The Nation Newspaper

Category: Commentaries

  • Death at the threshold of life

    Death at the threshold of life

    • By Kene Obiezu

    Sir: Some days ago, Nigerians were shocked by the heart-breaking story of how one Kemi Folajimi, a pregnant woman died because her husband could not afford the sum of N500,000 upfront at a private hospital in Lagos. They were directed to the General Hospital in Epe but the woman did not survive the journey.

    The woman has gone down as one more victim in a country that is struggling badly at the moment.

    As with every crisis that affects society, women in their role as caregivers have been most affected by the current economic crisis in Nigeria. In making their homes in these tough times, women are faced with a barrage of questions about how to make things work and how to keep the ship from breaking with meagre resources. It is taxing even the most industrious of women.

    This unbearable pressure is proving especially backbreaking for women who have to bring forth new life in addition to  making their homes, and being tasked with contributing to the growth and development of the society, all  while remaining invisible.

    For women in Nigeria, risk does not just come from the unpredictability of a society that is heavily and unjustifiably parochial; risk is also very present in childbirth. In a country where women are made to shoulder all manner of burdens, conception, pregnancy, childbirth and post-natal period carry grave risks.

    Nigeria’s healthcare system is broken. It has been broken for a while. Indeed, Nigeria’s decline as a country began when its health and education systems began to break down simultaneously.

    For many poor Nigerians, and there are many, many illnesses are life-threatening, not because they are not treatable, but because medical care is either inaccessible or too expensive.

    It is even worse for Nigerians in rural areas where primary healthcare centres lie in ruins.

    Amidst rising cost of goods and services, how are families expected to cope? How are low-income families expected to take care of their children? In a country where social security is embarrassingly low, how are families who have no money expected to foot increasingly stratospheric bills? Why is the government not asking serious questions about how families are resetting and juggling their priorities at a time when resources are extremely tight?

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    It is an unforgivable aberration that a woman who has carried a child to term should die during childbirth for any reason. It is a great anomaly that death should come at the point of childbearing.

    Infant and maternal mortality is not just any kind of mortality; it is the worst kind of mortality. It is a mortality that indicts entire countries.

    Adequate provision should be made for mother and child to access quality healthcare before, during and after childbirth. Medical services during this crucial period should be made completely or at least heavily subsidized. Families should also be properly educated about the need to access life-saving care during these crucial periods.

    Reducing maternal and infant mortality to the barest minimum should be the starting point of the conversation for a country that aspires to grow.

     Nigeria cannot develop if the basic provisions that underpin any developed country continue to remain criminally absent.

    •Kene Obiezu,

    keneobiezu@gmail.com

  • NNPCL: Time for a new direction

    NNPCL: Time for a new direction

    • By Chris Adesola Samakinde

    Sir: The transformation of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) into NNPC Limited—with a strengthened corporate governance framework—marks a significant milestone in its evolution towards transparency and profitability. This reform aligns NNPC with global best practices observed in national oil companies such as Saudi Aramco and China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC), which have long embraced commercial models to enhance operational efficiency and accountability.

    Historically, NNPC has been slow to capitalize on regional exploration opportunities, especially in West Africa’s coastal basins from Ghana to Senegal. Independent firms from outside the continent have led exploration and recorded substantial hydrocarbon findings in this region. This missed opportunity underscores a broader strategic gap: NNPC’s focus has remained on joint ventures with international oil companies, often at the expense of building its own risk-bearing and revenue-generating assets.

    With nearly five decades of exploration and production experience, NNPC is well-positioned to pivot toward more autonomous and ambitious ventures—particularly in the realm of unconventional hydrocarbons.

    The recent appointment of Bayo Ojulari, a former private sector executive, to lead NNPC presents a unique opportunity for a strategic shift. Under his leadership, NNPC can expand its energy portfolio, enhance national energy security, and enter new frontiers such as unconventional hydrocarbon resources—a timely and necessary move amid declining conventional reserves and evolving global energy dynamics.

    Globally, conventional oil reserves are estimated at around 1.7 trillion barrels, with Nigeria holding approximately 37 billion barrels (2.25% of global reserves). The country also ranks ninth worldwide in natural gas reserves, with an estimated 209 trillion cubic feet. However, after decades of conventional exploration, Nigeria faces the challenges of a maturing hydrocarbon landscape—new significant discoveries are becoming increasingly rare and expensive.

    To maintain energy security, attention must shift to unconventional resources such as coalbed methane (CBM) in Enugu and oil/gas shale in the Benue trough. Nigeria’s inland basins, including the Anambra and Chad basins, show promise, but the lower Benue trough—particularly the Ezeaku Shale—presents a compelling case for investment. In the United States, the Permian Basin’s Wolfcamp formation has revolutionized energy output through hydraulic fracturing, now contributing around 17% to U.S. natural gas production. Nigeria can follow a similar path with the right technological and financial investments.

    Globally significant geological events such as the Turonian anoxic event (93–89 million years ago) have led to the preservation of organic-rich shale formations. In Nigeria’s lower Benue Trough, this event is believed to have contributed to the organic content of the Ezeaku Shale within the Nkalagu Formation.

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    According to research by Ekweozor and Unomah (1990), the Ezeaku Shale contains Type II-III kerogen, indicating potential for both oil and gas generation. Although scientific characterization of these formations is limited compared to mature plays like the U.S. Wolfcamp or South Africa’s Karoo Basin, the geologic fundamentals are promising. Unlocking this potential would require dedicated exploration campaigns, modern drilling techniques, and regulatory support.

    Natural gas plays a pivotal role in Nigeria’s energy mix, accounting for approximately 79% of power generation as of 2023. Expanding into unconventional gas resources supports the country’s National Gas Expansion Programme (NGEP), which aims to increase the domestic supply of Liquefied Petroleum Gas (LPG) and promote Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) as an alternative transportation fuel.

    A successful unconventional gas campaign—particularly targeting the Ezeaku Shale—would boost domestic gas supply, support industrial demand, and reduce energy poverty. It also aligns with broader sustainability and transition goals, especially in light of global pressure to decarbonize while maintaining energy access.

    To actualize this vision, coordinated action is needed between NNPC Ltd and Nigeria’s upstream regulator, the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC). NNPC should establish a dedicated unit to explore unconventional resource, while NUPRC can facilitate investor interest through targeted licensing rounds and supportive regulation.

    Learning from the U.S. shale boom, Nigeria must prioritize horizontal drilling technologies, develop fiscal incentives, and streamline environmental assessments to encourage exploration in this untapped frontier. The shale revolution has transformed the U.S. economy—Nigeria has the opportunity to replicate this success with the right policies and partnerships.

    •Chris Adesola Samakinde, PhD,

     adesola.samakinde@gmail.com

  • Northern governors and Uromi killings

    Northern governors and Uromi killings

    • By Ibrahim Mustapha

    Sir: The gruesome murder of 16 hunters who were in transit from Rivers to Kano State for Sallah festival, in Uromi community, Edo State, has once again brought to fore, the recurring issue of jungle justice in the land. The hunters were spotted, stopped and lynched by vigilantes and other mobs on the pretext that they were kidnappers.

    Before the incident, many cases of extra judicial killings have been reported in the country with the culprits getting away with them. At the slightest provocation, innocent lives are snuffed out and while the culprits are left to continue with their normal lives as if nothing has happened. In a saner society, the perpetrators of jungle justice would have been swiftly apprehended and brought to book to serve as deterrent to others. The inability of government to prosecute those engaged in mob action has emboldened the menace making it a recurring one.

    While the barbaric killing has attracted condemnation and promises by government to prosecute the culprits, it has become imperative for our northern hunters to know that hunting is not only old fashioned, it is no longer profitable and rewarding. It is advisable that they either change business or confine their profession within the north. In as much as Section 4 of the 1999 constitution confers the inalienable right to move to any part of the country, the waves of insecurity and rampant cases of kidnapping remain a major stumbling block not only for hunting which is viewed with deep suspicion, but also other legitimate businesses as well. This is even more so now that some southern states, like their northern counterparts, are battling with insecurity particularly the scourge of farmers/herdsmen clashes and kidnapping.

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    This, however, does not give licence to mob actions or killing of innocent lives. This is where one had expected the Uromi’s vigilante group to hand over the suspected hunters to police for further investigation.

    All said, the killing of the hunters has, again, brought into focus the impact of policies being implemented by the northern state governors. The governors’ policies have failed to address the myriads of the problems plaguing the region. Poverty has pushed millions of northern youths to southern part of the country into menial jobs as gatemen, nail cutters, wheelbarrow pushers, hunting, water vendors etc. If the right economic policies had been created by our northern governors for the youth, the probability of thousands of northern youths migrating southwards for menial jobs will be minimal. The Northern Governors Forum should go beyond mere condemnation of jungle justice against the hunters to implement far-reaching policies aimed at addressing unemployment and high poverty in the region.

    •Ibrahim Mustapha,

     Pambegua, Kaduna State.

  • NJC and Imo State judiciary

    NJC and Imo State judiciary

    • By Opatola Victor

    Sir: In Imo State, something deeply unsettling has taken root. The judiciary, once the final refuge for order and fairness, now finds itself mired by interference. A disturbing pattern has emerged—one that does not merely undermine  the seniority tradition in the judiciary but also discountenance constitutional order. And what’s most frightening is not that these breaches happen, but that they continue unchecked, as though the constitution provisions are mere inconvenience and not the supreme law.

    The Constitution does not stammer on this issue. When the office of Chief Judge of a state becomes vacant, Section 271(4) of the constitution  provides that the governor shall appoint the most senior judge of the High Court to perform the functions of that office in acting capacity. It is a simple, clear rule—one meant to avoid confusion and ensure the impartial and independent continuity of the judiciary.

    In 2020, this section guided the appointment of Justice Ijeoma Agugua as Acting Chief Judge of Imo State. She was the most senior judge at the time. That initial step respected both law and logic. When she was eventually removed, she was not succeeded by the next most senior judge, Justice C. A. Ononeze Madu, but by Justice Theresa Chikeka, her junior.

    This was no oversight. It was deliberate. And it violated both the constitution and the time-honoured protocol of seniority that anchors judicial stability. The Action People’s Party petitioned the NJC. Public outrage followed. Yet the NJC said nothing. Justice Chikeka served in that clouded position while under investigation for falsifying her age. When the NJC eventually recommended her removal, one might have hoped that constitutional order would return. But it did not.

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    Instead, another junior, Justice T. N. Nzeukwu, was recently appointed Acting Chief Judge—once again over Justice Ijeoma Agugua (who was previously an Acting Chief Judge between 2020 -2021). The NJC issued a disclaimer. The Nigerian Bar Association in Owerri protested. But still, the appointment stood.

    This is not the first time Nigeria has witnessed such an aberration. In Cross River State, a similar violation occurred when Justice Akon Ikpeme, the most senior judge, was bypassed for appointment as Chief Judge due to her alleged ties to another state by marriage. A junior judge was appointed instead. The NJC responded firmly. It insisted on the proper application of the constitution, resisted political pressure, and eventually secured Justice Ikpeme’s confirmation. But the damage to public confidence lingered. Same thing once happened in Kebbi State, Gombe State and Abia State, where the NJC intervened and doubled down on doing the right thing.

    So why is Imo State different? Why, despite repeated warnings and interventions, does the pattern persist? Why does the NJC hesitate to act heavily with the same resolve it showed in Cross River,  Kebbi and others?

    These are not academic questions, every breach chips away at the foundations of trust reposed in the judiciary.

    When junior judges accept appointments they know are not theirs to take, they do more than violate tradition—they undermine the very structure that legitimises their office.  And when the NJC fails to act, it sends a dangerous message: that the rules are bendable, that political convenience can trump the constitution, and that the judiciary is no longer guided by principle and law, but by influence. Right now, silence is not golden, NJC must not just frown in silence; it must speak. It must investigate. It must discipline. Because every time it fails to act, it confirms the public’s worst fears.

    Justice does not defend itself, it requires guardians. And in this moment, the judiciary must prove that it is strong enough to resist those who would bend it, and humble enough to correct its own missteps. If it cannot, then the fear is no longer that justice will be delayed—but that it will be forgotten.

    •Opatola Victor,

    Victor@lacivler.org

  • Okpebholo: Because I am involved

    Okpebholo: Because I am involved

    • By Fred Itua

    Sir: At every defining moment in a nation’s journey, the call to give account of stewardship becomes not just necessary but inevitable. This duty is more profound for those whom providence has favoured to sit at the helm, guiding the affairs of the state and shaping the future of the people. In 1989, the late Ikemba Nnewi, Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, published Because I Am Involved, a 208-page introspective chronicle that offered a gripping account of his political convictions, nationalist ideals, and reflections on Nigeria’s unrealised potentials, and the personal sacrifices he made for a country he so deeply loved.

    In that same spirit, this article borrows its title and energy from Ojukwu’s classic. Today, in Edo State, Governor Monday Okpebholo personifies that commitment. Since he assumed office, it is no longer business as usual. The tides have shifted, and the wheels of governance are now being turned by a sense of duty, urgency, and resolve.

    Because Governor Okpebholo is involved, educational transformation is underway, and a solid foundation is being built for tomorrow’s leaders. Governor Okpebholo’s approach to education is holistic and strategic. His administration is actively implementing a three-pronged intervention model: infrastructure, manpower, and pedagogy.

    Firstly, several dilapidated schools across the three senatorial districts are undergoing comprehensive rehabilitation to create safe and conducive learning environments. Secondly, the recruitment of qualified teachers is ongoing to plug manpower deficits in critical subjects. Thirdly, the retraining and retooling of educators is being carried out to align teaching methodologies with 21st-century pedagogical standards, including digital literacy and learner-centred techniques.

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    Because he is involved, agriculture has received unprecedented attention. Governor Okpebholo’s administration has significantly increased budgetary allocation to the agricultural sector. Over 3,000 hectares of arable farmland are being cultivated under various agricultural empowerment initiatives.

    Beyond mere cultivation, partnerships with private investors are being explored to establish agro-processing hubs that will reduce post-harvest losses, promote value addition, and create employment opportunities, especially for youth and women in rural areas.

    Governor Okpebholo has embarked on an ambitious infrastructural renewal program, particularly in road construction. His administration has flagged off several strategic road projects that serve as vital arteries, linking communities, enhancing commerce, and easing transportation. Among these are the Ekpoma-Uromi-Ubiaja Road and the Uromi-Onewa-Udomi-Ibhiolulu-Afuda-Idumoza axis, all crucial to inter-community trade. Urban renewal projects in Benin City are also receiving a facelift, with several roads being re-asphalted, drainages reconstructed, and streetlights installed for enhanced security and aesthetics.

    Because he is involved, security is being tackled both in policy and practice. Governor Okpebholo has led the enactment of anti-cultism and anti-kidnapping laws to strengthen the legal framework for fighting insecurity. Complementing this legislative stance is the purchase of thousands of operational vehicles and logistics support for the Nigeria Police and other security agencies across the state.

    Community policing structures are being revived, and a feedback mechanism has been introduced where citizens can report threats anonymously to a centralized command centre.

    In the health sector, the renovation of primary health care centres and recruitment of frontline health workers have been intensified. Governor Okpebholo’s administration is also working toward the expansion of the Edo Health Insurance Scheme to cover more vulnerable populations.

    His interest in digital governance is birthing innovations that streamline internal processes, curb leakages, and promote transparency. This includes the digitization of land administration, tax payments, and record-keeping for government workers.

    Ojukwu once wrote, “I do not seek to please, I seek to serve.” Governor Okpebholo, through his visible and people-centred governance, has made it clear: he is not in power for fanfare or personal gain. He is in office because he is involved — involved in the pains of his people, the cries of rural dwellers, the frustrations of commuters, the dreams of schoolchildren, and the aspirations of a new Edo State.

    The journey is not without its challenges, but one truth is undeniable: under Governor Monday Okpebholo, Edo State is no longer on autopilot. There is direction. There is purpose. Above all, there is involvement.

    •Fred Itua,

     Chief Press Secretary to the Edo State Governor, Benin City.

  • LP: Wages of electoral whoredom

    LP: Wages of electoral whoredom

    Remember that TV fiction of yore: “Fuji House of Commotion”? That’s Labour Party (LP) now!  But if Fuji House delivered thrilling commotion, its LP live cousin is delivering sinking political horrors!

    And all for what?  Soulless prostitution that traded away its ideological soul for electoral rolling stone, Peter Obi, who hardly believes in anything but his China stats, euphemism for numeric lies in hyperboles!

    Pronto, Obi, as arch-capitalist as they come, became beatified emergency comrade to romp LP into the nirvana of power of its socialist dreams dreams: clannish votes, rabid tapping into Christian votes, with lovely and moving “Yes, Daddy” holy lullabies!

    Less than three years later?  The LP House of Political Horrors!

    Alhaji Bashiru Lamidi Apapa, who had a long running battle with Julius Abure as LP national chair, just re-named himself new LP acting czar.  Abure, who would have sworn he had gamed his opponents with a Court of Appeal verdict, has found himself struggling anew.  The Supreme Court verdict shredded all that, but can’t put the LP humpty-dumpty together again!

    Joe Ajaero, Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) president, who pulled all stops to make  NLC the electoral battling ram for Obi — he with Abure, before their song of mutual flattery become mutual caustic abuse — just declared a self-given mission to send NLC cells to flush out Abure and co in LP offices nationwide.

    O dear!  The revolution is consuming own children!

    The rather sedate Esther Nenadi Usman, who perches on the throne conjured by the LP patrician wing, waits in the wings!  She may have sole governor — Abia’s Alex Otti — and even the flighty Pitobi in her camp.  But where exactly is her palace — this burning furnace of factions and counter-factions?

    LP House of Horrors!

    Initial prostitution could quite be exciting.  It’s the long-term result that’s sobering — and shattering.  That, LP is finding out in cruel realtime.

    Even Governor Otti did a deal with Zenith Labour Party (ZLP), another LP offspring in opportunism, when he had Abia council elections to win but no sure platform to use.

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    Obi himself is a bird of passage.  He’s ideologically distinct from LP as night is distinct from day.  Now, the mutual opportunism that brought them together in 2022 is scattering them in 2025!

    Since LP as emergency platform landed its first sushi in 2007 — though Governor Segun Mimiko did not assume office until February 2009 after retrieving his stolen vote — LP has developed quite an expertise in crass opportunism, often lending itself to the highest election-time bidder.

    But even with Mimiko, it was use-and-dump.  After floating ZLP — whichever one came first — Mimiko too dumped LP for the leftover vomit he had left in PDP!

    Obi will do same in 2027 — and you don’t need a crystal to figure that out.  For LP, it’s the cruel wages of whoredom — and it’s thoroughly deserved.

  • The narrative of sponsored insecurity and silence of critical Benue stakeholders

    The narrative of sponsored insecurity and silence of critical Benue stakeholders

    By Solomon Iorpev

    In recent years, Nigeria has been grappling with a surge in insecurity, particularly in the form of terrorist attacks, banditry, and herdsmen-farmer conflicts. A growing narrative suggests that these security challenges are not merely the result of internal factors, but are also fueled by external forces. This narrative posits that certain individuals and groups, are sponsoring or  supporting these security threats to destabilise certain regions for political reasons.

    Proponents of this narrative point to several factors, including the sophistication of weaponry used by militant groups and the coordination of attacks. They argue that these factors point to sponsorship. Security by its nature is very complex.

    There is no ABC of how to tackle insecurity as different situations require different approaches. As a matter of fact, tackling insecurity requires a multifaceted approach that involves government, civil societies, and individuals. It therefore makes things worse when these complexities are intertwined and / or backed by sponsors, known or unknown.

    Benue State, like many other states in the country, has had its fair share of attacks. For over a decade now, Benue state has  witnessed numerous attacks by Fulani herdsmen, resulting in significant loss of life and property. The coming on board of His Excellency, Rev. Fr. Dr Hyacinth Iormem Alia, in the past one year and a few months, has brought some relief and to a large extent, relative peace is now being enjoyed in most parts of the state. This is not denying the fact that there are sporadic attacks here and there, which of course, even though not giving excuses, is the general trend across the country.

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    There is no ABC of tackling insecurity, and neither is there a magic wand to solve the issues. Insecurity requires tact, focus, and dedication. It also requires the cooperation and collaboration of one and all.

    In pursuance of the restoration peace in Benue state Governor Alia has among other things, engaged over 5,000 gallant strong men (with a promise of 5,000 more) under ‘the Benue State Civil Protection Guards’. This security outfit, which was inaugurated by the governor on Saturday the 14th of December 2024, and was established to complement the efforts of conventional security agencies in maintaining law and order in the state. Their understanding of their terrains and their communities is a key factor in their day-to-day operations. This has restored some degree of sanity and calm in their territories and areas of postings.

    His Excellency has also launched operation ‘ANYAM NYOR’. The operation involves an unprecedented combination of security agencies, including the Army, Navy, Airforce, police, DSS, civil defense, and the Benue Civil Protection Guard.

    This combination has presented a new approach to talking insecurity in the state which is already yielding huge results.

    To enhance the effectiveness and real-time response of the security agents and outfits, his excellency on the 14th of December 2024 deployed 600 motor bikes and 100 Hilux trucks to the different formations of the security agencies in the state. This has not happened anywhere in the state before now. This, of course speaks to his deep commitment, like none before him and the political will to tackle insecurity in the state without reservation.

    To guarantee the permanent return of IDPs to their ancestral homes, which will add to the overall economic development of the state, the governor on January 25th 2025 launched the Benue State Action Plan for Durable Solutions. This action plan aims to provide lasting solutions for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Benue state, with a focus on safe return to their ancestral homes. TheBenue state durable solutions are adjudged by the United Nations as the best and, as a matter of fact, has made it an effective solution plan to be populated by different regions of the world.

    However, more needs to be done to ensure that the state is safe and secure for all citizens. All the aforementioned and more are all the efforts of one man, the governor. But it is common knowledge that tackling insecurity is not a one-man

    job. It requires the contribution of one and all. It is the collective responsibility every member of society. Every stakeholder has a role to play.

    This is where the deafening silence of the critical stakeholders who are opportune to occupy very high offices in this administration at the national level is been questioned. With all the efforts been made daily by the governor to return the state to a place of perfect peace, what is the contribution of those who have the ears of the president at the national level. Security is a collective responsibility and each one must play a role. Senators are elected to represent their zones, while reps are to represent their federal constituencies. If each of these people played their parts and raise motions to support the governor in his efforts rather than point a finger at him, Benue will certainly be better of it.Truth is, politicians, have been criticized for their seemingly deafening silence and inactions on the issue of insecurity in the state. The silence and inaction of these critical stakeholders on the state of insecurity is puzzling, considering the importance of peace in the food basket state.

    Chief Mrs. Mimi Orubibi, wrote: ‘… I also appreciate the bold stance taken by other catholic Bishops who have spoken out against these gruesome killings, drawing the Governor’s attention to them and urging him to take action.

    Moreover, I urge the Secretary to the Government of the Federation to break his silence on these killings in his home state and bring them to the President’s attention, so that the Presidency can condemn these heinous acts and work with the state governor to put an end to the violence in Benue state. Your silence has been unsettling, and it is time to speak out for your people…”

    Chief Orubibi has indeed made very valid points. With a critical stakeholder like the SGF, distinguished Sen. Dr. George Akume, who himself has been a governor of this state and is currently serving at the highest level in the Tinibu led administration, Benue should not be crying of insecurity. We recall what influence his predecessor, Boss Mustapha wielded to bring things to his home state. It is essential at this stage to engage in an open and honest discussion about the possible role the SGF could and should play in the life of the Benue people in times like this.

    By leveraging his position, the SGF can among other things, Facilitate Federal Support by coordinating Federal agencies like the military, police and intelligence services to enhance security and compliment the efforts of the governor especially that the control of these forces lies with the federal government. The SGF is in a position to advocate for and secure federal funding to support security initiatives and development projects in Benue, which can help address the root causes of insecurity.

    The SGF can provide counsel to the President on security matters affecting Benue, ensuring that the state’s concerns are taken into account in national security policy decisions. He can also contribute to the development of national security strategies that address the specific challenges facing Benue state. He can also foster partnerships between Benue State and federal agencies, as well as other stakeholders, to enhance security cooperation and coordination. The

    SGF can also provide support for state-led security initiatives, such as the Benue State Civil Protection Guards, and help amplify their impact. Perhaps the loudest silence by the SGF is emanating from his capacity to support the peacebuilding efforts by the state governor, HE governor Alia in Benue state, including initiatives aimed at addressing the root causes of conflict and promoting social cohesion.

    These and many more could be reasons the Benue people have begun to express concern over the deafening silence by the SGF. During the last administration, Sen. Dr. George Akume did not agree with the then governor, Dr Samuel Ortom over the causes of insecurity in the state. He accused Dr Ortom oforchestrating mischief and was even alleged to have said, the people were killing themselves. One wonders if the elder statesman still feels the same way, which is more or less influencing his reluctance in leveraging his position and influenceto play his role in curbing insecurity in Benue and promoting peace and stability in the state.

    In a related development, the Coalition for Civil Societies in Nigeria and Advocates of Social Justice a few days ago sent an SOS message to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu GCFR to rein in some erring politicians at the federal level whom they accused of sponsoring crisis in the state with a view to instigating him to declare a state of emergency in Benue state. The group said the wave of pockets of killings in the state in recent times, after the relative peace attained by the governor, is a result of a political power play. They said some

    dishonorable members of the society have constituted themselves as enemies of the state and are willing to do anything to pull down the state government and  by extension, Nigeria. The coalition expressed worry that people who were elected to represent and serve the masses are the ones killing them indirectly, just to score cheap political points.

    This raises a lot of concern and speaks further to the sponsorship of insecurity   and the deafening silence of some elected members. The people in this school of thought postulate a lot of theories for this silence, but foremost is the thought that; they are either sponsors, or benefactors or they have other concerns better than those they have been voted to represent. Others are said to be afraid or intimidated by those sponsoring or supporting these insecurities. What then qualifies you to represent your people if you can’t stand up for them.

    As a Legislator one must understand the significance of one’s role to his people and in this case one’s part in curbing insecurity in the state. A Legislator should first and foremost be concerned about enacting laws that address specific security challenges in their states. They can also play a critical role in the amendment of existing laws to make them more effective in addressing security challenges, such as laws related to terrorism or kidnapping. Their oversight function of conducting hearings to investigate security challenges and holding government agencies accountable for their actions is also a very important one.

    One thing the Legislator must not forget is that he must represent the interests of his constituents and advocate for their security needs which in this case will include advocating for funding for security initiatives and programs in their states.

    Legislators are meant to engage with communities and develop solutions that address their needs, support community-led initiatives and programs aimed at promoting security and peace, collaborate with security agencies to develop effective security strategies and policies unique to their environment and partner with other stakeholders, especially the chief security officer of their state, to promote security and peace.

    By playing these roles, legislators can contribute to curbing insecurity in their states and promoting peace and stability.

    On the whole, it is imperative for all stakeholders, elected and appointed alike, rather than accuse governor Alia of inability to handle security in the state, perhaps face their roles squarely and play their parts effectively which is as important in the equation of tackling insecurity in the state like any other. The governor is playing his role, its about time they played theirs and put a stop to this suspicious deafening silence.

    • Iorpev is Technical Adviser to the Benue State Governor on Media, Publicity and Strategic Communication.

  • NNPCL: A necessary reset to rescue Nigeria’s oil industry

    NNPCL: A necessary reset to rescue Nigeria’s oil industry

    SIR: The recent overhaul of the NNPC Limited board and management by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is not merely an administrative reshuffle—it is a decisive intervention in the national interest, aimed at rescuing the country’s most strategic public enterprise from systemic rot and institutional capture. The necessity of these appointments stems from the deeply troubling legacy of the Mele Kyari-led management, under which NNPC degenerated into a citadel of opacity, financial malpractice, and operational inefficiency, despite the transformative intent of the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) 2021.

    Under Kyari’s leadership, NNPC Limited failed to meet even the most basic standards of corporate governance and transparency expected of a commercially oriented national oil company. Year after year, billions of dollars in crude oil revenues were unremitted, underreported or misapplied under various opaque arrangements. The so-called fuel subsidy regime, for which NNPC served as the primary disbursing agency, became a fiscal sinkhole—characterized by gross overstatements, non-existent verification mechanisms, and allegations of fictitious volumes and round-tripping. Meanwhile, critical investment decisions stalled, upstream output declined, and the country was left unable to take full advantage of high oil prices due to mismanagement and leakages.

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     The transition of NNPC into a limited liability company was supposed to signal a new era of commercial discipline and accountability. Instead, Kyari’s tenure saw the entrenchment of old habits under a new corporate guise. The company evaded scrutiny by withholding audited statements, failing to engage meaningfully with shareholders—the Nigerian people—and resisting structural reforms under the guise of national security or market sensitivity. This undermined investor confidence, constrained capital inflow into the sector, and left Nigeria’s oil and gas value chain in a state of arrested development.

    At this critical juncture—where Nigeria must stabilize its fiscal base, accelerate gas commercialization, attract investment, and align with global energy transition trends—NNPC cannot continue to be a drain on the treasury or a bastion of unaccountability. The new board and management, appointed with careful consideration of technical competence, ethical standing, and regional representation, brings with them, a renewed mandate: to clean house, rebuild trust, and reposition NNPC as a truly performance-driven national oil company.

    This moment marks the beginning of a long-overdue shift—from rent-seeking to value creation, from secrecy to transparency, and from institutional stagnation to strategic renewal. It is a necessary turning point for NNPC, and by extension, for Nigeria’s economic future.

    • Bala Mohammed, Abuja.
  • Securing the future of Nigeria’s coffee industry

    Securing the future of Nigeria’s coffee industry

    • By Abachi Ungbo

    Sir: Nigeria must prime itself to cash in on the vista of opportunities in global coffee industry. Instructively, Precedence Research- a market research company reported that the global coffee market size was worth about $245.2 billion in 2024 and is expected to reach around $381.52 billion by 2034. Coffee potential can be unlocked to transition the country from a fringe producer to a coffee production hub that will generate stupendous wealth, create jobs and expand non- oil export sources. Poor production has consigned the country to the foot of the ladder of producers in Africa despite its huge potential. The poor production can be conveniently instantiated by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) report of zero coffee export in the first nine months of 2024. 

    China is on the spotlight as it continues to strive to put itself on the global coffee map as a major producer. In 2024, Yunnan province exported 32,500 tonnes of coffee which represented a year-in-year increase of 358%.  Though, still at the fringes of global coffee production, China has deliberately taken big steps to boost production and quality. It has designated the crop as a priority in its rural revitalization plan for Yunnan basically providing key conditions for the development of coffee through increasing expertise and investment.

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    A glimmer of hope for Nigeria coffee industry still subsists with the presence of a host of active entrepreneurs and businesses working along the value chain; also is the burgeoning taste for coffee. But then quite a lot needs to be done in making the industry productive.

    There’s no one silver bullet to all the problems around coffee development. However, at the heart of the solution is government involvement in the area of investment and support in rural infrastructural improvement, rehabilitating of ageing trees, improving technology for improved productivity and processing to increase quality and market value, improving extension services and increasing the funding of research.

    Coffee producers need to possess requisite skills and technical know-how in the cultivation and production of high quality beans and to improve output. Also, there’s a need for strong advocacy for the farmers who are not heard and barely get value for the precious little they produce or grow which constituted a disincentive.

    With a strong political will, the establishment of the National Tea and Coffee Development Council will decidedly be a game-changer. It will provide the framework for production, commercialization/marketing and consumption of tea and coffee in Nigeria alongside the provision of technical, managerial and requisite extension services. It is basically time for the Nigeria specialty to be heard. Securing the future of the coffee industry will require bold and decisive action.

    •Abachi Ungbo,

    abachi007@yahoo.com

  • The audacity of insecurity

    The audacity of insecurity

    • By Ike Willie-Nwobu

    Sir: Maharazu Tsiga, who was once the Director General of the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) recently spent 56 days in the hands of his abductors. His chilling experience reminds Nigerians that no one is really safe.

    On February 5, Tsiga was picked up from his house by bandits. He spent about fifty-six days in the bush as his captors kept his family on edge while launching minatory demands for outrageous amounts of money as ransom. Following his release, he has continued to share his experience with the media, and what is clear is that his time in the bush was a nightmare.

    Tsiga’s experience echoed the experience of kidnap victims who, when taken to the bush are subjected to all manner of cruel and inhuman treatment by their captors who add insult to injury by collecting huge ransom and getting away with their deeds.

    Many kidnap victims have been known to die in the hands of their captors either as a result of hunger, dehydration or adverse weather conditions. Many are sexually assaulted, deliberately exposed to wild animals, physically assaulted, all in a bid to speed up the payment of ransom by their terrified families.

    Some kidnap victims have been known to die tragically after release or rescue as a result of their ordeal.

    Nigerians remain vulnerable to kidnapping and other activities of banditry. Because the country remains critically unsecured with stretched security personnel unable to cover the length and breadth of the country and secure populations, criminals often have a field day attacking communities and carting away people and their valuables.

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    The prevalence of kidnapping for ransom in the northeast and northwest of the country, for example, has something to do with the land mass and the sheer number of people who lack adequate security.

    Rural dwellers whose occupation is farming and fishing have suffered the most at the hands of these bandits. Their livelihoods  leave them at the mercy of these ruthless bands, who depend on the cover of forests and swamps to carry on their business of death and distress.

    The greatest failure of government strategy in tackling banditry is not even that security personnel have failed to round up, prosecute and incarcerate all bandits. That will be asking too much. Where the government has failed the most is in failing to stem the massive flow of funds that fuels kidnapping for ransom.

    Each victim snatched by kidnappers is valued in terms of the money they can generate as ransom, with ransom demands running into millions of Naira for each person. Predictably, the more valuable a person is, the higher the ransom placed on their heads. General Tsiga was said to have been released only after his kidnappers received about N180 million.

    Apart from the terrorist aspect of banditry and kidnapping for ransom, it has become very lucrative.

    If anything, kidnapping Nigerians for ransom is a business that is on the rise, and why should it stop? Why should those who mine gold out of the distress of Nigerians suddenly pack up and put out the fires they have made, which is keeping them warm while burning others to the ground? Why should they fear when even the government is swept into helpless hand-wringing whenever they strike?

    As a country, Nigeria must urgently review its security architecture. This has become imperative in the face of these relentless kidnapping of citizens. Since it is clear that current security measures are failing to arrest the problem, it is time to innovate and expand Nigeria’s capacity to protect its citizens.

    •Ike Willie-Nwobu,

    Ikewilly9@gmail.com