Category: Opinion

  • Followers as part of network for underdevelopment

    Followers as part of network for underdevelopment

    By Andrew A. Erakhrumen

    We do acknowledge and appreciate feedback on our articles. Interestingly, a number of them conclude that we have been dwelling so much (or too much?) on leadership as the main challenge to Nigeria’s development without paying attention to followers as being partly responsible for this. Those holding this opinion are entitled to it even as they are not absolutely correct considering that in the past we had similarly stated that “…..we have been criticised for, and confronted with questions relating to, holding ONLY people in government responsible for Nigeria’s challenges…..” We went ahead to agree that “…..the challenges encountered, today, by our country have the active contributions of the followers…..”

    Yes, glaringly, we have been prioritising our efforts toward getting leadership right but it is rather untrue that we have not been talking about challenges encountered from irresponsible followership. For instance, in earlier articles, we stated concerning the oppressive tendency of Nigerian leaders that “…..those who got the short end of the stick [the oppressed]…..also aspire to transmute themselves into the other state [oppressors] [in order] to also oppress…..” Certainly, “…..political leaders – many of whom, formerly, were followers before attaining ‘leadership’ status – are from the same society as their followers…..”

    Therefore, in order to buttress the position of those who hold the opinion, sincerely, that followers are part of the problem, we asked “…..Is it people in government that cheat consumers by selling inferior products for the price of higher quality ones in our markets? What about those tampering with measuring devices in order to cheat buyers? …..After selling eight ‘cups’ of grains as 10, what moral right do such a person have to criticise government? What of the artisans whose intention is to cheat their clients in all transactions? …..” In addition, “…..When those saddled with the responsibility of preventing fake or substandard products from getting into the country connive with importers to flood the markets with these same products, how do we explain this? When civil servants refuse to do their job, and/or decide to hide files, in order to be bribed, what do we call this?

    The civil servants who steal, and aid politicians in stealing, public resources, cannot be said to be morally upright…..what make you…..followers – who regularly drive against traffic or do not obey traffic lights – different from…..law-breakers that call themselves your leaders?…..If all [of us have been doing] things…..right, in individual’s varied corners, we are very much likely to not have experienced this unfortunate…..decadence in our country today…..”

    These and more, as enumerated in a couple of our earlier articles, are some negative contributions from followers to the deepening underdevelopment being experienced in this part of the world. Nonetheless, without making any attempt – in any way – at justifying immorality, illegality, unethical practices and corruption; we have submitted, objectively, somewhere that “…..you cannot be engaging in huge stealing at the top and be expecting moral uprightness from petty thieves below! You (and those in government) cannot be stealing the commonwealth dry and simultaneously preach moral fidelity to others. This is sheer hypocrisy! …..”

    Of course, this story is completely incomplete at this stage! Part of it is that there cannot be any moral justification for employees (or followers) to ruin the investment (public/private) of investors. Businesses have been forced to temporarily close shop, collapse completely or relocate because of infrastructural challenges, government’s brutal predatory and rentier mentality, policy somersault and sabotage by workers. Sadly also, potential investments and businesses are being frustrated by employees’ fraudulent practices! Morally unacceptable ‘anomalies’ have now become ‘explainable’ and ‘acceptable’!

    It appears as if those employees see most entrepreneurs as representatives, or members, of the Nigerian ‘ruining’ elite. Nevertheless, it is worth mentioning that those running Nigeria aground are not investing in things that generate wealth here! Even when in government, their mind and loots are domiciled in foreign lands! Employers of labour have different tales of woe to tell. It is so pathetic that many potential employers of labour have decided to not venture into legitimate businesses in Nigeria. Unbelievably, these are successful people in those businesses in ‘saner’ climes. What, then, make the difference here? The existing mind-set and attitude! Appallingly, those things seriously considered immoral, yesterday, are accepted, today, even by older generation! Nigeria has established a choking but infectious negative super-structure that need dismantling. This super-structure is built on virulent predatory tendencies and modalities that resist interrogations and criticisms. It also refuses to give in to any system that encourages well-defined criteria for rewards and sanctions. We must tell ourselves that Nigeria is now a dog-eat-dog society! This is partly why we opined in another intervention, and still maintain here, that followership is certainly a part of the PROBLEM Nigeria is encountering but the PROBLEM is actually the leadership!

    The foregoing is contributory to an interwoven and knotty underdevelopment network requiring solutions from a new leadership cadre that can positively disrupt the status quo represented by the aforementioned predatory super-structure. This new group of positively disruptive leaders, with solutions, is unexpected from those “…..criticising government in power only for the purpose of getting into power and to not add any value to governance…..” It is a tall order to expect this disruption from beneficiaries of the existing warped system. However, if peace, security and tranquillity must be sustainably ensured; then, proper leadership that gives high priority to equity, fairness and justice must be enabled and supported. This kind of leadership is ‘easily’ installed and legitimated through popular support with its positive objectives and clearly defined system of reward and sanctioning being readily acceptable. Leaders are supposed to chart a positive course while followers support them. This is the way to go!

    Contrary to the misconception that Nigerians are difficult to lead, the reverse is the case as long as leaders, themselves, are not lawless as it is – currently. Followers are sensitive to roadmaps! Whose responsibility is it to give roadmaps? Is it not leaders’? This is why all efforts toward finding solution(s) to poor leadership cannot be overemphasised.

    • Erakhrumen teaches at the University of Benin.

  • 2023: Tinubu defying all odds

    2023: Tinubu defying all odds

    By Kola Amzat 

    SIR: Since the turn of 4th Republic in 1999, no presidential candidate has been so harassed, attacked and subjected to all forms of character assassination or the other, by members of opposition parties as Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the APC presidential candidate for 2023 general elections.

    Admirably, he has remained absolutely undaunted by the loads of falsehoods, fabrication of lies and insults being hurled at his personality, as well as the presidential project, preferring to remain very focused –eyes only, on the ball. He has equally de-emphasized and downplayed all barriers he’s encountered so far and still encountering in his quest to lead the country.

    Nigerians recall that on account of tempestuous, acrimonious and rancorous APC presidential primary, the party was largely expected to disintegrate. But, to the consternation of many, Tinubu immediately reached out to most of the fellow contestants, as well as powerful power blocs behind them for reconciliation.

    From the available records of parties’ campaigns, none of the presidential candidates of opposition parties has covered 50% of locations Tinubu and his team have been able to cover since INEC signalled for the commencement of campaign exercise.

    Opposition parties particularly, PDP have desperately made every attempt to halt Tinubu’s ascent for obvious reasons. They’re obviously wary of his presidency.  They know he’s a thinker and doer. They’re aware that Nigeria would take a rebound under his watch. They’re aware there would be significant turn-around in the economy, education, health, power generation and distribution, rail and road, as well as aviation infrastructures with Tinubu in charge.

    They’re aware there would be a new impetus in manufacturing, oil and gas and agricultural sectors. They’re in the know that there would be a deliberate and strategic policy to halt the scourge of unemployment. Of course, PDP members aware that they won’t have another regime of squandering of the nation’s resources.

    Really, it is an auspicious time for Nigeria nation to fulfil her potentials. It’s time for those diverse natural endowments buried in all the nooks and crannies of our land to be unearthed and turn into wealth for the optimum benefits of Nigerians. It’s appropriate time for Nigerians home and abroad to live the glorious life that providence has prepared for them.

    Asiwaju Tinubu has the innate capacity to bring this dream to reality. He has made submissions severally in different fora, that he indeed knows the road to prosperity and Nigeria should do the needful by following him. Why should we doubt him? Why must we continue to move in cycle with trial by error leadership?

    Lagos presents a classic example of what he’s capable of doing. If he could achieve those wonders and awesome feats in Lagos, we could imagine miracles that he could engineer across the nation with the humongous resources at the centre!

    Tinubu has the aura of success. He’s imbued with incredible organizational and coordinating ability. He has the Midas touch.

    One is particularly fascinated with his eagle eyes for talents discovery. And no doubt, he would obviously deploy those eyes to fish out the best of Nigerians anywhere they are for the purpose of building, resetting, repositioning as well as reconstructing this wonderful nation.

    • Kola Amzat (FCA, FCIB) Lagos.

  • Artificial Intelligence for new drug discovery

    Artificial Intelligence for new drug discovery

    By Julius Adelusi-Adeluyi

    The world is making rapid progress in the areas of Big Data, Artificial Intelligence and Machine Learning. These are the core drivers of what many analysts have come to refer to as the Fourth Industrial Revolution, epitomized by the increased whittling away of the boundaries that hitherto existed between the physical, digital and biological worlds.

    There is a clear imperative for pharmacists, pharmaceutical scientists and medical professionals in the field of research and development in developing countries like Nigeria, to increasingly tap into this world of Big Data, Artificial Intelligence and Machine Learning and partake of the revolution that is happening before our very eyes.

    And the reason is simple. Artificial Intelligence is helping to make pharmaceutical research and new drug discovery less expensive and definitely more productive. Researchers realize that in the time that it would have taken to test the efficacy of say a handful of chemical molecules manually, with AI, it is possible to test several hundreds of different chemical molecules. With AI, therefore, we can create better, safer and more affordable medicines, within a much shorter time frame too.

    Then, there is the issue of collaboration among scientists. In a world that has become so intricately networked, there is no excuse for our researchers to work in silos anymore. Pharmaceutical researchers, therefore, need to digitize their work in order to facilitate access by other scientists to such work-in-progress and in so doing enhancing the possibility of collaboration with fellow scientists both within and outside the country.

    I am aware that there are ongoing initiatives to establish a national open access repository and research data management platform. I want to encourage academics and researchers to seek out the promoters and be part of this project. As an academy, we will also be looking at collaborating with the Nigerian Association of Pharmacists and Pharmaceutical Scientists in the Americas, NAPPSA, towards setting up an open access pharmaceutical research depository and data management platform in Nigeria. Such a centralized and readily accessible repository of research data would be invaluable at enabling researchers have a clear view of ongoing researches, curtailing unnecessary duplication of effort and as I said earlier, facilitating collaboration. I would be particularly keen to see collaboration not only across country boundaries but also across disciplines. It would be our delight as an Academy to witness researchers in diverse pharmaceutical and medical disciplines collaborating to discover new and better drugs to halt the march of illness and disease.

    I want to quickly acknowledge that there is a handful of pharmacists who are already deploying Artificial Intelligence towards solving real world health challenges. Adebayo Alonge, the founder of a company called RxAll, has made a name for himself with his Scanners which detect fake drugs, using the power of Artificial Intelligence. Naturally therefore, his organization has attracted not only global media attention but also venture capital from offshore.

    What needs to happen now is for the penetration of Artificial Intelligence to deepen and broaden especially among pharmacists, pharmaceutical and allied scientists who operate in the critical areas of research and development.

    Pharmacists, pharmaceutical scientists and indeed medical professionals of all hues in the developing world must refuse to be left behind in a world that is being formidably impacted by the forces of Big Data, Artificial Intelligence and Machine Learning. We must make a deliberate effort to stake a claim to this global revolution.

    The obstacles are of course, formidable, but we must continue to think outside of the box. Indeed, we must imagine that there is no box, whatsoever.

    I appreciate that penetration of Artificial Intelligence will naturally be impeded by the relative scarcity of AI expertise in these parts. But we can begin to look at incorporating elements of programming, machine learning and other forms of data management in our training curriculum for pharmacists at both undergraduate and post-graduate levels.  This way, pharmacists can very early on, begin to imbibe the digital mind-set and relate more empirically with the manifold possibilities of deploying digital solutions to solving real world problems including drug discovery.

    If the experience of companies like RxAll and the several successful fintech companies that have originated from Nigeria is something to go by, then clearly, funding appears to follow good and profitable causes. If we are able to demonstrably prove that we are capable of harvesting the possibilities of Artificial Intelligence and Machine Learning in contributing to the emergence of new and better drugs, we will attract the interest of Venture Capital firms and Angel Investors from around the world.

    So let us go back and rededicate ourselves to tapping into the new digital phenomena that are changing our world.

    This is not forgetting that the government, as always, has a central and crucial role to play in all of this. As an Academy, therefore, we are also calling on the government to help create the right environment that makes meaningful research possible. In addition to helping to ensure that basic facilities including clean water and electricity are available, government policy direction must also be such that deliberately enables AI to take root and grow. For instance, government can help to create a level playing field for all by providing free and open access to big data. It could also help to deliberately, through incentives and subsidies, attract technology incubators in the AI space.

    We must, both as individual scientists as well as an Academy, continue to emphasize the importance of research and development to the march of human progress and why Nigeria must not abdicate its role and responsibilities in this all-important quest. While imploring the government and society to live up to their responsibilities to support research and development, we as researchers, must also live up to our responsibilities to latch on a blossoming new world of possibilities opened up by Artificial Intelligence and Machine Learning.

    Just as we have witnessed in the financial and fintech space, there is considerable potential for AI in the pharmaceutical space and that potential can translate not only to the relief of pain and suffering from disease but also to economic growth and development.

    • Adelusi-Adeluyi, a former Minister of Health and currently President of the Nigeria Academy of Pharmacy, made these remarks at a recent investiture of new Fellows of the Academy.

  • Politics of oil and national development

    Politics of oil and national development

    By Mike Kebonkwu

    According to the Organizations of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), Nigeria ranks 7th on list of crude oil production globally from the  6th position previously.  This is not a poor ranking by any means even though we could have fared better; with the heist in the system supervised by the operators. With all the oil wealth, Nigeria remains poor and under-developed. The poverty and under-development of the country is not caused by lack of deposits of natural resources. Nigeria sits on the underbelly of huge mineral deposits in huge commercial quantity across the geo-political zones. Our Bent Crude is one of the finest in quality and cost, raking in huge revenue.

    On November 23, the federal government rolled out the drums as President Muhammadu Buhari commissioned an Oil field in Kolmani in commercial quantity near Bauchi – Gombe borders.  The commissioning was signposted as one of the greatest achievements of the Buhari APC-led government at the twilight of its tenure. The Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) is responsible for the management of the petroleum industry.

    The NNPC is one of the state run bureaucracies of the federal government with hefty pay check for the civil servants under the ministry. It is a preferred department of government that earns arguably the highest or most competitive salary in the country.  Civil servants and workers in the department earn their salaries and promotions regularly like their counterparts in other ministries. There are also regular recruitments and appointments in the department without production.

    Since 2011, Nigeria has suffered perennial scarcity of gasoline with progressive acute intensity in succeeding years.  People queuing for hours on end at the petrol stations to top up are a regular feature. Since the turn up of this year in early February, fuel scarcity has become phenomenal and biting. Matter is made worse by government mute indifference with humungous sums on fuel subsidy. The ordinary Nigerians have developed limitless capacity to absolving pains and hardship visited on the country by bad leadership and a clique of the elite.

    And on top of it all, the president who doubles as the Minister of Petroleum, whose portfolio he kept to himself for inexplicable reason has never had the presence of mind to address the problem.  For the junior Minister of Petroleum who is from one of the oil-producing states, the office is a mere share of political cake in recognition of his position and contributions to his party’s victory.  Everything about the Nigerian oil industry is shrouded in doubts and speculations.  The only verifiable and empirical fact about Nigeria oil industry is that we have four refineries.  Nobody has told us the state of the refineries, whether they are producing refined products at all and at what capacity.  The same is true of the subsidy; no figure is placed on the amount of subsidy which is a matter of conjectures; no data, no statistics. The wage bills are not known, including the ghost workers.  Nigeria has become a badly mismanaged project.

    We have taken the waste and mismanagement of the country as normal without questioning, and without protest.  We are not blessed with the grace to demand for accountability from our leaders.  Rather, we go about on the streets venting anger on one another that are equal victims of the exploitation and oppression of the ruling elite.  We know what our problems are, and we know who are responsible for it but we prefer to inundate God with supplications night and day to come down and carry our cross. We may weep and cry but that cross will remain with us until we take step to remove the cyst and scale from our eyes and break the chains of servitude that we are wearing like beautiful ornaments.

    Why are you paying salaries to workers whose department do not provide services for which they are employed?  What are you promoting them for?  What is the basis of their assessments?

    The discovery of oil in Nigeria has become an anathema and a story of pathos. The moment oil was discovered, the Nigerian state closed its eyes to every other potential sources of wealth and revenue to the country.  We also abandoned agriculture, leaving it only as a means of subsistence for rural folks. Nigeria sits on the underbelly of huge mineral resources across the country in all the geo-political zones. The mineral deposits in the country can drive the entire world and provide wealth to Nigerians, but we have ignored all. The mineral deposits in the North alone can sustain the biggest economy in the world.  It has been left to non-state actors and free for all; fuelling banditry and insurgency in that geopolitical zone.

    All the oil wealth in the south and Niger Delta region has left it in a state of despoliation and damaged ecosystem, militant agitation, restiveness and irreversible pollution. Today, most of the oil producing communities in the Niger Delta have been submerged under flood and the people have lost all their lives earnings and live in IDP camps.

    Some analysts have described President Buhari’s commissioning of the Kolmani Oil field as a strategic masterstroke in geo-political balancing that would douse agitations for resource control and true federalism.  That is balderdash! You may discover oil in every household in the country today; it is not going to translate to national wealth and improvement in the living standard or condition of the people if we do not break ties with this type of rapacious government and ruling elite with the appetite of anaconda.

    The oil we have before now, what have we done with it?  It is good that the NNPC is prospecting for oil in every backyard and like Mungo Park, and has discovered oil in Kolmani river basin.  I pray that you do not take my argument out of context.  If we discover oil in every household it is good; and so what?  Give 13% derivative to the host communities, yes!  So there is oil in the North, yes! We can now negotiate with it in national discourse as contributing to government revenue; to what end?

    For one year running, there is scarcity of petrol in the entire country with intermittent supply.  There is arbitrary hiking of price of the product at the whims and intuition of the marketers. For all that you may care to know, the Kolmani project and the oil wells may have been shared in the usual sweet-heart deals to government officials and their cronies.

    Commuting to anywhere in Nigeria and mass transit of people, even for daily survival to their work places is traumatizing, including intra-city.  People who have private cars can hardly fuel their vehicles due to scarcity of petrol.  Whenever there is availability, you spend an upward of three hours at least where you have to buy at the government price.  Otherwise you are sentenced to go and buy at the “black-market stations” selling petrol at the suffocating price of N250.00 per litre to N300.00 per litre. Railway services are not available throughout the country and for the few places that have the privilege of rail lines that are operational, the fare is out of the reach of the ordinary citizens, go and check.

    We are at a breaking point and the solution is not in transcendental or ecclesiastic supplications. Praying to God is good but God said that He will bless the work of our hands.  Man can only remove the chain of his captivity with his own hand.  It may not be broken by fasting and prayer alone if we do not take step to remove it. Let us leave this appeal and recoil to ethnicity and religion. The elite are united in their grip and hold over us; they do not show religious or ethnic differences when they allocate huge allowances and salaries to themselves at the National Assembly. They celebrate together, not across religious lines or ethnic divide.  We should borrow sense now that it appears we are still thinking and ignore the oil politics.  Kolmani oil project is not going to transmute to good governance.

    • Kebonkwu Esq writes from Abuja.

  • What the world can learn from Brazil’s shifting stance on science

    What the world can learn from Brazil’s shifting stance on science

    In 2010, Brazil’s economy was booming, students were entering higher education institutions at unprecedented rates, and quality research output was soaring.

    At the time, I was visiting the country as a physics Ph.D. student, and I was struck by the enthusiastic optimism of the Brazilian researchers I met. Backed by increased government investment in science, they felt they were part of Brazil’s long-term transformation into a scientific and technological powerhouse, and a budding international hub of innovation.

    Times have certainly changed.

    Since 2014, Brazil has gone through a recession and a dramatic shift in governance that has led to a brutal devaluing of science and education. Funding for public universities and research institutes has been slashed by 90 percent. Laboratories have closed, scholarship funding has been cut, and young researchers have fled the country to pursue professional opportunities elsewhere. When I returned in 2021, the optimism I had initially seen was largely gone.

    Brazilians recently voted out far-right President Jair Bolsonaro, who was elected in 2018 and whose administration spearheaded many of the cuts to scientific funding, in favor of Luiz Inácio “Lula” da Silva, who previously served as president between 2003 and 2010. Lula’s election has restored some cautious optimism to the scientific community in Brazil, who hope that, despite challenging economic circumstances and sociopolitical obstacles, he will reinvest in science.

     

    Whether that happens remains to be seen. But Brazil offers other countries a case study on why scientific investment matters — and the consequences when it’s deprioritized.

    Before 2014, Brazil was investing heavily in education, research, technology, and innovation that touched all levels of society. Social programs incentivized poorer families to educate their children while state-funded programs offered students hundreds of thousands of new scholarships for private higher education institutions. The public university system was also broadened to less developed parts of Brazil, with 16 new federal universities established between 2003 and 2014. A pursuit of higher education and a scientific career in Brazil seemed more accessible than ever before.

    The investment appeared to be paying off. Research and innovation across the scientific spectrum expanded, while a new crop of young Brazilians trained to advance science, technology, and environmental protection. Public-private partnerships fostered large fundamental research endeavors like the Sirius Synchrotron particle accelerator, and a real-time satellite monitoring system was curbing deforestation in the Amazon.

    Maybe the most illustrative example of Brazil’s erstwhile optimism was the fourth National Conference on Science, Technology, and Innovation for Sustainable Development, which was held in Brasilia, the country’s capital, the same year of my first visit. I didn’t attend, but the former president of Brazil’s Academy of Sciences, physicist Luiz Davidovich, who helped coordinate the conference, told me about the buzz around Brazil’s growing influence and potential. “It was an amazing conference, multidisciplinary and inclusive of all sectors of society,” he said.

    Brazil was also becoming increasingly connected to the global scientific community. Government-funded programs like Science Without Borders helped send tens of thousands of young Brazilian scientists abroad, while more foreign scientists, such as myself, came to Brazil to collaborate.

    From those first visits — where I collaborated with other physicists and met scientists from a range of disciplines — I came to see Brazilian researchers as important long-term partners for working on regional multidisciplinary and intercultural projects, for example research and initiatives on decentralized energy and water quality monitoring for off-grid communities.

    But a complex combination of an economic downturn, a massive corruption scandal, fiscal conservatism policies, and anti-scientific populist rhetoric has led to Brazil’s pronounced and shortsighted shift towards disinvesting and devaluing science — and has made such collaborations far more difficult. Widespread disinformation has also catapulted anti-scientific ideologies into the mainstream in Brazil, and large portions of Brazilian society now distrust science and education.

    The socioecological consequences of disinvesting and undermining science are profound. In addition to impairing university and laboratory infrastructure, the continued funding cuts to research and higher education institutions put Brazil at risk of losing an entire generation of scientific talent.

    Physicist Marcelo Knobel explained to me that due to severely limited opportunities for pursuing careers at home, young researchers are leaving Brazil in a massive brain drain that jeopardizes the country’s potential to innovate and build technological prowess both in Brazil and beyond. Lost scholarships have the greatest impact on the poorest students as well, further breeding societal inequities.

    Meanwhile millions of students are losing an interest in education and science, something that Davidovich calls an “internal brain drain.” Paulo Artaxo, an environmental physicist at São Paulo University, explained the situation to me this way: “The lost funds make work very difficult, but the lost minds make it nearly impossible.”

    These effects have global ramifications, as the bioculturally diverse Brazilian Amazon — one of our strongest assets in the fight against climate change — has been a notable victim of Brazil’s recent anti-scientific, anti-Indigenous, and pro-agribusiness policy and rhetoric.

    An illustrative example came in 2019 when the then-director of Brazil’s space agency, INPE, plasma physicist Ricardo Galvão, was forced to defend his agency’s internationally respected deforestation monitoring and alert system, DETER, against anti-scientific slander. Between 2004 and 2012, Galvão told me, the system helped lower deforestation rates by around 80 percent. But in recent years the agency has been defunded and obstructed, and deforestation has skyrocketed. (Bolsonaro fired Galvão after his impassioned defense.)

    As INPE’s previous success helps show, investing in science and technology is critical to the Amazon’s long-term survival. This investment clearly cannot depend solely on fickle governments and variable funding. The stakes are far too high.

    Alternative pathways to funding scientific research are needed. For example, Brazilian Earth system scientist Carlos Nobre is currently working with international partners, including MIT and Fraunhofer Institute, to pioneer the plurinational Amazonia Institute of Technology in order to reduce dependence on government funding while furthering biodiversity-driven research and innovation in the region for its long-term survival. Such endeavors benefit us all. The world depends on the Amazon rainforest’s ability to absorb carbon dioxide now more than ever.

    In facing global challenges, science should take an expansive view, and include not only the natural sciences, but also data-driven social sciences, holistic ecological and complex systems sciences, as well as the robust knowledge systems of traditional peoples.

    Science can be a common language of interdisciplinary and intercultural dialogue that can foster understanding and innovation, and address a multitude of complex socioecological issues that our increasingly divided world is facing.

    Anti-scientific rhetoric and misinformation, on the other hand, breeds a polarized environment where reality becomes subjective and science is categorically mistrusted and devalued. This in turn makes it easier to confuse, disinterest or even foster hostility towards science, to discredit scientists, and to allow governments to defund research and innovation. This destructive process has overtly played out over the last four years in Brazil under Bolsonaro, as it has in many other parts of the world, including, of course, the United States.

    While it is true that the present anti-scientific trends across the world have been driven in large part by extreme right-wing political factions like Bolsonaro’s, the left also contains progressive and populist factions that seem increasingly disinterested with evidence. Science should be a unifying pillar and inherently nonpartisan.

    An informed and scientifically literate society must demand sustainable development based on science, with the understanding that science is a dynamic process of truth-seeking that often cannot provide the certainty that politicians and the public crave. Evidence and circumstances evolve, necessitating dialogue and possible changes in policy.

    Investment in science is a pillar for any dynamic, equitable modern society. Valuing science at all levels of society can help foster innovation, dialogue, understanding, and consensus that crosses disciplinary and cultural boundaries.

    Whether Brazil, the U.S. or any other country defunds, attacks, or ignores science, devaluing research and innovation is detrimental to the long-term well-being of any modern society, as well as for the interconnected global community.

     

    • This article was first published in www.undark.org

     

     

    By Daniel Henryk Rasolt

  • Beyond 2023 and the path to recovery

    Beyond 2023 and the path to recovery

    By Charles Onunaiju

    By all estimates, the elections scheduled for February 2023 especially the presidential poll will be a defining moment for Nigeria. It will be the second time since 1999 that an incumbent would not be on the ballot and whosoever is elected, whether from the ruling or other opposition parties, would be a defining moment in Nigeria’s political history. While the outcome of the 2023 elections would add to the reputation of the country in deepening civilian-led political process, the emerging trends of widening misery and poverty, amidst contentious and even acrimonious civic bond, would bring enormous strains and constrain the generation of enabling consensus to heal post-election contestations.

    However, a deeper and broader challenge is to govern in a way that is radically different from the routine we are all familiar. The imperative to govern in a different way is simply because the familiar routine of governing have proved totally unable to engage the existential challenges that have bedevilled the country and even exacerbated the crises. Traditional apparatus and other formal institutions of governance have also been unable to generate vital mechanisms for efficient service delivery to the generality of Nigerians. They need not be disbanded as that would amount to overthrowing the constitution but adroit, intelligent and patriotic leadership in post-2023 election can creatively explore the constitutional ambit to build shadowy smart platform to generate efficiencies and competencies necessary to deliver on the transformation of Nigeria.

    Nigeria’s most insidious cankerworm that have viciously thwarted the best of intentions and even the correct policy measures is the endemic presence of vested interests at every turn of Nigeria’s effort to translate her famed potentials in to concrete aggregates for sustainable development. The whole gamut of existing institutions from the formal centres of power – executive, legislature and judiciary and the bureaucracy to the departments and agencies are all victims of manipulating and vicious vested interests, The stranglehold of vicious interest in all the country’s traditional state institutions demands in objective terms, a revolutionary cleansing requiring the complete overthrow of the state  But, such revolutionary upheaval is not only impossible but even undesirable because its consequences are usually beyond the scope and managerial competence of its progenitors. But something more thorough going than the chaos of revolutionary upheaval is possible to clean the Nigeria’s Augean stable.

    Gladiators of all sorts are priming and positioning themselves in all the political parties especially the major ones to negotiate themselves into vintage state and public institutions with the baggage of vested interests for which they are mere surrogates. In every step and in all circumstances as experience has shown, protection and advancement of these vested interests are the characteristic and defining nature of public office holding in contemporary Nigeria. The extensive, pervasive and corrosive influence and impact of vested interests have completely hollowed out traditional institutions of the state, deprived them of capacity, integrity, credibility and competence to act in the public interest. While they exist and are maintained with public resources, they are distracted and incapacitated by vested special interests.

    Read Also: 2023 Presidency: Early predictions and scenarios (5)

    In the context of the contemporary Nigeria, where special vested interests reign supreme, rules, procedures, norms and even laws are converted to provincial ordinances reduced to the subjective preferences selectively and meekly applied to the pleasure of the powerful. The traditional demarcation of making, interpreting and executing the laws designed to bolster and strengthen the efficiency of governance through both institutional independence and collaboration in functions have been sullied and compromised. While influence peddling is a feature of public life almost everywhere in the world, there may be nowhere in the world where it has so malignantly affected public institutions and so thoroughly vitiated their capacity to render and deliver services to the people than in Nigeria.

    The reality in contemporary Nigeria is that pockets of special vested interest has overthrown the constitutional order, hollowed out the substance of public interest, and left them as glorified shells, only good for viewing. Everything that is purportedly done in the open and supposedly in the best of public interests have actually been negotiated and traded in the secret. Public office holders who enforce rules and regulate various sectoral actors are themselves key bidders, and major actors.

    With the virtual overthrow of the constitutional order and due process under the suzerainty of special vested interests, Nigeria’s manifest destiny to inspire the black race and lead Africa has remained a pipe dream despite obvious potential both in human and material resources. The early gains of post-independence Nigeria in establishing a virile public service and a responsible political process have been summarily reversed.

    The election scheduled for first quarter of 2023, will not automatically recover the famished fate of the country, but any one among the contestants who win, can make a decision to hold down the haemorrhage and turn the tide.

    To seek to confront vested interest and their powerful practitioners is not an option. Persuading them either to give up the privileged vintage position will be exercise in futility. But because they are banal and vain, they can be tricked as their ego can be massaged to irrelevance.

    As they have stomped the country, seeking votes on behalf of different candidates with a view to being catapulted into public office as ministers, and other choice and key offices.

    While letting the political jobbers fill all the designated positions to their satisfaction of having summarily captured the state institutions, a wise and patriotic leader determined to break jinx can create a shadow cabinet within the ambit of the law. A presidential Think Tank, a long overdue summon of the country’s intellectual capital, composed of thinkers and scholars in broad range of disciplines, prepared to work with little or no visibility and modest emolument can work to seek mechanisms, device informal rules and develop templates for dismantling the sovereign impunity of vested interests without courting the mortal peril of confronting them or breaching the constitution.

    When the famed boundless energy of Nigerians is unleashed in a true republic when public institutions are genuinely primed to serve the public, the transformative impact of a Nigeria that is awakened would be far more reaching than the celebrated Asian dragon, the awakened Peoples Republic of China.

    2023 can bring about more of the same or can be truly a defining moment. But Nigeria’s defining moment cannot come if there is no radical break with the old way of doing things and neither would total disruptions set us on the path of recovery.

    • Onunaiju is a research director of an Abuja Think Tank.

  • Conferences such as COP27 are nothing more than elite junkets

    Conferences such as COP27 are nothing more than elite junkets

    By Christopher Rutledge

    The venue of the 27th United Nations Conference of the Parties (COP27) on Climate Change, held in the ultra-luxury Egyptian resort of Sharm-el-Sheikh, points to at least half of what is wrong with such elite junkets.

    As expected, COP27 was an exercise in avoidance and blame-shifting, where the world’s largest fossil fuel polluters, the oil and gas industry, got away scot-free. The Egyptian government was openly striking oil and gas deals on the side-lines of what is meant to be an anti-climate change conference. Other fossil fuel-dependent states did the same, each mounting spirited defences of its own poison; coal for India, oil for Saudi Arabia, gas for Russia, and so on.

    This, essentially, is the problem with elite conferencing as the primary tool to address the problems caused by the behaviour of the elites themselves.

    As the elites of national governments, business and civil society fly around the world to debate “The Climate Crisis”, it remains women in rural and peri-urban areas, who play key roles as food producers and caregivers, that ultimately face the reality of this crisis.

    Many depend on natural resources for their livelihoods, so extreme climate-related droughts, flooding and other disasters disproportionately affect women’s health, food security and livelihoods.

    In places where mining and extractive industries produce greenhouse gases and associated chemicals that cause severe environmental problems, women often bear an unequal share of the social, economic and environmental risk.

    Contamination of farmland destroys their livelihoods and forces many women into dependent relationships, which exacerbate the pandemic of gender-based violence and femicide. Mining pollution also threatens women’s reproductive health, resulting in higher rates of miscarriage and children born with abnormalities.

    Emerging from all these underlying social pathologies is the realisation that the climate crisis is a direct consequence of the capitalist political economy, which produces at least four types of externalisation of costs, in a process which socialises the costs of doing business but privatises the profits.

    Read Also: Echoes from COP27

    The costs to society take the form of extraction of surpluses, both economic and thermodynamic, as:

    1) A social debt to dispossessed host communities;

    2) A social debt to inadequately paid workers;

    3) A social debt to women family caregivers; and

    4) An ecological debt drawn on nature.

    Proceeding from the understanding that we cannot solve our problems with the same thinking we used when we created them, it is reasonable to suggest that addressing these problems requires a new paradigm in which we toss out the flawed bias towards economic imperatives of privatised profits and socialising of costs in the ways we assess costs and benefits.

    The climate debate should then at the very least lay a foundation to catalyse a genuine just transformation of financing, extraction, production, transport and distribution, consumption, and disposal systems.

    A corporate-led or corporate-biased, profit-oriented, renewable energy system (solar, aggro-fuel and large hydro), which does not present a real alternative to traditional fossil-based energy, is already causing large-scale land dispossession and exclusion.

    The issue of climate change is integrally linked to democracy. The link between nature and society manifests through the ways in which large corporations in the minerals and energy sector have historically shaped (and continue to shape) the politics and economics of modern South Africa. The extraction of surplus value from exploration, mining, processing, distributing, subsidising and consuming of energy is often prioritised above the interests of marginalised people, leaving a legacy of destruction and poverty wherever these activities are carried out.

    The interests of large corporations are used to shape legislation that dictates the way in which we live, the way in which we are governed and the way in which we organise our economy, including the way we produce and consume.

    An approach to the climate crisis that does not seek to reshape the way that societal priorities are identified and developed will inevitably lead to a continuation of the same patterns of extracting surplus value, which has devastated the planet and subjected millions to poverty.

    A critical focus of our plans to address the climate crisis in a just and equitable way must ensure that global priorities and local realities are able to participate in dialogues that recognise the importance of each. Decisions taken at the local level have a significant contribution to make towards the resolution of the global crisis. But by the same token, decisions that are taken at a global level have consequences at the local level.

    Informing, educating and working with people who are both marginalised and directly affected by climate change, are critical to addressing the egregious structural violence that continues to legitimise patterns of disadvantage, such as racial and gender inequality.

    Despite the high-level hoopla about broad discussions on the Climate Change Bill and plans for renewable energy projects, the reality is that the process is still essentially an elitist one, which is biased towards private business interests and has failed to produce a different set of economic metrics through which the current crisis response could contribute towards a more just society.

    Instead, it is clear that what is on offer now is deeply corrupted by the same old paradigms that, in South Africa, produced the most unequal society in the world.

    • This article, culled from Mail & Guardian, was originally published on November 30.

  • My Ethiopia-Tigray experience and the road to peace

    My Ethiopia-Tigray experience and the road to peace

    By Olusegun Obasanjo 

    Over the last 15 months, I have been working as High Representative of African Union in the Horn of Africa to promote peace, security and stability. Because of its strategic position and the conflict raging in its northern region of Tigray, the focus and fulcrum has been Ethiopia.

    After receiving my mandate from the chairperson of AU Commission, Ambassador Moussa Faki Mahamat, I set out to seek the point of entry into a conflict which dates back to Solomonic times in the Bible or back to 2018 when Prime Minister Ahmed Abiy assumed office, depending on whom you are talking to.

    Whatever the history, background or remote causes of the civil war in Tigray region, its immediate cause was not unconnected with the assumption of office by Prime Minister Abiy and the reaction of Tigray leadership to what they perceived as the policies and programs of the prime minister. The last straw was the alleged attack on the northern command of the Ethiopian Army located in Tigray by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF).

    On Nov. 4, 2020, the TPLF attacked the Ethiopian Defence Forces garrison in Tigray. In response, Prime Minister Abiy ordered what was labelled “law and order action” to punish the alleged impunity of TPLF. The war raged for two years devastatingly and directly over four regions in Ethiopia – Tigray, Amhara Afar, Oromia. There was no part of the country that did not feel the effect of the war  in one way or the other.

    Some of the neighbours of Ethiopia such as Eritrea and Sudan had their part in the war directly and indirectly, and all countries in the Horn were impacted indirectly by the social, economic and political fallout.

    The destruction caused in the Tigray region which was the main theatre of the war was very high in human and material losses. It has been estimated that no fewer than 600,000 people died directly in battle or as a result of disease and the lack of access to humanitarian aid.

    Read Also: If Nigeria were a business, Obasanjo would be CEO, says Ali Modu Sheriff

    If destruction of lives caused directly and indirectly in other parts of Ethiopia particularly in Amhara, Afar, and Oromia is added, the estimated total lives lost in Ethiopia civil war would be close to one million. The cost of the reconstruction and rehabilitation of private and public properties and institutions has been estimated at about $25 billion.

    To the quantifiable loss of lives and properties and other material losses must be added the unquantifiable losses of opportunities occasioned by the war. The cost of the destruction of trust and the breakdown of relationships within and without the country is high and will take years, if not decades, to fully rebuild.

    As I traversed the country consulting with regional leaders and stakeholders in all walks of life, I observed and felt the impact of the destruction and losses at close quarters. I witnessed the wailing and crying of those who had lost loved ones, the sites of mass graves. The frustration, anger, and desperation caused by war was everywhere to be seen.

    At the same time, I encountered local and foreign people — particularly community leaders and people in the civil society – working tirelessly to give help, hope, succour and life to victims and those in need.

    From the beginning of the civil war in November 2020, there were efforts made at the local, regional, continental and global levels to stop the violence and the accompanying losses. There were efforts by different groups at the national level to prevent degeneration into wars. There were similar efforts at bilateral and regional levels. And when the war began, greater efforts were mounted by friends of Ethiopia and Tigray people to bring about cessation of hostilities, unhindered humanitarian access, the restoration of services, and the search for political solutions to Ethiopia’s conflict.

    Refusing to be discouraged, I continued with visits, consultations, and discussions to get face to start talks between the Federal Government of Ethiopia and the leadership of Tigray people.

    After eight months of intense shuttle diplomacy, including eight visits to Mekelle, capital of Tigray, and the chairperson of AU Commission enlarging my panel with addition of former President Uhuru Kenyatta of Kenya and former Deputy President Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka of South Africa, we finally succeeded.

    A peace agreement was signed by the delegates and representatives of the Ethiopian Federal Government, TPLF and the Tigray people on November 2.

    After five days of intense discussions in Nairobi Kenya in November, the military commanders agreed on modalities for the implementation of the cessation of hostilities agreement.

    Any pessimist can dig holes in the agreement, undermine it and try to prevent it from being implemented. But no agreement between two belligerents for peace will ever be regarded as perfect by all because it must, necessarily, be based on compromise.

    We can, however, strive for perfection in the implementation of the agreement in order to achieve the objectives of peace, security, constitutionality, stability, welfare and well-being, development, and progress of all concerned, especially the ordinary people of Ethiopia no matter where they live.

    The agreement must be implemented in good faith, on the basis of peace with honour and dignity, constitutionality and stability.  Peace deals function on building trust, and that trust has to be nurtured, layered and reinforced from inside and outside.

    All leaders of Ethiopia and all Ethiopians with their neighbours, partners and friends must join hands and accept the truth that there is ‘no victor, no vanquished’ if the possibility of peace, common security and shared prosperity, development and progress for all concerned is to be realized.

    The peace agreement and its implementation must be owned by the leaders and people of Ethiopia. The panel and the observers are mere facilitators, there to provide a guiding hand if needed.

    • President Obasanjo is the African Union’s envoy to the Horn of Africa and oversaw the peace talks in Ethiopia.

  • End violence against women and save $1.5 trillion a year

    End violence against women and save $1.5 trillion a year

    By Commonwealth Secretary-General, The Rt Hon Patricia Scotland KC

    As we head towards the end of the year, many of us will soon be surrounded by our family and friends sitting around dinner tables as we celebrate the festive season. Looking around the table and reflecting on the fact that, on average, every third woman you see will have experienced sexual or physical abuse at some point in their lives.

    This violence is not a remote act happening in other people’s homes, it lives all around an uninvited guest at the table. It thrives on secrecy, infiltrating homes, communities and workplaces. Yet we are nowhere near an appropriate global response that addresses the scale of this problem. If we are serious about tackling this issue, we cannot continue down the same path, or we will rob ourselves and women around the world of the future and life they deserve.

    Violence against women and girls is not only one of the most pervasive human rights violations, but it also has significant economic costs. And this is proven, the global economy loses $1.5 trillion every year due to the consequences of violence against women, ranging from money spent in hospitals or on law enforcement through to the income lost when victims miss work.

    Experience shows us that these alarming figures tend to rise during crises. We recently witnessed an up to 300 per cent increase in domestic violence during the pandemic. Encouragingly, many governments and organisations took robust measures to stem the rising tide of violence. But as the pandemic recedes, the attention towards ending violence is fading with it. We are sleepwalking back into our old ways and failed practices, which the pandemic has demonstrated as ineffective, exposing too many women to men’s violence.

    We know violence can be prevented. Studies show that investing in preventive solutions generates multiple returns, yet the continuing economic cost of violence demonstrates that most of our resources go towards intervening after the abuse has happened rather than preventing it from occurring in the first place. This is a much more costly approach, particularly at a time when global growth is slowing sharply, which is escalating poverty and hurting public spending on social services. If we resort to business as usual, the cascading effects will expose more women to violence while shrinking revenues will hinder the capacity of social services to adequately support victims.

    This week, as we observe the 16 Days of Activism Against Gender-based Violence campaign, we have an opportunity to commit to a fundamental shift, one that puts the prevention of violence and the inequalities that enable it, at the core of our collective efforts. Doing so is both a moral imperative and smart economics. Countries could use the resources saved through prevention to invest in achieving greater gender equality and make a bold step forward to achieving their commitments under the Sustainable Development Goals.

    Read Also: Peace Ambassadors task world leaders on laws to protect women against violence

    In the Commonwealth, we are working with our 56 member countries to accelerate efforts towards addressing violence against women and girls with a focus on prevention. In particular, we developed a pioneering tool that makes a strong economic case for addressing violence by measuring how a country loses when it does not act to prevent it. The tool helps countries measure the full extent of the issue, analyse the data and provide cost-effective solutions to improve the overall response to ending violence.

    Recently our work in Seychelles revealed for the first time that the country loses 4.6 per cent of its gross domestic product to violence against women and girls. It further outlined system-wide responses to tackle violence, including through policies to safeguard victims, improve women’s financial independence and promote non-judgemental frontline services. We have since been supporting Seychelles in implementing multi-agency measures, including a new domestic violence act, designed to prevent and respond to violence.

    While violence in itself is enough reason to act, knowing the accompanying economic cost offers a powerful argument to propel governments, businesses and individuals into further action. It demonstrates that when an act of violence occurs, we all lose, and emphasises that ending it is in everyone’s interest. We urge countries to consider measuring the economic cost of violence as an annual exercise to evaluate the efficacy of their action and build on the findings to strengthen their response towards eliminating this violation.

    We also need to remember that this is men’s violence, and we need to involve them in the prevention and intervention efforts as active allies. In this regard, we are complementing our policy response with steadfast advocacy. Armed with an array of easy-to-use advocacy resources, our Commonwealth Says NO MORE campaign takes a culturally sensitive, bottom-up approach towards engaging individuals, communities and businesses in raising awareness against gender-based violence, involving grassroots leaders to counter harmful social norms and training bystanders to effectively intervene.

    Therefore, any intervention will be in vain if it is not backed up by decisive action from everyone, starting from making our homes safe, to our communities, to our workplaces and to our countries. Now is not a time to sideline this issue. Now, more than ever, is a time for a smart, targeted global response to violence against women and girls that puts out the wildfire of violence and sows the seeds of lasting peace for all. And if not now, when?

  • No virgin on the political turf

    No virgin on the political turf

    By Mike Kebonkwu

    The dominant national discourse and conversation until May 29, 2023 would be the presidential election. It is going to be about the three leading candidates, who they are and what they are not.  A time comes in the life of a nation or a man that he has to tell himself the home truth; such time is now for Nigeria.  We have to stop blaming others and everything else and take a deep look at ourselves.  If we do not like the image of ourselves in our reflection, breaking the mirror is not an option as that will not change us, but to change ourselves and who we are.  We are still struggling today, not with our consciences though but our appetite on the choice of who becomes the next president, come 2023 in a month or two from now. The leading candidates of the three frontline political parties are fairly well known and they are eminently qualified in their own rights.  It is not the moral worth of the contestants that would define their leadership qualities.  I am not sure that there is any saint in the pack assuming the demon in the State House can be exorcised.

    Put on the same scale and X-rayed on the same lens, the choice should not be difficult if we are fair-minded people, which we are not from our past and antecedents. The race is sitting on tripod that has always defined our politics against the three major ethnic nationalities.  Nigeria has been a hostage since independence driven by some surrogate power cult and cabal that arrogate ownership of the nation to itself.  We are at a critical juncture that the citizens of this country have to take back possession and drive the nation to calm waters if we do not want a tsunami to rock our boat of nationhood to disaster.

    The contest is fiercely fought subconsciously on religion and tribal affiliations and less on competence, performance and records.  Contestants and supporters are ready to fight dirty because there is no morality in politics.  The social and mainstream media are awash with deliberate misinformation, falsehood and outright lies just to undo opponents.  The weapon and powers of who becomes the next president of the federal republic lie with the electorate, assuming that our votes will truly count and the electoral umpires live up to their bidding to deliver free, fair and credible election as they have continued to assure Nigerians.  We are hopeful no doubt because it is doable even in the midst of bare-faced political banditry of desperate politicians who employ every means possible, including ballot rigging, buying, stuffing and snatching to win elections.

    Read Also: Political theatre in Nigeria

    The wheat has been sifted from the chaff and the serious contenders have been separated from the pack of pretenders who are participating just to add to their curriculum vitae (CV) as presidential aspirants, or candidates.  The ruling class has the same pedigree and DNA whether the old, and not so old amongst them.  The presidential race has thrown up a difficult choice indeed, like the proverbial course of a choice between the devil and the deep blue sea.  Head or tail, there is a choice to be made because we are not going to get a candidate from Mars.

    The political parties have selected their flagbearers to the duel principally on political calculations of winning formula to give them advantage over opponents.  Again we will wait and see with bated breath the wisdom in such choices.  Even though there is no independent candidacy in our electoral law, individuals’ track record of public service and performance will come to play in the forthcoming elections especially, at the presidential poll.  There have been bazaars of endorsements by prominent Nigerians, tribal groups and socio-cultural organizations some of them honest and others on the wings of crass opportunism.  Again, endorsement is not always conclusive or translates to votes on election.

    The gladiators have engaged hirelings and foul mouthed, uncouth political jobbers with verbal diarrhoea like attack dogs to unleash diatribe and venom of unsubstantiated trash to rubbish and de-market opponents.  Some of these political contractors are well bred with good learning but little principle, integrity and esteem who only ply the trade of surrogate goons. Nigeria is a vast political field that has traversed rough routes strewn with banana peels that have limited its growth and development.  Our politics is not ideologically based and after 62 years, the country has remained a vast open field laid waste by political locusts and buccaneers. The foundation of yesterday is responsible for the failing structures of today where leaders promote ethnicity and religion and incite hatred and resentment against an entire ethnic nationality for the wrong reasons.  Our unity is very superficial and skin deep only to sustain the bureaucracy of exploitation of the natural resources.

    We have not overcome the primordial attachment to ethno-religious loyalty over and above pan Nigeria superstructure.  For every public office you go today, you are most likely going to be confronted with the  Nigerian malaise of nepotism and mediocrity.  We just saw the example of the Director General of the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) who rose to the rank of a Brigadier General in the Nigerian Army, a numskull.   This is how we have promoted mediocrity in public service and institutions of the state.  There is no deliberate promotion of national culture or consciousness because there is none anyway.

    2023 is about the soul of the nation.  Yes, we need honest, credible leader with integrity who will see the entire country as his constituency.  We do not have a saint amongst the contestants. It is not possible to get a virgin in the cult of prostitutes in a country condemned to political whoredom.  Nigeria is not working and we have to do everything to get the right person to fix it.  It is a choice between appetite, emotion or competence to re-calibrate the failing structure.  We cannot go and hire multinational corporations to run our complex bureaucracy. The candidates are individuals fairly well known and it is therefore for us to decide whether we want to hand the country over to someone who will merchandize our national assets to his friends as sweetheart deals in compensation for political patronage.

    The greatest of the concern is actually with the electorate who are hoodwinked to believe that it is about our ethnic nationality and religion, to vote for “our own” not on merit, competence, integrity or performance.  We are not building consensus to integrating our people into one big Nigerian family through honest political leadership. If we make it cash-and-carry as usual by selling our PVCs or votes to the highest bidders, then we should be prepared for the consequences. We have been running Nigeria in deficit; we are not able to harness our rich natural endowments and human resource   because of the same political choice and behaviour. We should not expect a different result if we refused to embrace a change of attitude in the next elections.

    Why is it possible for Nigerians in Diaspora to excel and do exploits at global stage and we cannot replicate the same feat in our own country?  We cannot even feed ourselves and pay bills without compromising and yet people are still falling head over heel for the same locusts to come and afflict us a second time, continue!  The office of the Nigerian Presidency is so huge with limitless power that anyone occupying the office must have capacity to take criticisms, including bitter criticism objectively and yet be focused without distraction.  We are not to appeal to traditional deities and affinities.

    The opportunity beckons as in the immortal words of the inimitable Williams Shakespeare in the ever green drama, Julius Caesar, “There is a tide in the affairs of men which taken at the flood, leads on to fortune; omitted, all the voyage of their life is bound in shallows and in miseries.  On such a full sea are we now afloat and we must take the current when it serves or lose our ventures”.

    This is what is on offer to Nigeria come 2023 and I do not know any better way to draw our attention of what lies ahead and the times we are in our national odyssey.

    • Kebonkwu Esq is an Abuja-based attorney.