities, predicting that Obi will win the 2023 presidential poll in spite of the glaring streaks of failure that beam at the candidate of the Labour Party that has no single councillor let alone House Assembly and National Assembly member in the entire federation.

    Obi’s Labour Party is also reputed as the only political party that has no manifesto. No programme appeal! One cynic recently posted the profiles of the political parties contesting the 2023 presidential poll on the internet as follows:  “APC has 22 states; PDP has eight (8) states; Wike has five states (5); APGA has one state (1); while Obi’s Labour Party has Kilimanjaro Mountain, Facebook, Tiktok and Twitter states as its strongholds.”

    Besides his weak structures, Obi’s chance is also diminished and worsened by the albatross arising from his narrow ethnic bias in his posturing over sensitive national issues.

    Then the Pandora Files albatross. The report  tracked public records and other documents allegedly involving Obi as “one of the individuals whose hidden business activities were exposed by the report, including alleged number of secret business dealings and relationships that he had kept away for years from his Anambra people whom he governed, and from Nigerian people over whom he plans to rule”.

    In the media probe that followed, he reportedly admitted that he did not declare these assets in his asset declaration filings with the Code of Conduct Bureau as provided by law to curb frauds.

    While Nigerians are so far not deceived by his angelic posturing, it is plain that while Obi has his base and constituency on the internet, Atiku battles with a fragmented house under a tattered umbrella that defies mending, as Governor Nyesom Wike spits on PDP’s assault on the agreement on the nation’s power balance that is now being threatened by Atiku’s dangerous pursuit of power, even as Nigeria faces convulsion over reckless power chase by the ruling elite in PDP.

    Wike is today leading the band of aggrieved PDP members who saw danger in breaching power rotation scheme by Atiku and his men. More worrisome is that they have not told Nigerians  how they plan to use the power they desperately and dangerously need after their party laid the foundation for the nation’s economic squalor, as other peoples of the world climb development ladder to prosperity.

    Conversely, Tinubu, who never invested Lagos money in personal or family business, introduced “Economic Summit” that drew specialists and professionals to draw an economic blueprint that nurtured Lagos economic growth and stability, including pioneering the “Treasury Single Account (TSA)” that was later adopted by the federal government.

    Tinubu was the first in Nigeria’s history to start Independent Power Project (IPP) in partnership with Enron in Lagos State, including introducing “Digital Economy” in governance through Lagos Tax Administration while he also created 37 Local Govt. Council Development Areas (LCDAs) and ran them effectively without owing salaries when Obasanjo seized the state’s allocations for several months, even as he also started telecommunications revolution in Nigeria through Econet before it became a national success story.

    PDP, Atiku’s party, chose a time-worn antic, selling a dummy that Tinubu had an alleged drug-related case in the United States over which the APC’s candidate had allegedly forfeited $460,000 to the US government, even though the US government had long explained that Tinubu had no case over which he was being investigated. The media outfit that broadcast the story, Arise TV, has since been slammed by the National Broadcasting Commission (NBC) with a N2million fine over malicious broadcast of the fake news while Tinubu is reportedly on his way to the courts to challenge some media houses on this deliberate malicious libel.

    Tinubu has packaged his vision in an 80-page document for Nigerians to read and understand how he plans to grow Nigeria into a major economic power. He has a record of performance that supports him in his vision and mission. He succeeded in growing Lagos State through the same process between 1999 and 2007.

    He is a success story that should be trusted. Nigerian politics has grown beyond gambling with the fate of the nation to a practical demonstration of capacity and ability to transform dreams and visions into a veritable confluence of development. Tinubu is the conscious symbol and conscience of that paradigm. He had done it before; he will do same again.

    • Olujobi, a journalist, writes from Ado-Ekiti.

  • Role of judiciary in 2023 election

    Role of judiciary in 2023 election

    Nigeria has a chequered history of electoral malpractices such as rigging, violence, fraud and several other forms of illegal interference with the electoral process.

    The new Electoral Act was passed in February 2022 to regulate all future elections in Nigeria, except local government elections, and is the most progressive and innovative electoral enactment ever passed by the National Assembly.

    The Electoral Act 2022 represents the best attempt, so far, by the National Assembly at tackling the issues that have beguiled the electoral process in Nigeria for so long.

    It contains a lot of provisions that, if effectively implemented, would limit the occurrence of electoral malpractices, reduce election-related litigations and instil transparency and accountability in the electoral process.

    Notwithstanding the several laudable provisions of the Act, because the judiciary is the enforcer and interpreter of these provisions, the role of the Judiciary in the forthcoming 2023 general elections cannot be overemphasised.

    Perhaps, nowhere is the role of the judiciary better captured than under Section 65(2) of the Act which empowers the judiciary to review INEC’s decision after INEC reviews the declaration of an election result by a returning officer where it determines that the declaration was not made voluntarily or was made contrary to the Law or Guidelines.

    This provision exemplifies the fact that the judiciary is the last line of defence against all attacks against the sanctity and transparency of the forthcoming 2023 general elections.

    There are several commentaries on the novel provisions of the Electoral Act 2022. These provisions cover aspects such as party primaries and pre-election matters, the financial independence of INEC, the inclusion of disabled voters, notices and timetables, and campaign funding.

    In this paper, I shall focus briefly on some of the notable provisions of the Electoral Act 2022 in relation to the upcoming 2023 general election, and the issues which the judiciary would encounter while determining election petitions filed after the 2023 general election.

    Review of declaration of results by INEC

    Pursuant to section 65(1) of the new Electoral Act, INEC is empowered to review the declaration of scores of candidates and the return of a candidate where it determines that the said declaration and return was not made voluntarily or was made contrary to the provisions of the law, regulations, guidelines and manual for the election. INEC has seven days from the date of the declaration and return to conclude this review.

    Section 65(1) of the Electoral Act is aimed at addressing the issue of the declaration of results made under duress or intimidation. Such allegations are common in election petitions.

    Under section 68(1) of the old law, the decision of a Returning Officer on any question relating to the declaration of scores of candidates and the return of a candidate was final subject only to a review by a Court or Tribunal.

    As a result, some politicians took advantage of this by doing all they could to ensure that they are declared and returned as the winner of an election by Returning Officers so that the onerous burden of invalidating the election would shift to the candidate contesting an election before a Court or Tribunal.

    The enactment of section 65(1) would discourage candidates from intimidating or coercing INEC agents into tampering with election results because any declaration and return are subject to review by INEC.

    Consequently, this will reduce the number of petitions that are instituted based on allegations of coercion or intimidation of electoral officers, wrongful declaration results and wrongful return of candidates.

    Notwithstanding this laudable provision, the judiciary must be on guard to prevent its abuse.

    Desperate politicians who have lost an election and have had their opponents returned as the winner of the election by the returning officer may attempt to influence INEC to review the declaration and return of an election in their favour.

    Consequently, the judiciary must dutifully carry out its powers of judicial review of INEC’s decision whenever there is an application by a petitioner to exercise such powers.

    Use of technology in accreditation, voting

    Accreditation is the process of certifying, at the polling unit, that a person who intends to vote in an election is eligible to vote at that polling unit. This is done by ascertaining that a prospective voter’s name is in the register of voters in the polling unit where he intends to vote.

    Under Section 49 of the old Electoral Act, the process of accreditation was done by a prospective voter presenting his voter’s card to the Presiding Officer in charge of the polling unit who, if satisfied with the identity of the voter, issues him with a ballot paper and marks his name in the voter’s register.

    The Smart Card Reader was introduced by INEC in 2015 to bring transparency to the accreditation process. However, in cases such as Ikpeazu v Otti & Ors, Ogboru & Anor v Okowa & Ors, the Supreme Court held that the only legal, authentic and acceptable means of proving accreditation of voters is by producing the voters’ register and not the Smart Card Reader Reports.

    The reason was that the use of Smart Card Readers was a provision of the Manual for Election Officials and could not alter or annul the provision of section 49 of the Electoral Act, 2010 which prescribed the procedure for accreditation of voters.

    As a result, Smart Card Reader Reports were rendered useless for the purpose of proving the number of accredited voters and allegations of over-voting.

    Under section 47(2) of the new Electoral Act, the Smart Card Reader (SCR) or other technological device introduced by INEC has been clearly and expressly provided as the means of accreditation, verification and authentication of voters.

    Furthermore, there is no longer any provision for the manual mode of accreditation.

    This means that to prove over-voting, non-accreditation of voters, or the number of accredited voters in a polling unit a petitioner must tender the BVAS (Bimodal Voter Registration System) Report of the polling unit. Consequently, judges must quickly acclimatise themselves to the mode of operation of the BVAS machines, the format of the BVAS Reports and the admissibility issues that may arise from the BVAS Reports, vis-à-vis section 84 of the Evidence Act.

    The new Act also allows INEC to provide ballot boxes, electronic voting machines or other voting devices for the conduct of elections. This makes room for e-voting. However, INEC has not hinted at the possibility of e-voting in the upcoming 2023 general elections.

    Over voting

    In the old Electoral Act, over-voting was defined as a situation where the votes cast at an election in any polling unit exceed the number of registered voters in that polling unit.

    The problem with the definition of over-voting in the old law is that the number of persons who were accredited to vote in a polling unit on the day of election may be less than the number of registered voters in that polling unit.

    Consequently, even though more votes are recorded than the total number of accredited voters, such a situation does not amount to over-voting under the old law if the total number of votes recorded is less than the number of registered voters in the polling unit.

    However, under section 51(1) of the Electoral Act 2022, over-voting is defined as a situation where the number of votes cast at an election in any polling unit exceeds the number of accredited voters in that polling unit.

    The consequences of the difference in the definition of over-voting under the old and new law are twofold: first of all, the burden of proving over-voting has been lessened; secondly, the BVAS Report replaces the Voters’ Register as one of the documents to be relied on in proof of the allegation of over-voting.

    Transmission and collation of results

    Under section 50(2) of the new Electoral Act, INEC has been empowered to determine the mode of voting and transmission of results. Also, under section 60(5) of the Act, the presiding officer has a duty to transfer the result, including the total number of accredited voters and the result of the ballot, in a manner prescribed by the Commission.

    In the recent elections conducted following the enactment of the Electoral Act, 2022, polling unit results have been transmitted electronically from the polling units to INEC’s result viewing portal. It is expected that the results of the 2023 general election would also be transmitted electronically from the polling units.

    Although the new Electoral Act provides for electronic transmission of election results, the Act expressly prescribes manual collation of results.

    However, Section 64(4) of the Act states that before announcing the result of an election, a collation or returning officer must ensure that the number of accredited voters and votes stated on the collated result is consistent with the number of accredited voters and votes recorded and transmitted directly from polling units, respectively.

    Furthermore, section 64(6) provides that where, during the collation of results, there is a dispute regarding a collated result or the result of an election from any polling unit, the collation officer or returning officer shall use the original of the disputed collated result, accreditation data from the BVAS device, accreditation data recorded and transmitted from the polling unit where the election is disputed and the results transmitted directly from the polling unit to determine the correctness of the result.

    The duty imposed on returning and collation officers to ensure that the number of accredited voters and votes stated on the collated result is consistent with the number of accredited voters and votes recorded and transmitted directly from polling units is aimed at ensuring the accuracy of collated results and that collated results accurately reflect the polling unit results.

    Where a returning officer or collation officer fails to comply with section 64(4) of the Electoral Act, 2022 by ensuring that the number of accredited voters and votes stated on the collated result is consistent with the number of accredited voters and votes recorded and transmitted directly from polling units, such non-compliance with the Act might be a valid ground for questioning an election.

    Based on the duty imposed on returning and collation officers under section 64 of the new Electoral Act, and the decision of the Supreme Court in Uzodinma v. Ihedioha, where the Appellant contended that votes due to him from 388 polling units were excluded from the ward collation results, thereby leading to a wrong declaration, it would appear that a party alleging wrongful collation of election results at the ward level is not required to call witnesses from each of the polling units affected.

    It is my submission that where non-compliance with section 64 of the Electoral Act, 2022 is evident from the documentary evidence that has been tendered by a petitioner, the conduct of elections in the affected polling units is not in question, and the non-compliance substantially affects the result of the election, the Courts and Tribunals should be bold enough to follow the decision in Uzodinma v. Ihedioha by invalidating the return of any candidate based on the non-compliance with section 64.

    Unlawful exclusion

    An election may be questioned on the ground that a political party or its candidate in the election was validly nominated but was unlawfully excluded from the election by INEC.

    Exclusion from an election may take place where the name of a candidate was not included in the list of candidates eligible for election or where he was substituted by INEC from the election.

    A candidate may also be excluded from an election where the name of his political party or its acronym, symbol or logo was not included in the ballot paper thereby denying him the opportunity of being voted for in the election.

    The incidence of unlawful exclusion has been greatly reduced by the provision of section 42 of the new Electoral Act.

    Section 42(3) provides that not later than 20 days before an election, INEC shall invite a political party that nominated a candidate in the election to inspect its identity appearing on samples of relevant electoral materials proposed for the election and the party may state in writing within two days of being invited that it approves or disapproves of its identity on the samples.

    Any failure by a party to comply with INEC’s invitation or to disapprove of its identity within the stipulated timeframe precludes such a party from complaining of unlawful exclusion from the election in relation to its identity appearing on electoral materials used for the election.

    Following the enactment of section 42 of the Electoral Act, 2022, the number of allegations of unlawful exclusion in relation to the identity of a political party appearing on electoral materials used during an election is expected to reduce drastically.

    Qualification to contest election

    Section 134(3) of the Electoral Act, 2022 provides that a person’s election shall not be questioned on grounds of qualification if he meets the constitutional requirements for the particular election in question.

    Section 134(3) of the Act codifies the trite position of the law that qualification as a ground for questioning an election should be limited by the qualification and disqualification factors listed under the 1999 Constitution and it is only when the allegations in a petition fall within the ambit of the qualifying and disqualifying factors under the Constitution that a Tribunal or Court is conferred with jurisdiction to determine such a petition.

    It must be noted that sponsorship by a political party is a qualification factor under the Constitution and presentation of forged certificates to INEC is a disqualification factor under the Constitution.

    However, actions based on the nomination of candidates or submission of false certificates to INEC are within the purview of pre-election matters as defined by section 285(14) of the 1999 Constitution, and sections 29(5) and 84(9) of the Electoral Act, 2022 provide the mechanisms for instituting actions based on submission of false certificates to INEC or nomination of candidates.

    Nonetheless, the decision of the Supreme Court in cases such as Dangana v Usman and Tarzoor v Ioraer would suggest that issues of nomination, membership and sponsorship could be raised as a ground for questioning an election.

    However, following the 4th Alteration to the 1999 Constitution which prescribes 14 days as the time within which to institute a pre-election matter, it is my humble submission that those decisions no longer represent the current state of the law.

    Moreover, in more recent cases such as A.P.P. v. Obaseki , Atiku v. INEC and A.P.M. v. INEC, the Supreme Court has held that actions based on nomination of candidates or submission of false certificates to INEC are pre-election matters. Consequently, Tribunals and Courts should reject any invitation to assume jurisdiction over such matters.

    Validity of election

    Under section 73(2) of the new Electoral Act, an election shall be invalid if it is conducted without prior recording of the quantity, serial numbers and other particulars of results sheets, ballot papers and other sensitive election materials in the Forms prescribed by INEC.

    Section 73(2) of the new Electoral Act provides another ground for invalidating an election due to non-compliance with the provisions of the Act.

    However, in line with the trite principle of election proceedings that any non-compliance with the Act must substantially affect the result of an election, the declaration and return of a candidate cannot be invalidated merely because the election in a polling unit is invalid pursuant to section 73(2) of the Act if the invalidation of the polling unit result does not substantially affect the result of the election.

    Evidence

    Perhaps the most controversial provision of the Electoral Act, 2022, as it affects the role of the judiciary in determining election petitions is section 137 which states that:

    “It shall not be necessary for a party who alleges non-compliance with the provisions of this Act for the conduct of elections to call oral evidence if originals or certified true copies manifestly disclose the non-compliance alleged.”

    It is trite that at the trial of an election petition, the petitioner must call witnesses and lead credible evidence to prove the grounds and any material facts in the election petition necessary for him to succeed. Where a petitioner alleges that infractions occurred at the polling unit, he must call witnesses who witnessed the infractions at the polling unit and tender the documents evidencing the infractions.

    If a petitioner tenders the documents without calling oral evidence to speak to the documents, the petitioner would be deemed to have dumped the documents on the Tribunal or Court and the Tribunal or Court would be unable to evaluate the documents tendered.

    Section 137 of the Electoral Act, 2022 dispenses with calling of oral evidence and permits a party to rely solely on documentary evidence where it manifestly discloses the non-compliance alleged.

    A myriad of issues arise from the provision but I shall only explore a few. First of all, the judiciary would have to determine the inconsistency, or otherwise, of the provision with the Evidence Act.

    I humbly submit that pursuant to section 3 of the Evidence Act, admissibility of evidence is not governed exclusively by the provisions of the Evidence Act. Consequently, a piece of evidence may be excluded or made admissible either by the Evidence Act itself or by any other legislation validly made by the National Assembly.

    As the Electoral Act, 2022 is an Act made by the National Assembly; it is my humble submission that section 137 of the Electoral Act, 2022 is not inconsistent with the Evidence Act.

    Besides the issue of the inconsistency, or otherwise, of section 137 of the Electoral Act, 2022 with the Evidence Act, section 137 also raises the issue of the propriety of a Tribunal or Court to evaluate and examine documents that have been dumped on it.

    A Court or Tribunal cannot, on its own accord, conduct investigations as to the import of the contents of documents. That is an inquisition which has no room in our laws. However, it is yet to be seen how the Courts and Tribunal would resolve the issues emanating from section 137 of the Electoral Act, 2022.

    Conclusion

    The role of the judiciary in the 2023 election is limited to determining actions arising from the provisions of the Electoral Act, 2022.

    The Act introduces several novel provisions that are aimed at reducing the menace of electoral malpractices such as over-voting, rigging and intimidation of INEC officials.

    The major role of the judiciary is to interpret these provisions consistently and in a manner that gives effect to the intention of the lawmakers.

    • OPEN FORUM – Akinlolu Timothy Kehinde

  • Nigeria and the pincers of poverty

    Nigeria and the pincers of poverty

    SIR: One of the greatest scandals of the 21st century is that sub-Saharan Africa remains synonymous with poverty and other debilitating developmental issues that continue to plague the developing world. Indeed, so steeped is sub-Saharan Africa in crippling poverty and underdevelopment that that part of the African continent which for long has attracted sympathetic glances from the rest of the developing world continues to routinely post some truly shocking statistics.

    For Nigeria, the self-styled ‘giant of Africa’, the failures that are at once national and international, prominently feature in the familiar  story of a promise horribly and cruelly aborted.

    Historically and till this day, one of the most formidable challenges that has confronted and continues to confront Nigerians  is crippling poverty. Too many Nigerians are  too poor for comfort.

    Nigeria’s population only recently hit 216 million. It was many months ago that the World Bank  estimated and intimated that out of that number, about 91 million  were dirt-poor, languishing hopelessly and helplessly beneath the international poverty line.

    Read Also: Ugly poverty

    Now, only recently, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) about 133 million Nigerians representing about 63 per cent of the entire population are living in multidimensional poverty.

    According to the bureau, of the total number of poor Nigerians which is staggering by any standard, 105.98 million are located in rural areas, while about 16.97 are located in urban areas.

    Nigeria’s paucity of data is historic. However, by any measure, these figures are frightening especially as they show how disproportionately poverty is scything into rural  Nigerians.

    The damage poverty does to life  and the quality of life not just of  individuals but of families across entire generations is well documented.

    Poverty especially crashes into children, taking apart their dreams and prospects layer by layer.

    Long abandoned to the caprices of poverty, the fairly recent spate of insecurity that is convulsing rural areas has only contributed to the deepening poverty affecting those who live in those areas.

    For this group of Nigerians, their experience of Nigeria with its unique and toxic mix of poverty and insecurity is a deeply traumatizing one.

    For Nigerians, especially rural Nigerians to escape the destabilizing tentacles of poverty, changes that can empower the poorest Nigerians to come out of crushing poverty have to be rung on the deepest levels.

    But whether those who should at least kick-start these changes are ready to do so is a  question for another day.

    • Kene Obiezu, Twitter: @kenobiezu

  • Investing in infrastructure for Nigeria’s economic growth

    Investing in infrastructure for Nigeria’s economic growth

    SIR: Infrastructure in developing countries connotes roads and transport infrastructures. The advent of mobile telecommunication infrastructure in Nigeria in 2001 brought infrastructure to the  front  seat  as  the products  and  services  necessary  for  the  performance  of  an  entity. There are two types of infrastructure, “Hard and Soft” infrastructure.  Hard refers to the large physical networks necessary for the functioning of a modern industrial nation, whereas “soft” infrastructure refers to all the institutions which are required to maintain the economic, health, cultural and social standards of a country, such as the financial system, the education system, the health system, the governance system, and judiciary system and security system. The development of infrastructures is vital to a country’s economic growth and prosperity.

    Proper infrastructure development leads to sustainable use of natural resources and sustainable growth. Infrastructure brings about exploitation of natural resources in a nation. It is the duty of the Federal Government to provide public infrastructure for the people to deliver services throughout the federation for the purpose of promoting national integration and developing a globally competitive economy where goods and products can easily transverse the length and breadth of the country.

    Read Also: Wike’s infrastructure award affirmation of excellence in governance

    Chapter II, Subsection 15 (3) of the 1999 Constitution (as Amended) stated that “For the purpose of promoting national integration, it shall be the duty of the state to: (a) provide adequate facilities for and encourage free mobility of people, goods and services throughout the federation.” It is on this premise that governments are involved in the direct provision of infrastructure to the people.

    The infrastructure deficits of Nigeria in the area of housing, roads, electricity, rail, bridges and pipe-borne water are outrageous. The World Bank reported in its 2018 Nigeria Affordable Housing Project (P165296) that “Demand for affordable housing in Nigeria is large and growing in the face of a sizable deficit and there is a dearth of existing interventions to support closing this gap”. The housing deficit has been estimated at up to 17 million units. In The Global Competitiveness Index 2021 – 2022 edition, World Economic Forum (WEF) placed Nigeria at 125th position out of 137 nations reviewed, using sub-index of institutions, infrastructure, macro-economic environment, health and primary education, etc.

    Cesar Calderón and Luis Servén (2004) in “The Effects of Infrastructure Development on Growth and Income Distribution”, Policy Research Working Paper No. 3400 published by World Bank, Washington, D.C., stated that economic growth is positively affected by the stock of infrastructure assets, and that income inequality declines with higher infrastructure quantity and quality. A variety of specification tests suggests that there are causal impact of the exogenous component of infrastructure quantity and quality on growth and inequality. Infrastructure provision contributes positively to economic growth of nations. They contended that infrastructure development can be highly effective to combat poverty among citizens.

    One of the factors which distinguish developed nations from developing nations is infrastructure provision. While developed nations have adequate provision of infrastructure, developing nations, on the other hand, struggle to meet their infrastructure requirements. It is therefore not surprising that people’s standards of living in developing nations are below average.

    Unless governments concentrate more on provision of infrastructure with the aim of bridging the gap between the rich and the poor, abject poverty, crime rate, food insecurity, inaccessibility to medical services and slum-living will continue to be rife. Governments’ roles include provision of level playing ground for the generality of the people irrespective of class or gender. While the list of billionaires in Nigeria is widening, the list of Nigerians below the poverty threshold is also widening. Only adequate provision of basic infrastructure can bridge this gap!

    • ESV. Olufemi Adedamola Oyedele, Lagos.

  • Enemies of the ballot

    Enemies of the ballot

    They come in different shades, but to the same negative effect. They are merchants of electoral violence, and their ultimate objective is to obstruct free expression of the voters’ will through the ballot box. And they aren’t just enemies of free democratic expression, but also of the good of the Nigerian state. With the 2023 general election under 100 days away – the national elections into the Presidency and National Assembly chambers on 25th February, 2023 and the state elections into the governorships and houses of assembly on 11th March – they constitute a pressing danger the country must earnestly deal with.

    It was violence at its crudest wrought against the ballot box with the arson attacks, penultimate Thursday, on offices of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in Ogun and Osun states. Arsonists lit into the commission’s Abeokuta South council area office in the Ogun capital at about 1:15am on 10th November and incinerated the premises and movable assets on site. Besides total damage to the main building and its furnishings, assets lost to the attack, according to INEC, include 904 ballot boxes, 29 voting cubicles, 30 megaphones, 57 election bags, eight electric power generators and 65,699 Permanent Voters Cards (PVCs) awaiting collection by registered voters. Few hours after the Abeokuta attack, arsonists struck at the commission’s office in Ede South council area of Osun State and set the premises ablaze. But they didn’t achieve their apparent aim, as swift response by security and fire service personnel limited the damage.

    In his overview of the attacks at an emergency meeting of the Inter-Agency Consultative Committee on Election Security (ICCES) early last week, INEC Chairman Professor Mahmood Yakubu said: “While the damage in the attack in Ede South was minimal, that of Abeokuta South was extensive… The Commission is taking urgent steps to repair the damage to the building and replace the facilities in the Ede South Local Government Area so that the office becomes functional again immediately. For Abeokuta South Local Government Area office (however), the destruction was total. Consequently, the commission is relocating our staff to the old state office, also known as INEC Office Annex, in Oke-Ilewo area of Abeokuta.” According to him, activities involving the 15 registration areas (wards) and 445 polling units in Abeokuta South council area will henceforth be coordinated from the new location. He added: “The Resident Electoral Commissioner (REC) for Ogun State has been directed to compile the Voter Identification Numbers (VINs) of all the 65,699 PVCs lost in the attack from our database and submit the record for immediate reprint. We want to assure affected registered voters in Abeokuta South that no one will be disenfranchised as a result of this dastardly act.”

    Read Also: The president Nigeria needs

    Other than the arson attacks, issues of concern to INEC and the security establishment constituting ICCES at last week’s emergency parley were incidents of physical attacks on political actors in the course of ongoing electioneering period, and the plagues of hate speech and fake news ruling the airwaves. The electoral body said it had so far tracked 50 incidents of physical attacks during political campaigns across 21 states and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), with Professor Yakubu noting that “these unhappy occurrences are coming just a little over one month into the election campaign which is scheduled to last for about five months from 28th September, 2022 to 23rd February, 2023 for national elections and from 12th October, 2022 to 11th March, 2023 for state elections.” He said INEC was worried that if urgent and decisive steps weren’t taken, “the attacks will intensify as we approach the election date.” National Security Adviser (NSA) Maj-General Babagana Monguno (rtd.), who co-chairs ICCES with the INEC boss, corroborated the statistics of violent attacks that said he described as “a bad signal.”

    Arsonists targeting INEC facilities are typically agents of political actors aiming to obstruct free expression of voters’ will. So also are hoodlums who stage violent attacks against political supporters from partisan affiliations different from their own. Inspector General of Police (IGP) Usman Baba Alkali has also called out some state governors whom he accused of intolerance by sponsoring attacks against opponents and denying space for plurality of political views as could enable voters to make intelligent choices. A more subtle, but no less deadly assault on the ballot box is the phenomenon of hate speech. These are all weapons deployed by politicians too desperate for power to submit to the free will of voters. And it is the same people who enlist media outlets to traffic in fake news injurious to political opponents.

    Not that these tendencies are new in Nigerian political culture, but there have been efforts plied in recent history to rein them in. Non-governmental National Peace Committee (NPC) led by former Head of State, General Abdulsalami Abubakar has been at the vanguard of these efforts. For every election since 2015, this committee has made political parties featuring in respective election to sign a peace accord they are expected to be bound by. For the 2023 poll, it has committed the 18 political parties that will be on the ballot to two peace accords. In a communique dated 22nd September, 2022, the committee had stated: “2023 is more than an election. It is an opportunity to serve Nigeria, to defend Nigeria and to uphold her unity and progress… Nigerians should avoid the spread of fake news and uphold the principles of tolerance, respect, civility and decency in all public and private conversations and engagements about election and the progress of Nigeria.”

    It is very obvious, however, that political gladiators aren’t keeping to the peace accord they signed. And the challenge we have is that the peace committee only has the power of moral suasion, while the peace accord it midwifes is only a moral document for which there aren’t sanctions when violated. It would require the security agencies and INEC, in principle, to enforce the provisions of law against electoral offences such as are itemised in Sections 114 to 129 of the Electoral (Amendment) Act 2022. But INEC has made its constraints clear. Besides that the challenge is huge and heavily overbears on its core responsibility of election management, the commission is not vested with power to arrest and investigate electoral offenders, which is why it has always canvassed an Electoral Offences Commission to take up the task. Under the circumstance, therefore, the onus falls on security agencies – the Nigeria Police in particular – to take on electoral offenders. This should be done by relentlessly tracking down and arresting culprits of offences and delivering them inevitably to justice, such that anyone planning to take after them would be strongly dissuaded.

    The tragedy, however, is that this is the very thing lacking in how we deal with electoral offences in this country. Take the fresh arson attacks against INEC offices, for instance: no suspects were arrested, and it is doubtful any will ever be. Before now, the last arson attack INEC suffered was on 03rd July, 2022 at its Igboeze North council area office in Enugu State, which resulted in the destruction of no fewer than 748 ballot boxes and 240 voting cubicles besides office equipment and furniture. INEC National Commissioner in charge of Information and Voter Education Committee, Festus Okoye, said at the time that the commission was working to ascertain the status of voter registration machines for ongoing Continuous Voter Registration (CVR) and uncollected PVCs that were locked up in a fireproof cabinet, while the incident had been reported to the Nigeria Police for investigation and further action. As we speak, there’s been no update on arrest of suspects. Among many other incidents previously, gunmen had on 23rd May, 2021, stormed INEC’s office at Igboeze South council area and set the place ablaze. And that was after attacks on the commission’s Udenu council area office on 13th May, and its state head office in Enugu on 16th May, 2021. For none of those incidents has suspects been reported arrested to the best of my knowledge.

    With the importance of its mandate and unruliness of some pollical actors, INEC’s offices deserve all-round security protection. But given that the commission has offices in all state capitals, the 774 council areas and facilities in the 8,809 wards nationwide, it is obvious there’s no enough security manpower to police all the sites. The best that can be done in the circumstance is to deter attacks by making arsonists know they won’t go scot free if they dare their ill-adventure.

    • Please join me on kayodeidowu.blogspot.be for conversation.

  • The perils of rigidity

    The perils of rigidity

    Unfortunate and unhappy is any country ruled by philistines. Nigeria is in that category. A philistine is anyone “guided by materialism and disdainful of intellectual or artistic values.” Nigeria is a truly unhappy land because philistinism is the raison d’etre for many who seek public office. Not for public service or public good but to satisfy personal lust for power and the unlimited access it gives to plunder national resources.

    How else does one explain the mindless plunder of the country’s wealth by those in government, that a single official could so casually purloin over a N100 billion from the national coffers, unless stealing is integral to governance! And Nigeria’s unhappiness is further compounded by a one-man dictatorship pretending to be a democracy, led by a congenitally rigid, inflexible autocrat.

    The country operates as if it is truly rigged against progress and performance. Not only is massive state robbery a national pastime, those in charge of the nation are also disdainful of intellectual values to boot. If not so, how else to explain the recent casualization of intellectual workers by the Buhari regime! It implies that intellection is now peculiarly Nigerian, to be defined and compensated at the whimsical discretion of anti-intellectual rulers of the state.

    Isn’t it shameful that the Black world’s preeminent nation that used to be the beacon of hope to Blacks the world over, has been dragged so low by its own rulers? Diminution is inevitable once any society is under the stranglehold of philistines.

    Bad enough that our universities have been subjected to the most pernicious neo-liberal conditionalities imposed since the Babangida regime adopted SAP, but the saddest part is that the Minister of Labour and Employment and Minister of Education, the longest serving in their respective ministries in Nigeria’s history, are also of tasteless anti-intellectual dispositions. Even if I can pity and sympathize with a Chris Ngige who sees university intellectual workers as a group to be subdued, derided and subjected to extreme humiliation in the service of a barely educated autocrat, the case of how Malam Adamu Adamu, Minister of Education, who was respected for his erudition, his informed and analytical newspaper columns, would allow a fellow minister to so badly mess up his area of responsibility. One of his most celebrated and referenced columns is a piece he authored in in November 2013 where he intelligently and eloquently discussed the ASUU strike of that year and their demands for proper funding for education, praising the union for its principled defence of quality public university education while berating the government of the day for its poor disposition towards the education sector.

    Read Also; Elite consensus in Nigeria: Prospects and problems

    Could this be the same Adamu or a doppelganger? Don’t trust any man completely until he has tasted power, raw state power. Since Adamu started overseeing education, nothing has improved in that sector: the number of out-of-school children has grown exponentially, the Almajiri schools on which billions of naira were expended by the previous Goodluck Jonathan administration have been abandoned, federally owned universities have been shut down more times in the last seven years than previous years, none of the subsisting crises in the universities that ASUU has been protesting about for seven years has received attention.

    Yet the minister who openly admitted to monumental failure would shamelessly hang on to the job. Why? Well, in Nigeria, the fragrance of power and its alluring perks and perquisites are too overpowering to yield to any considerations of integrity, honour, or any such philosophical claptrap. Adamu’s legacies as education czar are baleful, and will remain detrimental to national development far into the future. Reason is because destruction and disruption are easy to cause, but repair and restoration infinitely more arduous and time-consuming.

    On the destructiveness of rigidity. Rigidity not predicated on sound principle or philosophy could be perilous to an individual, group or an entire society, even a whole country. I still want to believe that Malam Adamu had good intentions coming into government, but the burden of working for and under a rigid, authoritarian, ill-at-ease and opinionated boss is his main undoing. Rigidity of this type is destructive. Before I shoot myself in the foot, let me clarify what I mean. Intellectual rigidity, predicated on sound theory, scientific and analytical rigour, is indispensable for intellection.

    However, rigidity predicated on sheer personal predilection is dangerous. General Muhammadu Buhari was a victim of this in his first coming as our military ruler between January 1984 and August 1985. He was so rigid, unyielding, inflexible, dismissive, and arrogantly opinionated even when proven to be patently wrong that his own military colleagues in the government had to conspire to remove him before he brought down the roof on all their heads. They accused him of not yielding to sound advice from his colleagues even on highly sensitive national matters because he acted as mister know-it-all. That rigidity eventually destroyed his military career and, mercifully for Nigerians, also terminated his despotic tenure as head of state. One would think that after three decades out of power, three failed attempts at becoming a democratically elected president, and now more than seven years in the saddle, he had grown and matured in the esoteric art of statesmanship, become more adept at grasping the intricacies of administering a huge and complex country like Nigeria. But he quite unfortunately still behaves true to his innate character. Well, the old aphorism, that you can teach an old dog new tricks definitely holds true in his case.

    After several months of paralyzing but avoidable ASUU strike during which the government didn’t take any positive steps at resolution, President Buhari suddenly woke up as if from stupor, ordered his education minister to propose workable solutions to the problems. But upon receiving the report and hearing that the only remaining issue was the pernicious no-work-no-pay order, he reflexively thundered that on no account would government pay for ‘work not done’. In the ordinary sense of say a factory worker, his position would have been dead right, based of course on job definition and description. For intellectual workers in the universities however, it is a different ball game entirely. He should have asked: What exactly is it that lecturers do that they can ask to be paid for ‘work not done’? Had the issue been that thoroughly interrogated, he probably would have been less rigid. Again, flexibility has never really been his strong suit.

    Remember the same autocratic rigidity over the proposed redesign of the Naira. Without consultation, without so much as a discussion with critical stakeholders on how such a weighty action would impact the economy and affect Nigerians, as a similar exercise did under him back in 1984, he single-handedly approved the decision just because CBN governor, Godwin Emefiele, ‘convinced’ him. Again, what of the border closure he ordered in 2019 and its destructive impact on the economy just like it also happened in 1984? When will his handlers show him that his predilection for rigidity, the know-it-all approach to national issues, is destructive? Again, old dogs and new tricks…

    • Prof Fawole writes from Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Osun State.

  • Provincialism, parochialism and underdevelopment

    Provincialism, parochialism and underdevelopment

    By nature, development ‘belongs to those who know it, not those who have it or can buy it.’ It is like a picture, which one keeps working on. Parochialism, on the other hand, is a cultural entrapment. It is evil! With it at work, extant philosophies are laced with the cultural sentiment that a people cannot develop beyond their social thoughts. Once the ruling paradigm in the public administration is ‘awa-n-tiwa’, the society is doomed, with the social thoughts and concomitant expectations most certainly not extending the frontiers of knowledge or the ideas of development.

    Embracing parochialism lends itself to easier and non-rigorous interpretation of government policies, which makes survival easier, especially for those who are stealing our commonwealth to continue doing their things without obstruction or impediment. Sooner than later, the dregs and the mediocre in the society will find elective or leadership positions attractive and suitably qualified to vie for public office. But then, the people cannot but be parochial because a man who wants to develop must be exposed to the rudiments of development. Anything outside that can only be likened to dreaming for impossibility.

    The creation of pattern and its sustenance explains the development of all the nations of the world. Ever from the time of King Phillip of Macedon; to the epoch of the Tsars of Russia; down to the fall of the Republics in Rome; and the 1974 wave which culminated, especially, in the democratization of Latin America and post-communist countries of Eastern Europe, development has never been seen to have come by dint of luck, but by hard work. In plain English, there must be pattern creation and pattern sustenance! The same pattern that triggers development will also set the standard.

    Without doubt, every developed society has its own pattern creation and pattern sustenance. Therefore, for any development to be meaningful, it requires that the society must have thinkers. It must also recognize the need to give them their dues. For example, an amazing might and strategic positioning, a la the righteousness of nukes and space weaponry, have placed Russia in a good stead to negotiate for all sorts of things. North Korea, where Kim Jong-un is seeking first the righteousness of military prowess with the belief that economic boom will be added unto the highly centralized totalitarian state, is not any different. That’s why Jong-un has become an untouchable leader of a sort. Even a country like Turkey has decided to develop in her own way, and at her own pace. Thus, it can be argued that, if there’s no pattern, there will be no picture.

    It is a well-known fact that the Obafemi Awolowo era introduced development to the Western region of Nigeria. It is also public knowledge that there were no mechanisms in place to sustain the flow and tempo of that development after the death of the First Republic. So, the initiative was never sustained. Once the military institution in its characteristic abrasive intrusion arrested the pattern flow of the development, what became of the life and the essence of the then Western Nigerian development theory and/or policy ideas was better imagined.

    To say the least, successive military interventions only ended up ruining public administration and development in Nigeria. Since there was no pattern that the people were looking up to in concrete terms, what remained were the ideas of the Lilliputians who came into government thereafter. Parochialism amongst state actors, albeit surreptitiously, replaced robust debates and arguments in public administration parlance. Again, since the new ‘lords’ were little, both in stature and status, welcome the era of little things and little thinking! What followed were leaders who were only looking up to the late sage who built the first television station in Africa; who made Liberty Stadium happen and the brain behind the first 3-Star Premier Hotel and ‘Cocoa House’. Even the Western Region Parliamentary Building was an edifice to behold by countries of the world. It was more of a logical incentive towards survival!

    Let’s face the truth: the last time the Southwest truly witnessed development was when its affairs were directed by certain people who had vision. However, the pattern that was created at the time never attained the status of a blueprint for subsequent governments to adopt and implement. No thanks to the military jackboot anyway! So, if a pattern was created, it was never sustained, as subsequent governments never followed any laid-down plans or patterns. The Awolowo government just came and it was abandoned. Yes, Awo, as he was fondly called, built WNTV/WNBS! Had the originator of the idea lived, and his government allowed to run its course, the broadcasting outfit would most certainly have grown in size and strength, even beyond the Cable News Network (CNN). But, as fate would have it, the military came and committed blunders. The culture of development, probity, accountability and honesty was arrested; and the greedy men in Khaki stole without anybody being able to say: ‘kai, don’t do that!’ And, rather than call a spade by its name, Nigerians got carried away by bad politics. Is it therefore any surprise that dear country is in this mess?

    That King Charles III took over the reins of power from his late mother within hours without any internal rancour or external interference has only confirmed the existence of the culture of development in that part of the world. On the converse, that successive governments in the then Western Region of Nigeria failed to build their own ‘Cassava House’ that would have healthily rivalled ‘Cocoa House’ after Awo also revealed that something has been fundamentally amiss in the structure and stability of public administration in our part of the global village. Above all, that the military failed to establish its own television station, but in its place coveted and converted the first broadcast station in Africa into NTA/FRCN also showed the extent to which the principle of parochialism could go at being antithetical to development.

    That’s not all! Had Nigeria’s forebears attempted going to the moon, the present generation of Nigerians would have been aiming beyond that idea. Unfortunately, our forebears died searching for the road to the moon. The best they got – and used – was the product of that development. They never invented any! Is it therefore any wonder that Nigeria is embarrassingly debating grazing routes in 2022? In this age and time, can one ask a British herdsman to ply his trade by rearing his herds from, say, Newcastle, to Liverpool; or from Scotland, to Dublin, simply because his forebears invented nomadic trading, as such, it is his duty to reinvent the routes? For God’s sake, when will Nigeria secure the services of circumstance-thrown-up and time-tested leaders who will help repair Nigeria’s problems and rearrange the thinking of governments? When will our leaders come to terms with the fact that success in planning and executing the strategy for development doesn’t come by accident and that, apart from the right resources and strategies, the implementation must also be thorough? And, are we as a country really ready?

    Well, until society embarks on pattern creation and pattern sustenance, good policies will continue to be repudiated for rootless policies to spring up; and there will be no development. Until there is a determined political will on the part of our leaders to dismantle the parallel structure of the Mafia-like bureaucracy in government, Nigerians will continue to wallow in abject poverty and creeping underdevelopment. It’s like the Parable of the Sower!

    May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

     

    • Komolafe wrote in from Ijebu-Jesa, Osun State (ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk)