Category: Commentaries

  • ‘Killing of Christian’, American delusion

    ‘Killing of Christian’, American delusion

    Ted Cruz, a US senator, cruising on the falsehood of a Christian “genocide” in Nigeria, epitomizes the graphic American delusion to escape, at Nigeria’s expense, the clear mess the ever-fumbling Donald Trump is making of his hitherto hallowed country.

    With that comprehensive Trump mess, and the halo of anything good and decent coming out of America vanishing fast, it’s little wonder Cruz and co are in pitiable over-drive, as cynical protectors of Nigerian endangered Christians!  What a fib!

    Still, that fib, no matter how much repeated, wouldn’t stop making America and its narcissistic president a global laughing stock. Pray, how can a 249-year old democracy, and so-called leader of the democratic world, shackle itself — not once, but twice! — to a character like Trump, who even sacked the US Capitol?

    But again, that’s no business of Hardball.  It’s a universal truth that elections have consequences: for good or for ill.  Hardball only draws the line to tell these American busybodies to first remove the Trump log in their eyes, before pointing at Christian “genocide” speck in Nigeria’s — again, a total and complete fib!

    Still, by America’s records, even at its best of times, lying to bully other countries and races, has always been its notorious pastime.  With sheer lies and deceit, this same America got rid of Libya’s Muammar Gaddafi  — and that was under President Barrack Obama: as refined as Trump is gross. 

    They got rid of Gaddafi, o yes!  But with his macabre death went the soul of a once thriving country.  Post-Gaddafi’s Libya has become a global reference for chaos, with terrible consequences for the Sahel. 

    Ironically, that Sahel-pushed chaos is driving terrorism/banditry in Nigeria’s North — that same violent outlawry Cruz and co now confect for their new brew of “Christian genocide” in Nigeria!  Must these evil folks lie, and repeatedly lie, just because they know they can get away with it?

    Before Gaddafi was Saddam Hussein, his fall plotted by another lie from one of America’s most iconic and respected soldier-statesman, Colin Powell, under President W. George Bush — Bush the Son, or Bush II, if you will.  When Powell said he had “evidence” that Saddam had “weapons of mass destruction”, at the UN Security Council, the globe dotted on his very words.  But lo!  That turned out a brazen lie.  It nevertheless gifted America an excellent excuse to get rid of Saddam.

    Read Also: How Nigeria should deal with Trump’s military threat

    Well, no tears for Saddam.  If he was so power drunk he annexed Kuwait, a weaker but independent country, he got the due for any misguided bully.  But when comes the comeuppance of America, the global bully-in-chief?  Perhaps Karma is providing one in Trump, under whose watch America is fast unravelling?  Who knows?

    For the umpteenth time, there is no Christian, Muslim or any genocide, for that matter, in Nigeria — much less any, backed by the government, as Cruz and co claim in their lies.  We should know because we’re here — not some meddling aliens, enslaved by own colourful tales, claiming they know Nigeria more than Nigerians.

    Indeed, such is tantamount to Nigerian high officials claiming that Trump, as insensate as he is, is responsible for all the senseless killings and gun violence in America.  Even, the most rabid hater of Trump knows that’s a frothing lie. Mad killings, part of America’s DNA, preceded Trump and will survive him.

    Let Cruz and co get themselves busy with other productive campaigns — like saving their country from Trump.  Sooner than later, these in-your-face lies of Nigeria’s Christian “genocide” will fall flat, with rotten eggs splattered on the faces of Cruz and co.

  • Beyond Greylisting: Why Nigeria’s crypto gamble will shape its financial future

    Beyond Greylisting: Why Nigeria’s crypto gamble will shape its financial future

    • By Wahab Elias and Oluwole Ololade Adeosun

    Getting off the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) Grey List is a genuine reform success — and one that deserves recognition. Greylisting had raised the cost of doing business, discouraged investment, and signalled governance weakness. FATF’s decision to remove Nigeria from enhanced monitoring restores a measure of credibility, but it remains a fragile victory. The harder work begins now.

    At the heart of that challenge lies crypto and digital-asset oversight. While FATF’s Recommendation 15 on virtual assets was not what landed Nigeria on the grey list, it became central to the country’s commitments for exiting it. Nigeria’s experiment with crypto regulation has been episodic, fragmented, and shaped largely by a security mindset. To sustain reform momentum, digital finance must be treated not as a compliance afterthought but as a test of financial sovereignty.

    Between 2017 and 2020, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) tolerated crypto informally while the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) studied how to classify it. Then, in 2021, the CBN abruptly barred banks from servicing crypto exchanges — a move that ushered in an era of “shadow regulation.” A year later, the SEC released its first digital-asset guidelines and promised a sandbox regime, but no firm has yet graduated from that experiment. By 2023, the banking ban was partially lifted, though still without new licences.

    Today, three institutions dominate the space: the CBN, the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), and the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA). The SEC remains the statutory regulator under the Investments and Securities Act 2025, but it lacks the operational heft to make that authority meaningful. Sociologically, this oscillation reflects a familiar Nigerian pattern — where authority is personalised and discretion replaces discipline when formal systems are weak. From a market-governance perspective, such fragmentation erodes compliance and confidence, discouraging long-term capital.

    Since 2021, Nigeria has governed crypto through circulars, bans, and quiet reversals. Banks were told to block exchanges — and later told to unblock them. Telcos restricted unlicensed platforms; users responded with VPNs and offshore brokers. This stop-start approach bought time but undermined trust, pushing activity off-grid and out of regulatory reach. The consequences have been predictable: more volatility, capital flight, and deep uncertainty about whether Nigeria is open for innovation or still improvising.

    Read Also: Firm drives financial inclusion in Africa with crypto revolution

    The most dangerous outcome has been the explosion of peer-to-peer (P2P) trading. What began as a technical workaround has become a main channel for illicit finance. FATF classifies unhosted P2P transactions as the highest-risk corridor for money laundering, terrorism financing, and election-season slush funds. Thousands of brokers now operate through messaging apps, settling via informal transfers or gift-card swaps. The mix of anonymity, speed, and zero oversight attracts both speculators and bad actors. Unless policy shifts before the 2027 elections, these networks could become the preferred rail for dark finance. Reducing their appeal is not censorship — it is financial hygiene. The remedy is straightforward: make the regulated path cheaper, faster, and safer than the unregulated one.

    The Approval-in-Principle regime (ARRIP) was meant to bridge that gap — a sandbox for innovation under supervision. In practice, it has become a holding pattern. The SEC administers it in name but lacks the resources to enforce timelines or graduate participants. Meanwhile, the CBN plans to launch a Digital Finance Supervision Unit next year, linking bank rails, tax reporting, and prudential oversight. From an accounting-governance perspective, this could provide the missing bridge between innovation and accountability. If successful, it could turn ARRIP from fiction into framework. If not, it will confirm Nigeria’s habit of drafting regulations faster than it can implement them.

    South Africa’s formal registration of crypto service providers has built credibility. Kenya’s early permissiveness followed by crackdowns created instability. Ghana’s cautious diplomacy built trust but delayed clarity. Nigeria risks combining the worst of all three — costs without credibility, and restrictions without stability.

    The path forward demands discipline, not invention. Nigeria’s financial regulators must act as partners, not rivals: the CBN, FIRS, and ONSA need to coordinate their mandates and speak with one voice. Transparency, not transactional decision-making, is the foundation of trust; backroom directives only weaken both compliance and confidence. Substance must replace slogans — the focus should be on building reliable systems for lawful digital finance while closing the loopholes that invite abuse. What the country needs is not another acronym or policy promise, but a framework that truly works.

    Nigeria’s fintech users are resourceful and resilient, yet resilience is not the same as trust. Without credible oversight, innovation drifts offshore, capital escapes, and the naira suffers. FATF delisting has bought time but not immunity. The true measure of reform will be Nigeria’s ability to design a regulatory architecture that is both innovative and enforceable — one that curbs illicit flows before politics weaponises them. Beyond greylisting lies a tougher mission: ensuring that digital finance serves Nigerians, not the shadows.

    • Elias is Professor of Sociology at Lagos State University, and Adeosun is Managing Director of Chartwell Securities and President of the Chartered Institute of Stockbrokers, write on governance, regulation and the future of Nigeria’s financial system.
  • China 15th 5-year-plan and future of China-Africa cooperation

    China 15th 5-year-plan and future of China-Africa cooperation

    • By Tunde Rahman

    In 1985, the American magazine Newsweek reported that the number of high-rise buildings in Shanghai, China’s biggest commercial city, could be counted on the finger tips.

    By 2005, 20 years later, when I had the first opportunity to visit Beijing and Shanghai as part of China-Africa Editors’ Delegation touring that Asian country, skyscrapers had become a common feature of the entire landscape of China. China had become a huge construction yard. There was visible economic boom. 

    Today, although China now faces significant economic headwinds, with growth moderating in the face of structural constraints, including declining working age population, diminishing returns on investment, and slowing productivity growth, it remains, nonetheless, one of the largest global economies. 

    According to a report by the World Bank Group, the country’s real Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth – a common measure of economic activity and size –slowed from double-digit annual increases during the 2000s to 5.3% in this year’s second quarter. China continues to be a major global trading partner, regardless, ranking as the world’s second-largest economy, only behind the United States.

    Read Also: How China is positioning as key partner in Africa’s growth, by NIIA chief, experts

    China’s monumental development was not a chance occurrence. It came by deliberate, continuous and consistent planning. China has continued to plan, and doing so comprehensively.

    Just last week, the Fourth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China took place in Beijing. Held from October 20-23, 2025, at that session, China unfolded its 15th five-year development plan.

    As we gather today to discuss the future of Africa-China cooperation in the context of China’s 15th Five-Year Plan, it is important to first enumerate some of the highlights of this new five-year plan (2026-2030), the significance of the bilateral relationship between China and Africa (with particular reference to Nigeria), and its potential for mutual benefit.

    China’s 15th five-year plan highlights a few thematic priority areas, which include economic transformation, digital economy, global economic governance, and the Belt and Road Initiative that has been a cornerstone of China–Africa cooperation. This present plan emphasizes high quality development, focusing on technological innovation, green development and economic restructuring.

     On digital economy, the plan prioritises digital infrastructure, artificial intelligence and data-driven industries. With regard to global economic governance, China aims to play a more active role globally, promoting free trade and investment.

    The five-year plan, no doubt, offers unique opportunities for Africa. This is in terms of infrastructural development, industrialization, partnership in boosting agriculture and technological innovation. China’s expertise in infrastructure development can help bridge Africa’s infrastructure gap, promoting economic growth and development, and creating opportunities for job creation and economic diversification.

     At present, the partnership between China and Africa has recorded remarkable achievements in the past five years.

    And these gains in various fields are evident. For instance, at the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation Beijing Summit held last September, President Xi Jinping announced zero tariff treatment on products with 100% tariff lines for all least developed countries having diplomatic relations with China, which include 33 African countries.

    Indeed, contrasts are bound to be drawn in contemporary global affairs, particularly in relation to President Donald Trump’s imprudent tariff regime and its negative disruption of global trade.

     In June this year also, China extended the zero-tariff treatment to cover 100% of tariff lines for all 53 African countries that have diplomatic ties with China.

    From January to July 2025, China’s imports from Africa’s least developed countries reached 39.66 billion USD, with a year-on-year increase of 10.2%. 

    This strikes a resonant chord in Nigeria, where the Lekki Deep Seaport stands glowingly to China’s credit. The Blue (Rail) Line built by a Chinese company provides green and convenient public mass transportation to Lagos residents. Across Africa, China’s infrastructural imprints are just as phenomenal.

    Major projects built by Chinese enterprises, such as Morocco’s Noor III and II Concentrated Solar Power Project and South Africa’s De Aar Wind Power Project, have illuminated millions of homes across Africa, helping in the path to sustainable growth and development. 

    China’s new energy vehicles are also rapidly entering the African market, offering new options to improve urban air quality.

    These are commendable. But Africa needs more if China, like a true friend of Africa that it is, genuinely wants to leapfrog the continent’s development.

    However, there are identifiable obstacles that pose serious challenges to China-Africa cooperation. These deserve to be addressed and should not be glossed over. I will now dwell on these challenges.

    Firstly, the huge debt Africa owes China is a major problem. As of 2020, Chinese lenders accounted for approximately 12% of Africa’s external debt, which has grown more than fivefold since 2000, reaching $696 billion. Between 2000 and 2023, Chinese financial institutions extended 1,306 loans, totalling $182.28 billion, to 49 African countries and seven regional organizations. Africa needs to ensure that the debt levels remain sustainable, while China also needs to consider debt restructuring or forgiveness.

    Secondly, Chinese industries in Africa must prioritize environmental and social impact assessments. China must rein in her companies to ensure they operate in ways that enhance environmental safety. Indeed, global environmental problems cannot be solved without China’s engagement. 

    Given its size, China is central to many regional and global development issues. Admittedly, China is not the main source of historical cumulative emissions. Yet, according to the World Bank, China today accounts for nearly a third of annual global carbon dioxide and 30% of the world’s greenhouse gas emissions – with per capita emissions now surpassing those of the European Union, and on par with the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development average. 

     Thirdly and closely related to this is the issue of local content. African countries must prioritize local content development, ensuring that projects benefit local communities. The trend, in most cases, is that Chinese companies operating in Africa come with their technology and their workforce in tow. China, as Africa’s true friend, should support and facilitate technology transfer and capacity building.

    Now, what does the future hold for China-Africa cooperation? What are the new prospects for collaboration in the next five years? 

    To strengthen collaboration, there must be enhanced dialogue between China and Africa, which will help address challenges and identify new opportunities.

    Africa and China also need to diversify cooperation areas to sectors including culture, education and tourism.

    One other important area of support from China is in the implementation of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) to enhance intra-African trade and investment. Importantly, Africa and China can collaborate on global value chains, promoting trade and investment.

    Both continents should also prioritize green and sustainable development, addressing climate change and environmental degradation.

    In conclusion, the 15th Five-Year Plan presents opportunities for Africa-China cooperation in infrastructure development, industrialization, agricultural cooperation, and technological innovation. China has demonstrated capacity in these areas.

    We actually don’t have to think long and hard to establish where this leap is apparent. Deepseek, Chinese AI models, have broken the monopoly of Western tech giants through open-source modes, initiating an “AI democratization” process. 

    The supply of China’s advanced and practical technology also helps in bridging the digital and artificial intelligence gaps, thus further empowering African industries and people, providing them transformative power to aid development.

     China parades green transition solutions, which can support a long-term future for Africa’s sustainable development. While it possesses the world’s richest green resources such as solar and wind power, Africa also remains one of the most vulnerable regions to climate change. China should actively share green transition solutions with Africa in order to truly help the continent.

    Therefore, by addressing the challenges and prioritizing mutual benefits, China and Africa can strengthen their partnership in ways that promotes technology transfer, sustainable development and shared prosperity.

     With the sufficient will, these challenges are surmountable. The prospects offer a huge cause for optimism. And the future of China-Africa relations can only blossom further.

    It may sound clichéd, but I’d like to round off this remark with that time-honoured Chinese saying, which speaks to the value of resilience as it does the China-Africa relationship: “A journey of a thousand miles begins with a single step”. 

    May I say that President Bola Tinubu of Nigeria is prepared and ready to take that important next step in advancing the partnership between Nigeria and China based on mutual trust and shared prosperity!

    • Rahman is an aide to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu
  • Nestoil and the future of Nigeria’s indigenous oil players

    Nestoil and the future of Nigeria’s indigenous oil players

    Sir: On Tuesday, October 22, policemen sealed off the glass-fronted corporate headquarters of Nestoil Limited on Victoria Island. Employees watched in disbelief as security operatives, acting on court orders, escorted receivers appointed by FBNQuest Merchant Bank into the building. By midday, access had been restricted, and by evening, the story was everywhere: one of Nigeria’s flagship indigenous oil and gas companies had been placed under receivership over an estimated $1 billion debt.

    The takeover, authorised by Justice D. I. Dipeolu of the Federal High Court empowered FBNQuest and its parent company, First Trustees, to seize Nestoil’s assets. The court also directed over 20 banks — including GTBank, Stanbic IBTC, Fidelity, Polaris, and Providus — to freeze the company’s accounts.

    For Nigeria’s oil and gas industry, this was more than a legal action. It was a signal.

    For decades, indigenous energy firms — companies like Seplat, Oando, Shoreline, Aiteo, and Nestoil — were celebrated as symbols of national aspiration. They emerged in the wake of the 2010 Nigerian Oil and Gas Industry Content Development Act, which mandated greater local participation in upstream operations. Backed by patriotic fervour and political goodwill, they borrowed heavily from Nigerian banks to acquire oil blocks divested by Shell, Chevron, and other international oil companies retreating from onshore Niger Delta operations.

    It was a period of exuberance. Crude oil traded above $100 per barrel, the naira was relatively stable, and credit flowed easily. Dollar-denominated loans worth billions were advanced to indigenous firms, often on the assumption that oil prices would stay high and production would ramp up smoothly.

    But then came the shocks.

    The oil price collapse of 2014, followed by the COVID-19 crash in 2020, exposed the fragility of those projections. Production targets were missed, pipelines were sabotaged, and foreign exchange shortages made debt servicing increasingly difficult. Many firms turned to “evergreening” — rolling over loans, extending tenures, and quietly restructuring terms. Banks, fearing contagion in a fragile economy, preferred accommodation to confrontation.

    Read Also: JUST IN: NSA Office to brief media on Trump’s genocide claim against Christians in Nigeria

    That era of quiet indulgence has now ended.

    According to a recent SBM Intelligence report, October alone saw a marked surge in court filings by banks seeking enforcement of non-performing loans. For years, lenders had been accused of shielding politically connected debtors from accountability. Now, under pressure from the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and shareholders, banks are tightening their books.

    The Nestoil case epitomises this shift. What would once have been a closed-door restructuring has now become a public reckoning. The court’s Mareva injunction — a tool typically used to prevent asset flight — is one of the most aggressive debt enforcement measures in Nigerian corporate history.

    The implications go beyond one company. Nigeria’s banks collectively hold billions in exposure to indigenous oil firms. Many of these loans, originally denominated in U.S. dollars at about a dollar to N360, have become far riskier as the naira continues to weaken — it traded near N1,465 on the morning Nestoil’s doors were sealed.

    As lenders scramble to clean their balance sheets, more aggressive recovery actions are expected. Already, several oil service firms have reported disruptions to operations due to account freezes or asset seizures.

    For Nestoil, the immediate battle is legal and financial. The company insists its operations remain unaffected, even as its corporate offices remain under receivership. But the symbolism is undeniable. A company once held up as proof of Nigeria’s local content success now stands as a cautionary tale.

    It marks the end of an era when access to credit could paper over weak fundamentals, and when relationships could override repayment schedules.

    The indigenous oil and gas dream is not dead. But it is being forced to grow up.

    And in this new financial order, survival will depend not on who you know, but on how well you manage risk and trust.

    •Tosin Adeoti, contact@tosinadeoti.com.

  • Future of civic discourse in Nigeria

    Future of civic discourse in Nigeria

    Sir: Nigeria is currently navigating a period of profound uncertainty. The nation faces not only economic hardship resulting from recent policy reforms but also escalating political divisions that threaten national cohesion. Widespread discontent has emerged amid rising inflation, insecurity, and perceptions of governmental inaction. The removal of fuel subsidies and the unification of exchange rates in 2023 led to significant increases in transportation costs, food prices, and general living expenses. Although these reforms were intended to stabilize the economy long-term, they have imposed immediate and severe burdens on citizens.

    In response, the federal government introduced several palliative measures: direct cash transfers to vulnerable households, temporary wage supplements for public sector workers, support for key economic sectors, and a student loan scheme. While these initiatives acknowledge the hardship faced by Nigerians, critics argue they are insufficient, poorly targeted, and potentially inflationary if not accompanied by broader structural reforms.

    Amid these challenges, some individuals have begun advocating for military intervention, citing frustration with governance. A segment of the youth population has used social media and public platforms to express support for a coup. Many lack direct experience of Nigeria’s past under military rule, which was marked by widespread human rights violations, suppression of civil liberties, and systemic abuse of power.

    In previous decades, journalism in Nigeria was a source of intellectual development and civic education. Today, however, the media risks becoming a vehicle for propaganda and incitement—echoing the dangerous role played by radio broadcasters during the Rwandan genocide, where inflammatory rhetoric contributed to mass violence.

    This concern has been heightened by recent remarks from President Donald Trump, who labelled Nigeria a “country of particular concern” and alleged the “mass slaughter” of Christians. While Christian communities have suffered attacks, international observers and Nigerian authorities have rejected the claim of a targeted genocide. The Nigerian government has stated unequivocally that “there is no genocide, now or ever, in Nigeria.” Analysts and human rights organizations have noted that Muslims in northern Nigeria are frequently the primary victims of violence, particularly from groups such as Boko Haram and ISWAP.

    The follow-up to Trump’s declaration—namely, the suggestion of military intervention—is most unfortunate and deeply uncalled for. It is even more disturbing that some Nigerians appear to applaud such a move. Thankfully, even among opposition ranks, there are voices of reason able to read between the lines and reject this dangerous proposition.

    Yet it remains a tragedy that others view it as a welcome development. Should such an intervention ever materialize, it would spell doom for Nigeria. Far from preventing genocide, it could exacerbate existing tensions and further polarize the nation. History offers sobering lessons: in every instance where foreign military intervention has occurred under similar pretenses—Libya, Iraq, Afghanistan—the result has been catastrophic. Nations were destabilized, peace was lost, and social cohesion dismantled.

    The violence in Nigeria is multifaceted—driven by poverty, land disputes, ethnic rivalries, and criminal activity. Reducing it to a single religious narrative distorts the truth and risks inflaming tensions. Rwanda’s genocide, described by Pope John Paul II as “a failure of humanity,” was fuelled by unchecked hatred and the deliberate manipulation of identity. These tragedies were not spontaneous—they were the result of silence, misinformation, and the weaponization of difference.

    Read Also: Adefarasin denies genocide claims, questions US motives in Nigeria

    Nigerian scholars such as Jonah Isawa Elaigwu and Bolaji Akinyemi have long warned of the fragile foundations of Nigerian federalism. Elaigwu’s work emphasizes that “federalism is not merely a constitutional arrangement—it is a culture of dialogue, compromise, and inclusion.” When this culture is undermined, national unity is placed at risk.

    Social media, once a platform for civic engagement, is increasingly being used to spread misinformation and incite division. Nigerian youth, once celebrated as catalysts for democratic change, are now vulnerable to manipulation and digital vigilantism. As Chinua Achebe observed, “The trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership.” Yet leadership is not the sole responsibility of those in office—it is a collective duty shared by all citizens.

    Sustainable change requires rational discourse, active civic participation, and peaceful advocacy. It cannot be achieved through violence, misinformation, or nostalgia for authoritarianism. Falsehoods must be confronted, leaders held accountable, and the rule of law upheld.

    The way forward demands unity, truth, and a renewed commitment to democratic values. As Nelson Mandela wisely stated, “It is in the character of growth that we should learn from both pleasant and unpleasant experiences.” The choices made today will shape the future of generations to come.

    Nigeria stands at a decisive moment. The nation must choose between renewal and regression, between dialogue and division, between democracy and despair. The path to national transformation lies in collective responsibility, principled leadership, and an unwavering commitment to justice and peace.

    •Rev. Canon Benedict Koledoye, South Wales, United Kingdom.

  • The perils of social media

    The perils of social media

    Sir: Social media was once hailed as a tool for empowerment, creativity, and freedom of expression. But beneath that promise lies a powerful machine—the algorithm—designed to keep users scrolling endlessly. This invisible engine prioritizes engagement over enlightenment, amplifying whatever provokes the strongest emotions: outrage, envy, or desire. On these platforms, shock value has become the new currency. The more provocative the post, the more visibility it earns.

    The algorithm, indifferent to morality, amplifies anything that holds attention longest—even if it corrodes social values in the process.

    From sexually suggestive dance challenges to prank videos glorifying deception, the line between entertainment and immorality continues to blur. Parents, teachers, and religious leaders—once moral anchors—now struggle to compete with algorithms that reward shock over substance. Never before has indecency been so accessible, appearing uninvited in our feeds. Some entertainers even release explicit content deliberately to attract attention and promote their brands. This new normal has stripped modesty of its value, turning immorality into a marketing strategy.

    Cultural and religious leaders have sounded the alarm over this moral drift. Many lament how virtues such as humility, discipline, and community spirit are being replaced by an obsession with online fame. Success is increasingly measured not by integrity, but by the number of followers one commands. This shift is not just behavioural—it is psychological, disconnecting the youth from the moral and cultural roots that once defined Nigerian society.

    Read Also: JUST IN: NSA Office to brief media on Trump’s genocide claim against Christians in Nigeria

    The erosion of values through globalized content also signals a subtler form of cultural colonization. While Nigeria may be politically independent, our digital lives are shaped by algorithms built abroad—engines that know nothing of our moral codes. These algorithms decide what trends, what sells, and what we see. Countries like China have taken drastic measures, restricting access to foreign platforms to protect their digital culture and moral fabric.

    Nigeria’s youth—its largest demographic—are being raised in digital spaces where moral accountability is optional and attention is everything. Many young people now define identity through likes, shares, and followers rather than virtue, empathy, or contribution. The metrics of digital validation have replaced the moral metrics of good character.

    Ultimately, Nigeria must redefine its digital future around responsibility, not recklessness. The goal is to build a social media culture that inspires rather than corrupts, that amplifies intellect rather than indecency. The internet should be a marketplace of ideas—not a theatre of moral erosion.

    •Shuaib S. Agaka, Kano.

  • Unpunished

    Unpunished

    By engaging in a disturbing display of brutish conduct, Taiwo Lawal—leader of the Oodua People’s Congress (OPC) in Alimosho, Lagos State—illustrated the excesses of the vigilante organisation known for its Yoruba nationalism.

    According to reports, Lawal recently led six men who assaulted Joseph Omokunle Afolayan, proprietor of Meteorite Standard College in Ayetoro, Ogun State.

    Afolayan’s account: “This incident happened shortly after the morning assembly on October 23. I was moving around the premises and classrooms… Around 9.30 am, I spotted from a distance a 10-year-old JSS 1 student, Sodiq Aremu Lawal, sneaking into the premises… our resumption time is 8 am. He also violated our dress code by not tucking in his shirt.”

    He said he “asked him to stop,” but the student “refused to obey me.” The boy “ran away from the school premises through the pedestrian gate,” and “returned with his father and six men and they descended on me while I was explaining to his father called Taiwo Lawal aka Eniba what his son did.” According to him, the father said “he is the OPC chairman in Alimosho Local Government Area and that nobody can talk to him or reprimand his son.”

    Read Also: Onjeh warns against Trump’s military threat, says Nigeria needs support, not invasion

    Afolayan continued: “He threatened to beat me up, and before I knew it, he and his boys started beating me mercilessly and dealt blows on me until blood gushed out of the wound they inflicted on my head, nose and ears as they dragged me on the floor while my teachers and others watched… I was later rescued by my students who trooped out and engaged Eniba and his thugs…this attack on me was the height of humiliation that I have suffered as a result of trying to instill discipline in a student.” He added that he “spent thousands of naira” on his treatment at the State General Hospital, Ota, Ogun State.

    Curiously, he also said when the son showed up in school the following day, “I did not send him away because he wasn’t the one that beat me up, albeit, his bad behaviour was the trigger.”

    At Ayetoro-Budo Police Station, where he reported the incident, the police told him that “it was not possible to arrest Eniba at his nearby residence under Lagos territory.”  The OPC leader, it was noted, had also shunned a police invitation.

    How the story ends leaves much to be desired. The Divisional Police Officer (DPO), Ayetoro-Budo Police Station, Akindele Okunoye, said “the case was settled” after Lawal “sent some men to the victim pleading for amicable settlement, and all of them later came to my office.” He said the proprietor had demanded that the OPC leader bear the cost of his medical bill, “leading to settlement of the matter.”

    The student whose bad conduct triggered the incident and his father whose conduct was even worse seem to have escaped punishment.  What happened to the use of punishment for deterrent purposes?

  • Nigeria, U.S. and the politics of perception

    Nigeria, U.S. and the politics of perception

    Sir: When the United States recently classified Nigeria once again as a “Country of Particular Concern” over alleged religious persecution, many Nigerians reacted with a mixture of surprise, frustration and weary familiarity. It was not the first time Washington has made such a designation, but the tone and timing especially coming alongside firm public statements from President Donald Trump sparked anxiety about Nigeria’s international standing and the wider implications for diplomatic and economic relations.

    The label, tied to claims that Christian communities face targeted suppression and insecurity, did not emerge in isolation. Evangelical groups and rights advocates in the U.S. have sustained pressure for years, insisting that Nigeria is witnessing a systematic campaign against Christians. That narrative has gained traction in certain policy circles abroad, even as it remains contested by many Nigerian stakeholders, security experts, and interfaith leaders.

    Yet the picture inside Nigeria is more complex than one storyline suggests. There is no denying that Christian communities have suffered devastating attacks in parts of the country, particularly in the Middle Belt and Northeast. Churches have been razed, worshippers killed, and entire communities displaced. But Muslims too, especially across Borno, Yobe, Katsina, Zamfara and Sokoto have been victims of terrorism, banditry and targeted killings. Mosques have been attacked; religious scholars abducted and murdered. Entire villages, predominantly Muslim, have been wiped out by armed groups.

    Nigeria’s reality is not a war between two faiths. What the country faces is a combination of terrorism, rural banditry, communal conflicts, climate-induced migration pressures, cattle-route disputes, land use clashes, and the legacy of weak local governance structures. To reduce this layered crisis to a single religious persecution narrative is not only inaccurate, but risks deepening suspicion among communities already struggling with fear and mistrust.

    Still, criticism should not be dismissed simply because its framing is imperfect. Nigeria has a duty to protect every citizen, regardless of religion or location. For too long, families across this country whether in Southern Kaduna or Zamfara forests, in Plateau villages or Borno communities have buried loved ones without justice. That national pain must be acknowledged honestly. Security failures, uneven responses, and slow justice mechanisms have fed frustration. Diplomatic contests should not make us blind to domestic responsibilities.

    The federal government’s response so far has been measured, rejecting the U.S. designation as misguided, while reaffirming Nigeria’s commitment to religious freedom and interfaith harmony. It is a wise approach. Anger may be emotionally satisfying, but diplomacy requires restraint. Nigeria cannot afford avoidable strategic friction with a global partner whose support remains vital in counterterrorism, trade, and military cooperation.

    At the same time, Nigeria must not appear defensive or passive. The moment calls for quiet confidence backed by visible action: stronger prosecution of violent actors, transparent reporting on communal incidents, improved early-warning systems, interfaith dialogue at community level, and a firmer hand against inflammatory rhetoric from religious or political figures. Policy must meet principle.

    The United States, for its part, must resist being guided by lobby groups alone. Nigeria’s story cannot be reduced to campaign talking points or foreign ideological battles. A balanced reading of our challenges recognises that both mosques and churches have fallen under attack and that extremists exploit sectarian fear precisely to divide Nigerians.

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    There are consequences if this misunderstanding continues. Visa restrictions, partnership strain, and reputational damage are not theoretical risks. They can affect students, investors, families and businesses. Neither Abuja nor Washington stands to gain from an avoidable spiral. Both countries require each other — for regional stability, counterterror operations, trade, and democratic governance.

    Nigeria should not shy away from accountability, but neither should it accept a mischaracterisation of its troubles. Our armed forces — made up of Muslims and Christians — have fought and died together in the same trenches. Our communities, despite tensions, continue to intermingle, marry, trade and coexist daily. That reality deserves recognition.

    The task now is to protect citizens while protecting the truth. Nigeria must demonstrate seriousness, not insecurity. Quiet reform, steady diplomacy, and firm national messaging will serve the country better than loud confrontation.

    In moments like this, maturity matters. The world is watching to see not whether Nigeria has challenges — every nation does — but how Nigeria responds. A confident country fixes its weaknesses without surrendering its dignity. That is the path that protects lives, preserves unity and strengthens the nation’s voice on the global stage.

    In the end, what Nigeria needs is not applause abroad but peace at home. And that peace will come not from foreign declarations but from strong institutions, fair justice, and leaders and citizens committed to refusing the dangerous politics of faith and fear.

    •Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu,Abuja

  • Lessons from Finland’s economic model

    Lessons from Finland’s economic model

    Sir: Eight years in a row, Finland, a European country, was chosen by a UN survey as the happiest country in the world. Some years back, the UN survey described Nigerians as the happiest people on earth.

    Ironically, Nigerians were not dubbed on the basis of their wellness and welfare, but rather on the basis of their inactions and complacency in the face of extreme hardship and lack of wellbeing. This was the period of the dictatorial rule of the Nigerian maximum ruler, late General Sani Abacha. The happiest people and the happiest country, you can decide to be happy in an unhappy country, but you can’t afford to be sad in a happy country, especially one which possesses all the ingredients of happiness and wellness.

    Finland’s Minister of External Affairs, Elina Valtonen spoke recently in an interview about her country’s model of governance that helped Finland to attain the status of the happiest country in the world. According to Valtonen, about 100 years ago, Finland was one of the poorest countries in Europe, but her recipe was basically not just about happiness but about progress. Finland believes in investing in human capital by developing persons and individuals.

    Everything in Finland is based on strong values and are human centred. People rely on institutions and have trust in government and not the individual politician. In other words, Finland develops strong institutions that act as a bulwark for every successive governments that come and go. Years ago, this was basically the advice of the former American President, Barack Obama, urging African governments to develop strong institutions as opposed to strong personalities.

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    Persons die, but institutions continue to subsist as fulcrum to support a viable and strong governance. The Finnish have trust in tax collection and trust in institutions that are important to the society. Tax evasion in Finland is a criminal offence because taxes create revenue for the government. In Finland, the same rules apply to everybody. The government trusts and empowers every individual man or woman, independent of religion. Independent of your background, the government creates an enabling environment where everybody can contribute to his or her wellbeing, life and overall society.

    Education in Finland is free until you want to get a PhD. Finland was the first country in the world to introduce women’s right to vote. Finland does everything possible to harness the benefits of its women population with equal rights with the men folks.

    There is a common narrative in Africa that we don’t have a debt problem, but we have a cost of debt problem. But according to Valtonen, as a borrower, you can basically choose where to get your debt from. She questions African countries who obtain their debts from authoritarian countries that are basically misusing their dependency of African countries for their own benefit, adding that African countries should advocate a transparent market economy which nurtures and guarantees equal rule for every lender, whether it be sovereign, individual or company. Finally, in her view, African government need a market economy and market regulation, which is not too bureaucratic, but one that helps to bring confidence to private investors. 

    •Sunday Olagunju,Ibadan, Oyo State

  • Urgent path to agricultural prosperity

    Urgent path to agricultural prosperity

    Sir: The future of farming in our region doesn’t lie solely in the soil; it’s being built on digital highways and powered by express innovation. It’s time to recognize and invest in the fusion of technology and logistics as the most powerful tool for agricultural promotion.

    Our farming communities are currently hampered by a critical lack of cohesion and market insight. We must implement practices that aggressively boost interactions among farmers. This isn’t just about social networking; it’s about building a robust, shared infrastructure that strengthens their price information ability.

    When digital tools provide real-time, verified market data, the “difference information” gap is closed. This transparency is the foundation for fair trade; ensuring farmers stop losing out to middlemen and begin selling with the confidence that comes from market knowledge. This is where meaningful agricultural promotion begins.

    The modern farmer must be more than just a cultivator; they must be a competent manager and entrepreneur. Digital innovation is essential for addressing the managerial and business aspects of farming. This includes:

    •Farm Management Software: Digital tools that simplify inventory, labour, and financial tracking, transforming the farm into a streamlined business.

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    •Facility Development: Using data to guide investments in crucial supportive infrastructure, like cold storage and processing centres, rather than relying on guesswork.

    By focusing on the development of facilities and providing training in these business-centric skills, we empower farmers to move beyond mere subsistence into commercial success.

    Ultimately, the goal is to increase both the yields and distribution efficiency of our agricultural produce. Using digital tools to promote agriculture means deploying precision farming technologies—sensors, drones, and AI—to maximize output while ensuring sustainable resource use.

    Crucially, digital platforms can revolutionize the distribution of food, goods, and services. By connecting producers directly to buyers via efficient, “express” logistics and supply chain systems, we drastically reduce post-harvest loss and enhance food security. This seamless flow, driven by different ideas for better distribution, is the ultimate measure of successful agricultural practice promotion.

    We must make the commitment now to fully integrate digital tools and robust express logistics into every facet of our agriculture. The prosperity of our farmers and the stability of our food supply depend on it.

     •Michael Adedotun Oke,Abuja