Category: Commentaries

  • Nigeria’s commitment to religious freedom, security must not be ignored

    Nigeria’s commitment to religious freedom, security must not be ignored

    By Olufemi Soneye

    The recent decision by the United States to classify Nigeria as a “Country of Particular Concern” has stirred global attention, but it also risks overlooking significant reforms and security gains currently underway in Africa’s largest democracy. While Nigeria faces undeniable security and religious-tolerance challenges, the narrative is incomplete without acknowledging the deliberate steps the Tinubu administration has taken to uphold religious freedom, protect communities and restore stability.

    Since assuming office, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration has treated national security and unity with urgency. Renewed counter-terrorism operations have disrupted major insurgent networks across the Northeast, while intensified intelligence-led deployments in the North-Central region continue to reduce farmer-herder clashes. In the Northwest, coordinated military offensives are degrading bandit networks, and enhanced maritime security in the Niger Delta and Gulf of Guinea has significantly reduced piracy and oil theft, safeguarding both lives and national assets.

    Beyond security operations, the government has strengthened community-reconciliation programs and socio-economic interventions to address the root causes of conflict. Humanitarian support for displaced persons has expanded, interfaith dialogue platforms have been reinforced, and community policing frameworks are being enhanced. Importantly, the rights of Nigerians to freely worship, whether Christian, Muslim or of other faiths, remain guaranteed and actively defended, with the President consistently affirming that no citizen’s safety or religious liberty should be compromised.

    At the same time, the administration has implemented economic reforms that may be unpopular in some quarters, yet are necessary to reset the economy after years of structural strain. Fuel subsidy removal, exchange-rate alignment and stricter fiscal discipline are intended to stabilise the macro-economic environment, attract investment and lay a foundation for sustainable growth. In such a delicate phase, a designation of this nature risks unsettling investor confidence and placing additional stress on an economy that is fragile but recovering.

    Conversations with officials and policy experts in Washington, where I have previously served, reveal that documentary and video evidence, along with direct engagement with victims and advocacy groups, informed the United States Government’s decision. Whether one agrees with Washington’s conclusion or not, its position is based on intelligence assessments and survivor testimonies. Nigeria must therefore respond with clarity and confidence. What Nigeria confronts is persistent terrorism, and few nations have invested as many lives, resources and political effort in fighting violent extremism and protecting religious communities.

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    Nigeria’s vibrant civil society, independent media remain important instruments of accountability.  International partners, including the European Union and the United Nations, have recognised Nigeria’s renewed commitment to inclusive governance and rule of law.

    Nigeria welcomes constructive international engagement. To this end, government should deepen dialogue with Washington, share intelligence, carefully review the evidence cited and provide additional context on verified terrorist activities affecting communities of all faiths. Cooperative engagement, rather than isolation, will help ensure mutual understanding and prevent misrepresentation of the realities on the ground.

    Labels of this nature can embolden extremist narratives, unsettle markets and undermine ongoing reforms aimed at building a safer and more prosperous nation. The United States remains a strategic partner, and sustained engagement based on mutual respect and shared democratic values remains essential. Nigeria’s path forward requires collaboration and dialogue, particularly at a time when reforms are beginning to yield gradual progress.

    Nigeria acknowledges its challenges and is addressing them with resolve and reform. The nation’s future will be determined not by external labels, but by continued domestic progress, constructive diplomacy and genuine international partnership.

    •Soneye is a Nigerian media entrepreneur and communications strategist. He served as Chief Corporate Communications Officer of NNPC Ltd

  • Checkpoints on border routes

    Checkpoints on border routes

    Multiple checkpoints are a menace on Nigeria’s border corridors. We have the word of stakeholders in Southwest corridors to illustrate that.

    Ogun State House of Assembly recently called on police leadership to scale down 52 checkpoints erected on the Idiroko-Owode route, decrying the situation as oppressive and detrimental to the socio-economic wellbeing of residents and commuters in the border communities. The assembly made the call in a resolution, following a motion by member representing Ipokia/Idiroko state constituency.

    The member, Bisi Oyedele, had said the proliferation of police checkpoints on the route subjected residents, motorists and traders to daily extortion, intimidation and unnecessary delays. He noted that checkpoints along the 20-kilometre stretch increased from about 20 to 52 within weeks, saying: “A trip that should ordinarily last 20 minutes now takes almost two hours due to endless interceptions by security officers who often demand bribe from drivers and traders. Transporters are most affected, paying up to ₦1,000 per stop – a situation that has led to losses, protests and even a temporary local transport strike recently witnessed.” He added: “The proliferation of checkpoints has crippled local businesses, increased transport fares and worsened the prices of goods and essential commodities in Ipokia Local Government and environs. Perishable goods now get damaged in transit due to unnecessary delays, while traders are forced to factor illegal payments into the cost of their wares, making life increasingly difficult for ordinary citizens.”

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    The assembly, in deliberations presided over by Speaker Daisi Elemide, deplored the multiplicity of checkpoints, describing the conduct of some officers manning them as abuse of authority. Its resolution urged Ogun police commissioner to reduce the checkpoints to a reasonable number as would yet guarantee security without inflicting hardship on innocent citizens. It also called on Governor Dapo Abiodun to engage the police command so to address the matter swiftly. The house further resolved to transmit the motion as a petition to the Senate President, House of Representatives Speaker, Police Inspector-General and the National Security Adviser for investigation and necessary action at the federal level.

    Barely a week earlier, the Controller, Seme area command of Nigeria Customs, Wale Adenuga, said multiple checkpoints along Lagos-Badagry expressway were tarnishing the country’s image. Speaking at a stakeholder engagement with security agencies, traditional rulers, community representatives and business partners in Seme, he added that Customs would not rest until the checkpoints are reduced to the barest minimum  on the corridor. “The time wasting along Lagos-Badagry expressway is disturbing. You will see many vehicles queueing for checking by security operatives. It is embarrassing to see as many as 10 Immigration, 20 Police and 15 Customs checkpoints doing same work along the expressway.” He added: “We need  to tell ourselves the bitter truth. The more we facilitate legitimate trade, the better for our country. When trade thrives, crime reduces.”

    Those testimonies say it all.

  • Adeola Ajayi: A legacy of compassion, service

    Adeola Ajayi: A legacy of compassion, service

    By Jacob Edi

    While scouring the streets of Facebook dats, ago, I stumbled on a post by Hon Ifunanya Nwanegwo, who happens to be the Chairman, Mbaitoli LGA, Imo state. In the post, she was appreciating the Director General of the Department of State Services (DSS), Mr Oluwatosin Adeola Ajayi, for empowering ten people in the LGA to help them boost their small businesses.

    What struck me the most wasn’t the post, but the comments that ensued. It was laden with emotion-laced testimonies of how the  DSS boss has always been benevolent. Expectedly, my initial reaction was that this must have been a political move. However, it struck me that the name didn’t sound Igbo. In fact, he is Ijebu from Ogun state. And from my little knowledge of the Yoruba, I know that they are considered the most thrifty, if not the stingiest, of the Yoruba race.

    When I enquired if this gesture was because his wife is from Imo State,  I discovered that she isn’t. Therefore, I ruled out politics. This is humanity at play, combined with leadership, purpose and achievement of national security objectives. In that moment. I decided to dig a bit further to attempt the difficult task of unraveling the man, mystery and the motive.

    While researching the background of Mr. Ajayi from colleagues, superiors and subordinates at the DSS, it dawned on me that the man has what I would describe as a ‘special place in his heart’ for the less privileged in the society. For instance, I got to learn that as far back as in 1994, when he was still a budding officer, Ajayi’s hobby was providing financial assistance to orphanages and leper homes in Akure, Ondo State. As he rose in rank and got transferred to other states, he improved on the scope of the support. Now, as the DG of the DSS, I heard, he carries out outreaches at orphanage homes across all states at different times of the year.

    Friends and former colleagues describe Mr. Ajayi as an uncommon humanitarian. “He is led by principles of humanity, not of politics, nor religion nor tribe or any sentiment whatsoever, “ said one of his university classmates. While serving in Bauchi state, offered a now retired deputy director of the Service, Ajayi renovated a mosque at Tafewa-Balewa. He rebuilt the Church of Christ in Nations (COCIN) which was in near ruins, even as he reportedly renovated the Evangelical Church of West Africa (ECWA) church there.

    He didn’t stop at providing assistance to churches and mosques. The DSS boss, I learnt, made it a point of duty to host Christian and Muslim leaders yearly as a means of fostering unity while also extending humanitarian assistance to them. He would feed those fasting during Lent and Ramadan, and provide assistance to any who met him for pressing issues.

    As I dug deeper, I was struck by awe as to how a security chief could be so moved by passion for humanity to do all he did and is still doing.

    In my home state, Kogi, where I served as Special Adviser on Media and Strategy to former Governor Idris Wada,  I couldn’t but notice the impact Mr. Ajayi made in my state when he served as the State Director of Security.  Even though his deployment came after that administration, while other neighbouring states struggled with insecurity, Ajayi, I learnt, largely succeeded in keeping Kogi safe, apparently using his unique style of engaging aristocrats and plebeians alike.

    Aside occasionally empowering people, the DSS boss, I further learnt, had the habit of visiting hospitals and offsetting bills of indigent patients. He would support widows with empowerment programmes and offer scholarships to their children. From what I gathered, when selecting beneficiaries, Ajayi does not discriminate on the basis of tongue or creed.

    From Bauchi to Bayelsa, and from Plateau to Rivers, and from Ondo to Kaduna States, I learnt, Ajayi’s benevolent fingerprints in orphanages and several humanitarian gestures are as clear as the day. In a clime where it is not uncommon for public officers, especially security chiefs, to seek to make the best of their postings, Ajayi chose to be different. He always gave back, in very special ways, to the indigents in the states he served.

    In the course of my investigating this  interesting man, I learnt that security may not just be about brandishing arms and ammunition. I got to learn that the DSS boss believes that humanitarian acts have proven to be a very efficient non-conventional method of maintaining peace and security. One of the driving forces of the DSS boss, noted a retired director of the Service, is in his belief that any intelligence service without human asset will be struggling as, according to the spy chief, human intelligence aka HUMINT is more effective. He reportedly believes that the collection of information from human sources through interpersonal contact is very effective.

    I guess he believes that when an idle mind is meaningfully engaged, chances of indulging in criminality become slimmer. In the states he served across all the geo-political zones, Ajayi was able to use this unconventional approach to record successes. It, therefore, came as a little surprise that President Tinubu appointed him to head the DSS, and realize the National Strategic Security Plan.

    Apparently, due to the classified nature of DSS activities, I, understandably, couldn’t lay hands on some information I desired. Thankfully, by virtue of his becoming Director General, some of his activities have become public information which makes it easy to better understand his true nature. I remember that months ago, friends of the DSS boss donated an Islamic school to a community in Kaduna state. He had served in the state and, in 2009, directed the successful rescue of a Canadian lady and official of Rotary International.

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    We cannot overemphasize the importance of security to our daily lives. The earlier we begin to realize that all aspects of the society needs to be fully secured for us to make progress, the better we start appreciating people like Mr Ajayi who leaves no stone unturned in the quest to make Nigeria safer.

    It goes without saying that a man’s true nature is exposed through his actions. The kind nature of the DSS boss perhaps is the reason he finds it easy to compensate individuals who were wrongly arrested by the Service. Apparently, only a kind, just and true man who expresses empathy towards the plight of others will go through the inconvenience of apologising and compensating suspects arrested or detained in error.

    At this point some might be wondering, if with the DSS boss, charity is indeed beginning at home? In other words, if DSS personnel are also beneficiaries of Ajayi’s kindness. I cannot claim to have all the details. However, most serving and retired personnel of the DSS I interacted with say they’ve never had it so good. I hear they are better enumerated, personnel issues are prioritized, families of personnel lost in the line of duty are adequately compensated, wives and relatives of inactive personnel are empowered and most importantly, personnel of the agency are hopeful for a better future in the Service.

    The humanitarian deeds of the DSS boss are too numerous to mention in a single piece as this. I’m happy to have come to realize that Ajayi is not just the Director General, DSS. He is a man who sees the hollowness in the hearts of the needy and goes overboard to support them and give them hope.

    It is my sincere prayer that, some day, other leaders across the country will emulate this Good Samaritan who continues to build on a worthy legacy of kindness and service for humanity.

    Edi, Special Adviser to Governor Usman Ododo on Information and Communications,, and former chairman, NUJ (FCT chapter), wrote from Abuja

  • Putin, Trump and next

    Putin, Trump and next

    By Diane Francis

    Why doesn’t Donald Trump have sympathy with Ukraine like most people do? Why has he placed no sanctions on Russia or its oil customers? Why does he hesitate to give Ukraine Tomahawk missiles to retaliate against Russia’s devastating attacks on civilians? Why does he handle Putin with kid gloves and respect? Why is he the tough guy who beats up or bombs rivals but tiptoes around Putin, allowing him to embarrass, humiliate, and outflank him? Why is there no deal to end the war? Of growing concern is that Trump’s efforts have also been erratic and questionable, raising questions as to whether he’s impaired, has been promised riches by Putin, or is being blackmailed. Whatever the reason, Putin, the world’s worst geopolitical predator, has been able to run circles around the most powerful man on the Planet. So far.

    It makes little sense that a tough guy from New York City with a bottomless desire for success and the Nobel Peace Prize has squandered the momentum he created by executing the Israel-Gaza peace deal, a template that he made. All that is needed to stop Russia’s slaughter is: Back Ukraine to the hilt with weapons, as he did Israel, demolish Russia’s oil industry and economy with long-range missiles as well as severe sanctions, sanction all of Russia’s oil customers, publicly isolate, humiliate, and call Putin a war criminal who kidnaps children, then demand a ceasefire or escalate. Trump’s failure to put his own patented peace plan into gear makes him an accomplice, not a savior.

    Matthias Schmale, the UN’s humanitarian coordinator in Ukraine, said 2025 has been deadlier for civilians than 2024, with casualties rising 30 percent.

    Equally perplexing is that Trump is unafraid of bombing and sanctioning the Ayatollahs or destroying thugs like Nicholas Maduro in Venezuela. But, in the case of Ukraine, Trump has held back from slamming Putin for refusing to agree to a ceasefire, as Ukraine did weeks ago, and has held back from providing more firepower to Kyiv as it is continuously bombarded. Instead, he has a chat with Putin and backs down. Clearly, nuclear escalation is always a concern, but Trump recently positioned nuclear submarines close to Russia to reassert American deterrence boldly.

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    What’s perplexing is the Trump-Putin relationship. Trump talks Tomahawks, Putin calls, and Trump shrinks. Then, Trump agrees that another summit will be held in Budapest. That bilateral is a coup for Putin for three reasons: Ukraine is not invited to participate, equivalent to settling the Israel-Gaza war by holding talks with Iran and Hamas without including Israel. Secondly, the summit provides another global photo-op for Putin, as did the pointless summit in Alaska, and thirdly, it also raises Putin’s stature in a city run by a pro-Putin government.

    Budapest is an unacceptable venue. Putin chose it because it was where, three decades ago, Kyiv agreed to surrender its nuclear arsenal in return for security guarantees from the US, Britain, Russia, and others – guarantees that were never honored. Ukraine was invaded twice since then by Russia, and the US and Britain didn’t lift a finger. Besides that, Hungary is Europe’s “skunk at the picnic” and a small, inconsequential nation run by Viktor Orban, a Putin lackey. Russia openly bribes Hungary by providing it with cheap oil, and Hungary returns the favor by refusing to supply self-defense military equipment to Ukraine, nor to allow military equipment sent by other European Union (EU) member states to pass through the country.

    Frankly, Hungary should be booted out of the EU and NATO because its government is obstructive to both alliances and is also guilty of democratic backsliding. Orban vetoes EU aid to Ukraine, and only recently agreed not to veto NATO assistance to Ukraine in return for concessions. But Orban is also a favorite of Trump because of his right-wing autocratic policies. So far, concerning Ukraine, it’s game, set, and match for Putin. In one phone call, Trump went from contemplating Tomahawks and sanctions to providing Putin with another global stage. Worse, in advance of the meet-up, Trump is putting pressure on Ukraine to capitulate, not on Putin. For example, he recently told Ukraine to accept Putin’s terms or risk being “destroyed” and suggested that Ukraine may have to trade land (Donbas) for peace.

    A bilateral summit also suits Trump and will help project his “peacemaker” image. More importantly, it will allow his team to conduct “business” with the Kremlin. Since his inauguration, Russia has dangled economic proposals to the American business community as a tactic to undermine support for Ukraine and as a disincentive against destroying Russia’s economy to stop the war, according to an Oct. 17 report published by the Institute for the Study of War (ISW) in Washington. “The Kremlin continues to employ a dual-handed rhetorical strategy, leveraging economic proposals and veiled military threats in an effort to simultaneously pursue normalizing US-Russian relations and deterring US support for Ukraine,” it wrote.

    This initiative is being directed by the Russian Direct Investment Fund (RDIF) CEO and key Kremlin negotiator, Kirill Dmitriev, who publicly promotes a gigantic joint US-Russian economic venture, according to the ISW. This undertow of promised opportunities is obviously designed to prevent attacks that could destroy Russia’s asset base as well as to discourage draconian sanctions that could cripple its key businesses.

    Interestingly, the Republican and business-oriented Wall Street Journal urges full-on escalation against Russia in an editorial entitled “Give Ukraine the Tomahawks, Mr. President.” It stated that “Mr. Trump’s reluctance seems to involve two concerns, and the first is escalation with a nuclear power. But Mr. Putin has been lobbing cruise and ballistic missiles at Ukraine for years, and there’s nothing escalatory about return fire. Tomahawks could be a force for peace by altering Mr. Putin’s capacity to carry on his grinding war. Mr. Trump has said repeatedly he wants to end the war, and no doubt he means it. But Mr. Putin so far hasn’t shown any willingness to stop shooting.”

    So what’s next? There may be a light at the end of this tunnel. For starters, Trump would never have agreed to go to Budapest without certainty that there is or will be a deal. The Putin call was lengthy and took 2.5 hours, which indicates that a complicated agreement may have been sketched out. The latest rumor is that Putin wants Donetsk but is willing to “surrender” parts of occupied southern Ukraine, wrote the ISW on Oct. 20. But no one knows.

    Optimistically, the best scenario would be that Trump may, in fact, pull off another Israel-Gaza triumph. After all, Putin knows that without a ceasefire win for Trump, the stalemate will grind on, Ukrainians won’t capitulate, and Tomahawks, backed by Ukrainian drones, will eventually have to wipe out what’s left of Russia’s economy. Only a deal can prevent Russia’s collapse and eventual dissolution. So Trump let Putin pick Budapest, but only if he agreed to freeze the battle line where it is now, give up some land, and immediately stop shooting.

    • This article was originally published in www.kyivpost.com

  • Reimagining the new world of work: A public sector perspective

    Reimagining the new world of work: A public sector perspective

    The world as we know it is now in a state of complex flux. And our current conceptual framework for understanding the breakneck speed at which things are moving is to say we now live in a VUCA—vulnerable, uncertain, complex and ambiguous—environment. This understanding has some significant implications for the way we see our lives, our relationships, our organizational dynamics – the way work is organized, the way we get work done and the way we produce. And so, when the Chartered Institute of Personnel Management of Nigeria (CIPM-N) recently convened its 57th Annual International Conference at Abuja, there was no other theme than can be more auspicious and imperative than reimagining the intersection of management, work, workplace dynamics and disruptive technologies. And this is all the more as we reflect on the trajectories of all these within a difficult administrative context like Nigeria.

    We are at the dawn of a new knowledge age that is driven by information and technologies that are creating new mindsets, conceptual tools, management system, culture and all, in ways that enable public administrators, personnel and human resource managers to rethink the traditional understanding of what an organizational workplace means in the new normal. With the fast rate at which new technologies are emerging, there is an increasing geometric rate at which traditional management and bureaucratic borders are being seamlessly dissolved and disrupted. Knowledge, information and data are mediated by artificial intelligence and the Internet of Things with an enormous computing power to not only generate new forms of interactions between humans and machines. They also complicate and transform the task of managers in the workplace regarding human resource functions and management, decision making and policy architecture.

    There is another dimension to this complex flux that is often missed out in our conceptual and managerial reflection about change and transformation. The transformation of the nature of work and of workplace conditions and dynamics is not solely a technical, technocratic and technological matter. The transformation of the workplace by knowledge, information and data inflow as well as disruptive technologies have significant sociological implications that impact on value orientation, identity construction, tradition and experience, communal ethos, social inequality, and essentially what it means to be human in the world of work. These are all issues that must form the basis of policy action and management research by public administrators, public managers, management and administration scholars and researchers, and the entire communities of service and practice. 

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    While the private sectors across the world, and most public sectors, were already fast tracking their alignment with the emerging times especially in managerial revolution, it took the COVID-19 pandemic to deepen our understanding of the parlous state of the Nigerian institutional and administrative resilience in the face of disruptive challenges like an unyielding virus. The pandemic demonstrated starkly the structural weaknesses in the capability readiness of the public sector, the fragmentation of work in the public sector workplaces, and the near-absence of policy innovation and creativity. Fundamentally, it raises an urgent concern about public sector institutional resilience-building, and the capacity to manage emergencies, early warning signals and systems, crisis response and crisis mitigation.

    What I consider to be the most urgent workplace consideration in the face of the daunting flux of transformations of the nature of work is what we can call the people-issue. This is the issue of how persons and personnel remain the focus of whatever reforms, changes and adjustment that information, data, knowledge and technologies are forcing on the reconstitution and reimagining of the nature of work and of the workplace. The other dimension of this people-issue is how the public service workplace is regenerated—instigated by the pandemic—to mainstream into its operations, technologies and new managerial procedures and processes that shift the paradigms in terms of redefining citizens engagement by placing the citizens-as-customers at the centre of service delivery designs. This is a development that many advanced economies already integrated into their public sector optimal functions.

    The open government initiative, a crucial part of the new managerial revolution in the public service, refocuses the significance of the people as citizens, and insists on giving attention to the challenges of where, when and how people work and how they are worked for especially within the context of how digitally-enabled platforms and technologies assist the government and the public service to measure institutional and administrative successes and performances in humane and transparent ways. Public managers and administrators are then compelled to focus not only on the imperatives of work-life balance that often dehumanize humans as mere capital or resources in the workplace. But also articulate, within an administrative context like Nigeria, best practices that involves participatory budgeting, co-creation of public values, delegated authority within an evolving decentralized work environment, as well as real-time strategic communication dynamics within bottom-up planning frameworks that instigate co-designing of policies and decision-making.

    Within the contemporary workplace, public managers are fast taking on many roles that accentuate their transformational—rather than merely transactional—significance in the workplace. Traditionally, they regarded as (a) expert—advising the government on policy decisions, (b) regulator—oversight over outsourced and externalized functions of government, (c) engager—shaping the larger issue of the public good and how it affects the community, and (d) reticulist—identifying new skills and expertise and bringing them together to achieve good results and outcomes. However, within the new knowledge and technologies environment, an average public manager must also be critical, discretionary and proactive juggler, with the capacity to balance the human-machine components of the workplace.

    In Nigeria, there are two variables that are critical in the attempt to functionally configuring the workplace especially in Nigeria. The first is the damaging effect of the brain drain, or the japa syndrome. This is a situation where Nigeria’s national and work environment has led to the unceasing search for better living and working conditions abroad. The second variable, which further reinforces the first, is the increasing incidences of machine or artificial intelligences, displacing humans as workers in the workplace in terms of functions such as bookkeeping, payroll processing, accounting, etc. This is further complicated by the growing informalization of wage employment—including the implications of the GIG economy—that complicate the social protection systems and labour regulations guiding employer-employee relations, especially in terms of formal and written employment contracts, as well as the dynamics of the labor laws and contracts system that inform the processes of access to formal benefits like gratuity and pension, health insurance scheme, etc.

    All the above have fundamental implications for how we reimagine and reform first, public administration systems and public sector institutional dynamics, but also the understanding of work and skills management in the workplace. The most critical challenge goes to the policy makers, public administration academic and researchers and human resource experts to reflect on how the complex interplay of knowledge, data, information and technologies is reconfiguring the nature and meaning of work in the twenty-first century and the implications of all this for human capital development, productivity and national development in Nigeria. Institutional reform of the workplace begins with the urgency of rethinking the intellectual bases of what work, jobs, skills, pay and compensation as well as sundry employment policies as ways and means for making the workplace functional. Adapting to the changing nature of work and of the workplace requires a value reorientation in the form of a new mental model and a cultural readjustment program that helps the workforce to adapt to a new technology-enabled environment where artificial intelligence and new technologies in the workplace create opportunities for the development of new skills set in domains like software design, data analysis, while also allowing for the deployment of big data, blockchain, digital technologies and platform, etc. to perform round-the-clock services and streamline internal processes that contribute to improving evidence-based policy-making.

    A constant program of re-professionalization, training and upskilling will become important not only for the workers but even more so for the public managers to stay on top of new demands for workplace culture, ethical relations, work-life balance, and flexible human resource functions. The new workplace operating under the new normal will task the administrative and managerial acumen of the public manager whose transformational capabilities and competences will be tasked to manage the human-machine industrial relations. Indeed, one of the most the fundamental tests of the managerial acumen that will be needed, especially in a hesitant administrative environment like the Nigerian public sector, is its capacity to attract, retain and incentivize workers who have many available options of working in more friendly, technologically-savvy and ethically relational workplace that respect their unique talents. One of the most unique characteristics of the nature of work and of the workplace that allow for flexible adaptability—the capacity of workers to seamlessly move from one job to the other, or to keep multiple jobs simultaneously.

    The Nigerian government is tasked, even more significantly, to become proactive in the development of educational and administrative curricula in public administration and public management while also activating the many administrative training institutes across the country to key into basic and action research that emphasize skills development that cannot be easily replaced by machines and robotics in areas like critical thinking, emotional intelligence, conceptual and analytical competences, and ability to manage project complexities, and problem-solving. The fundamental key to transforming the workplace is therefore the willingness to continuously educate the workforce and build their capacity for “learning to learn” the dynamics that keep changing the workplace. This will require equipping future employees through creating new knowledge based on intelligent prospecting of future work and the future skills requirements the national economy will need to keep performing productivity.

  • Fayemi, fuel subsidy, and the danger of a single story

    Fayemi, fuel subsidy, and the danger of a single story

    By Tosin Durodola

    There is a familiar pattern in Nigerian politics. A short clip travels fast, gains outrage, and becomes the version of events that sticks. Nuance rarely survives that journey. The latest target of this treatment is Dr Kayode Fayemi, former Governor of Ekiti State, following the renewed circulation of a brief video in which he appears to dismiss the Occupy Nigeria protests of 2012 as “mere politics.” The clip is being reshared without the wider argument that surrounded it. Anyone who wants an accurate record of what he said should start with that missing context. The circulation of fragments is not trivial because such fragments quickly harden into collective memory.

    Once a phrase becomes the story, subsequent corrections struggle to gain traction, and public debate begins to orbit a caricature rather than the full account. Readers deserve a fuller reconstruction of events, sources, and sequence before settling on a judgment.

    The remark did not arise spontaneously this week. It came from a lecture Dr Fayemi delivered in September 2023 while speaking on democratic accountability and difficult policy choices. The subject of fuel subsidy reform was raised. He observed that the political class in 2012 had not presented a united front. In fact, the Action Congress of Nigeria, his party at the time, opposed subsidy removal in the heat of social pressure, even though governors in the Nigeria Governors’ Forum, which included ACN governors, had earlier supported President Jonathan’s decision because the subsidy regime was seen as corrupt and fiscally damaging.

    ACN politicians ultimately sided with the protests, not because the policy lacked merit, but because the politics of that moment demanded it. His plea was that leaders should face the issue honestly rather than shield themselves from backlash when reality hits. In other words, the political speech now circulating was a commentary on political behaviour, not a dismissal of public suffering.

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    Dr Fayemi has acknowledged his own role in that 2012 episode, noting that governors were caught between technocratic evidence and partisan mobilisation, eventually aligning with their party position despite personal conviction. The lecture also situated subsidy reform within a wider democratic test about trust, fairness, and the credibility of social protection measures.

    The reactions to that lecture prompted Dr Fayemi to write an article in Punch titled “Tackling the Danger of a Single Story.” In that piece he recognised that the Occupy Nigeria movement was driven by anger over economic hardship, distrust, and fear of deeper inequality. He did not trivialise those concerns. He argued that the policy itself became a casualty of partisanship. He also used the example to call for more responsible politics, especially where difficult reforms affect millions of ordinary people. His Punch article made clear that the ACN’s posture in 2012 was shaped by political calculations during ongoing merger talks that later birthed the APC. In retrospect, he regrets the tactical posture that contributed to policy reversal, and it was in that sense that he apologised directly to Jonathan at the 2023 lecture.

    To understand the full picture, we must recall what made the 2023 context fundamentally different. Unlike 2012, the 2023 political class was united on subsidy removal before the election. Tinubu, Atiku and Obi all campaigned on removing fuel subsidy.

    The agreement was clear. Yet by September 2023, after President Tinubu implemented the policy they all promised, both Atiku and Obi had already begun to criticise the administration. That reversal raised the spectre of history repeating itself. It was this development that informed Dr Fayemi’s warning at the lecture. His point was that Nigeria must not return to a cycle where parties weaponise a reform they publicly endorsed. He urged other leaders not to “pay Tinubu back in his own coin” the way ACN paid Jonathan back in 2012. The plea for consistency was unmistakable.

    Despite that clarification, the conversation resurfaced this week after a public event held on Tuesday. Once again the question of political will in 2012 was raised. Dr Fayemi repeated that governors had supported the policy in principle and that the administration failed to carry it through. This has now become the latest line pushed across social media. The impression being created is that he changed his position, or worse, that he now wishes to rewrite history. Both claims ignore the record.

    He has made the same argument consistently. Fuel subsidy reform was necessary. The politics around it were messy. The people bore the consequences. The cycle of selective outrage continues because a short clip is easier to circulate than a 45-minute lecture or a carefully argued rejoinder. It also shows why those who care about an accurate archive must track when a statement was made, to whom it was addressed, and how it relates to earlier or later clarifications.

    Nigeria has long struggled with society-wide trust in subsidy reform. Citizens hear promises of palliatives and safety measures but remember the years in which removal led to higher costs without visible relief. Politicians recognise the long-term need for reform but resist taking ownership of it when the street protests begin. Both sides know the stakes. Both sides have grievances.

    When analysis reduces this to good versus bad, or truth versus hypocrisy, the country loses a chance to examine what went wrong and why it keeps happening. A major part of the lesson from 2012 is that reforms of this scale cannot be managed on the back of political optics alone. Credibility, sequencing, and social protection architecture matter for legitimacy.

    This is why the sequence of Dr Fayemi’s comments matters. The clip being shared reflects a fragment of a wider concern about political evasion. His later writing gives the bigger picture that should have accompanied that fragment from the start.

    The renewed comments this week simply repeat his call for honesty on the subject. When viewed in order, the thread is clear. When timeline and intent are restored, the accusation of revisionism loses its force, and the focus shifts back to the structural failures of Nigeria’s political economy.

    No public figure is above critique. Dr Fayemi is no exception. If some Nigerians want to debate his position, that is fair ground. The issue is how that debate is framed. When a selective edit replaces the full argument, the result is a distorted record. That approach might score quick points online but does little for political memory. A serious democracy asks for more careful listening. If we apply that standard here, critique can become a space for learning rather than misrepresentation.

    Fuel subsidy reform remains one of the hardest policy issues in Nigeria. The hardship many citizens face since the latest removal shows why the protests of 2012 had real force. It also shows why political actors cannot afford to pretend they never supported the idea once the consequences become visible. That was the warning at the centre of Dr Fayemi’s lecture. It should be read with that intent in mind, not reduced to a clip stripped of context. Without a culture of policy accountability, the country risks repeating the same errors under different administrations.

    There is a better standard we can hold ourselves to. When public statements are examined, let the full words speak before judgment is passed. Context will not remove disagreement. It will at least ensure that the disagreement is an honest one. Nigeria deserves a political record built on accuracy and a more responsible path for the difficult decisions that lie ahead. When memory is curated responsibly, policy lessons stand a chance of surviving beyond the news cycle.

    Durodola, PhD, teaches politics, history, conflict, and displacement. He writes from Abuja

  • Love, mercy and forgiveness

    Love, mercy and forgiveness

    By Abdu Rafiu

    Love, it is said, conquers all things. The saying was echoed by the Archbishop of Homs for the Syrian Catholics, Jacques Mourad while narrating his harrowing experiences in captivity. He was among several Assyrian Christians in North-East Syria abducted in February, 2015. According to Agency reports at the time abduction occurred when ISIL fighters seized two Assyrian villages from the Kurdish forces in the Province of Hassakeh. Between 70 and 100 people fell victims. Archbishop Mourad said disarmingly that treating others with love is the Christian’s duty even in the most difficult circumstances, and to the youths, his message was that they should cultivate and preserve spiritual and moral values in all situations. On his attitude to his tormentors, the bishop said hatred has no place in the believer’s heart, emphasizing the point that forgiveness and mercy are essential to the Christian faith.

    The situation in Syria is not too dissimilar to the Nigerian situation. For those who can invite themselves into deep contemplation, they will see a bigger picture of our world upside down, in turmoil. And it will get worse as purification of the planet earth intensifies and accelerates with the unusual pressure of Light Power encompassing our universe. That Light Power is mediated by the Holy Spirit, the World Judge, unsuspected by a great many of the believers. In August this year, it can be recalled that 27 were killed in an attack on worshippers in a mosque at the village of Unguwan Mantau in Malumfashi Local Government Area. The Katsina State Commissioner for Internal Affairs, Nasir Muazu, said the attack occurred during morning prayers with the gunmen opening fire inside the mosque, shooting sporadically. At the last count, the death toll had risen to 50, and dozens were abducted. Muazu said the local government “reaffirms its unwavering support for community-based security initiatives.” The local government called the incident a reprisal attack, fearing that it might have to do with the ambush by local residents two days earlier during which some bandits were killed.

    The attack on the Great Mosque of Kano occurred on Friday, 28 November, 2014. Al Jazeera reported that banditry is rife in North-Western Nigeria and Central Regions, where herders and farmers clash and armed gangs target locals for financial gain.

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    In March this year, on the 21st to be specific, assailants from the Islamic State in Greater Sahara (ISGS), said to be an affiliate of ISIL surrounded Fambita Mosque and randomly shot at worshippers, according to a statement from Niger’s Defence Ministry. They then set a market and several homes on fire. The attack took place on a Friday and left 44 worshippers killed. The incident was in the last 10 days of the month of Ramadan. Authorities said it was intended to cause as many civilian casualties as possible. The agencies including BBC in its digital bulletin report that in recent years, the Sahel has seen a major uptick in violence, following the expansion of armed groups linked to al-Qaeda and ISIL terrorist groups which took over territory in north Mali following the 2012 Tuareg rebellion there. Since then the violence has spread into neighbouring countries of Niger and Burkina Faso, and more recently, says the report, into some coastal West African nations. UN Deputy Secretary-General, Nigeria’s Amina Mohammed characterized the Sahel as “ground zero” for one of the most brutal security crisis in the world.

    Despite efforts by member states, terrorism-related deaths in the region have reportedly soared past 6,000 for three consecutive years, making up more than half of all global fatalities. It is said the attack on Fambita Mosque should be a wake-up call to all-including international community-“as to the seriousness of the situation and the widening risks faced by civilians in Niger.”

    Everything put on the scale, the attacks on Christian communities, their farms and homes as well as their priests are more, both in frequency and extent. Therefore fears have been expressed about genocidal motives undergirding the attacks. What with 100 people killed in June and Amnesty International had to call for the government to end the “almost daily bloodshed in Benue State.”

    In attacks that led to what agency reports have dubbed mass exodus, at least 15 million people have been displaced, forced to abandon their villages, ancestral homes and churches to flee the massacres. Efforts by this column should be to heal wounds and not to inflame passions and emotions. As such the column refrains from getting into gory details. As we all know, however, and it is corroborated by Intersociety, a non-governmental organization, as well as Catholic News Agency, the worst hit states include Taraba, Adamawa, Borno, Kaduna, Benue, Plateau, Enugu, Imo, Niger, Kogi, Nasarawa, Bauchi, Yobe and Southern Kaduna where Jihadist groups such as Boko Haram, ISWAP (Islamic State West Africa Province), herdsmen and bandits have combined religious terrorism with criminal motives.

    Professor Dr. Michalis Marioras of the National and Kapodistrian University of Athens reflecting on the way forward would like to see vastly improved inter-religious dialogue and cooperation.”We need fewer words and more actions,” he is quoted to have said. “In my vision of interreligious dialogue and cooperation, the main aim is to pass from academic dialogue or theological dialogue to social action. I’m very happy to see that now we are talking about the real problems of our days. As an academic teacher I believe in education; education can change stereotypes and mindsets but we have to be honest. We have to prepare new generations to be ready not only to co-exist but to cohabitate in our planet.”

    Professor Michalis Marioras is a member of the World Council of Churches (WCC) Reference Group, an inter-religious Dialogue and Cooperation. He spoke in Athens, Greece, at the 60th meeting and the Life and Work Centenary Conference in May, this year. He believes that leaders have to go from the spiritual elite to the grassroots. “We need the people,” he says. “It is very easy to communicate as academics or clergy between us. But the results must go down to the grassroots, the people, everyday life.”

    However, while it is necessary to establish inter-religious dialogue and cooperation, it will remain hollow without true knowledge of life and existence and implications of activities by both the leaders and the led.

    That reminds one of the Indian uprising 33 years ago. At the last count in December, 1992, no fewer than 1,016 persons had been killed in the Hindu-Moslem uprising which erupted following the demolition of a 16 Century Babri Mosque in Ayodhya town in Northern India. The violence climaxed a series of clashes on the land by adherents of two major religions not only in India, but the whole world. When the uprising sparked, leading to the death of 50 persons overnight, it spread rapidly to eight states of India, and then expectedly to the tinder-box state of Uttar Pradesh and indeed across the countries and the seas to the United Kingdom where there were reprisal actions against Hindu Temples.

    The land on which the mosque then 464 years old was built had been a source of constant conflicts and cause of litigations. As of the time the Hindu fundamentalists moved in to pull down the mosque, a case was pending in the Supreme Court which had ruled that the status-quo be maintained. Other authorities, Federal and local, had favoured a status-quo ante.

    The Hindu groups had claimed that the site was the birthplace of Rama, a war hero whom they had deified, and had erected on it a temple which they lost to those they described as Moslem invaders who overpowered the Hindus and built their mosque nearly 500 years as of 33 years ago. The Moslems had dismissed the historical claim by the Hindus as a fallacy. The Hindus said they had foreseen a Temple rising again on the land, and they considered it their responsibility to reclaim the land, preserve it, and when guided to kick-start the building the Temple, they would gladly do so. Mercifully and commendably, the Federal Government of India, upon receiving news of the attack on the Mosque, immediately pledged to rebuild it.

    It would require Solomonic wisdom to say who the rightful owners of the land were. The Moslems? The Hindus? Whose child was it? That was the naughty question Solomon faced when two women met him each laying claim to a child.

    It is reckless in the extreme to pull down any mosque, church and what have you, places dedicated to the sublime and humble worship of the Most High, our Maker; places where people gather to send their gratitude to the Almighty Creator of all the worlds, seen and unseen, all universes and all the Realms, for experiences of each day. It is inexplicable that people dare move against hallowed places, for whatever reason. It is even more condemnable that people are killed ostensibly to please God, the Most High. Many a man deludes himself into believing that if he kills, his place is assured in Heaven. He who kills in the name of religion or the state does so to please his religion or the state and not the Almighty Father. Evil is completely alien to the Creator. Evil cannot be found in Love, and the Most High is Love. He is Love, Justice and Purity. He is goodness and perfection embodied. It is only goodness that can come out of goodness, and perfection out of perfection. What else can we expect to come out of goodness if not goodness! Evil belongs to Darkness. Since Darkness cannot withstand the Light, it follows that the products of Darkness cannot also withstand the pressure of the Light. Darkness has no foundation. But Light is Living. It is Life which is eternal. The idea to create hell can never arise from the Purity of the Most High God. Hell is a creation of man, arising from wrong-doings.

    To kill is to transgress the Law, The Fifth Commandment which says: “Thou shalt not kill!” To kill, therefore, is evil. And according to the Living Knowledge made available to seeking human beings on earth today, we now know that the commandment goes beyond physical elimination, to deadening of a person’s gifts meant to be developed and be of great benefit to mankind. If killing is evil, it is logical to conclude that it cannot be pleasing to the Creator. He who kills in the name of religion, or even destroys another person’s property will bear personal responsibility for his activities as the Laws of Creation do not know state or religion.

    Apostle Paul it was who said we cannot live in sin and expect Grace to abound. The Hindus may not have been familiar with Paul’s monumental statement. But they can recall Buddha’s admonition that when evil deeds arise, they bring harm to you and to others.

    Destroying a mosque is evil. So is destroying a church.

    Having said this, do the Hindus have a responsibility to reclaim and preserve their sacred land? Is it possible for them to receive guidance about the uniqueness of a piece of land? Certain lands are sacred and are to be protected for humble service to the Creator according to the light of those who may lay claim to them; and it is possible for them to have been guided to such lands. But how do you lay claim to a land lost nearly 500 years ago?

    The heavy weight of ethereal deposits from mankind has caused the earth to move ponderously below its orbital path. With purification going on in all countries on the face of the earth at the moment, manifesting in political instability, economic collapse, social decay and attitudinal degeneracy, all brought about by the pressure of the Light increasing by the day, the earth is gradually rising from the depths. In the process areas of the earth which cannot join in the movement owing to their weight, cause cracks in the earth crust, and larva escapes on to the face of the earth which we refer to as volcanic eruptions. The weight is signal to the elemental beings the builders of the earth to set to work. This is why tremors and earthquakes occur almost continually in these past decades. The same is true of plane crashes, making nonsense of scientific calculations and notions which have been regarded as settled. The calculations of aeronautics engineers and geographers are progressively rendered null and void, to use the language of lawyers. It is all in line with the seeming cacophony of the trumpet of the World Judgment. Nature is speaking to mankind, but man is expecting the fulfillment of Light promises according to his own wishes which are governed by his limitations, the capacity of his intellect which is only a tool for material comprehension. But Light happenings speak only to the spirit, the real man sojourning on earth. Ennoblement arises only in the spirit.

    The point this column is getting at is if at a point in the history of India, a community had come to recognition of the Holy Will of the Most High, and had lived in conformity with this Will which manifests in the Laws of Nature, the activities of the Holy Spirit, that community would be clarified, so would be the air-their environment generally. The land would be consecrated in the purity of their activities. It is such a land which has not been poisoned and dragged down that would be preserved for Light Activities. It is, therefore, possible for those with inner purity, inner probity, those with rich inner life, to see what land has been reserved for what purpose. Divine messages can never be intelligible to him who thinks only in the earthly way, for what they reveal can only be absorbed by the spirit. Land radiates. A wholesome land will radiate correspondingly. Even if the whole world does not believe the promises, even if they are not aware of them, it does not make the promises false.

    Prophecies are not made to please men. And human opinions in the matter do not count. Was Mount Sinai on which Moses was mercifully permitted to receive The Ten Commandments an ordinary land? Certainly not. Israel was the Promised Land prepared and preserved for the use of the Lord Christ to save mankind from their self-inflicted ruin with His Word of Truth.

    He came to arrest the alarming decline in spirituality, and through His Word, free mankind from their faults and weaknesses which hold them back from getting to Paradise. Israeli land was, therefore, not an ordinary land. If the Hindus were right in their claims to the land, it still does not justify the destruction of the mosque. If the land is not being used for the purpose for which it was intended by the Light, for the pure worship of the Most High, in the reckoning of the Creator not that of man, the Creator knows what to do. They would be guided as to how to go about reclaiming it. And this would not involve the use of violence, for violence is not the way of the Creator as He will not work against His own perfect Will to fulfill any promises which can find fulfillment only in the Will. The Hindus should have prayed and left the repossession to the automatic workings of Creation. If they were pure and earnest, their prayers would go to the Throne of Grace and would be answered. No one pleases the Creator by his religion, but by the purity of his thoughts, speeches and deeds-the activities of his hands, which, as we are permitted to know through higher knowledge today, are tantamount to doing the Will of the Most High, that we will become mature, become true spiritual personalities with talents and abilities unfolded.

    Where there is Truth, there can be no controversy. And with the unfolding of Truth light will be beamed to all issues and all questions will be answered. And nothing that does not stand on the foundation of Truth will exist anymore. Then the hour will have arrived “when neither on this mountain nor in Jerusalem will you worship the Father…but in Spirit and in Truth for such the Father seeks to worship Him.” – John 4: 21.

    To reduce recriminations and conflicts, and foster inter-religious understanding in the land, the government should reactivate the Advisory Council on Religious Affairs set up by Gen. Ibrahim Babangida in 1986, then in the saddle, following the controversy that trailed Nigeria’s membership of OIC, (Organization of Islamic Cooperation). There was also the Nigeria Inter-Religious Council, a voluntary association made up of equal numbers of eminent Christians and Muslims. The composition rose to 30 on either side following co-option of women and youths-from 25 on each side at the inception. The brief to the council set up by Babangida was to promote inter-religious peace and stability-what both Bishop Jacques Mourad and Professor Michalis are advocating for Syria “to move forward together on the path of understanding.”

    • This article was culled from www.radiatingthetruth.com

    • Abdu Rafiu is a renowned editor, newspaper manager and respected elder of journalism.

  • New Service Chiefs and burden of performance

    New Service Chiefs and burden of performance

     Sir: When President Bola Ahmed Tinubu announced the appointment of new service chiefs last week, it marked another major reshuffle at the top of Nigeria’s defence hierarchy — and perhaps, a turning point in the country’s long-running battle against insecurity. The appointments were not just routine bureaucratic changes; they symbolized a critical test of the administration’s resolve to restore peace, order, and stability across Nigeria’s troubled regions.

    The newly appointed service chiefs are General Olufemi Oluyede, Chief of Defence Staff, Major General Waidi Shaibu, Chief of Army Staff, Air Vice Marshal S.K. Aneke, Chief of Air Staff, and Rear Admiral Idi Abbas as Chief of Naval Staff. Major General E.A.P. Undiendeye remains the Chief of Defence Intelligence.

    For President Tinubu, this decision could define his administration’s security legacy. Since taking office, he has repeatedly emphasized that security remains his top priority. However, the reality across many parts of the country paints a grim picture. Banditry continues to ravage the Northwest; Boko Haram and ISWAP insurgents still pose threats in the Northeast; and incidents of kidnapping and communal violence persist in the North-central and southern regions. The president’s challenge, therefore, lies not just in appointing new commanders but in ensuring they deliver results where their predecessors struggled.

    Many Nigerians welcome the changes as long overdue. Civil society groups and security experts have, however, urged the government to complement the new leadership with reforms that address welfare issues among rank-and-file soldiers. As one retired colonel remarked during a TV interview, “You can change the generals, but if the soldiers on the ground are demoralized, under-equipped, and underpaid, victory will remain elusive.”

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    Beyond structural reforms, another major test will be the government’s ability to manage public perception and rebuild trust in the military. Over the years, reports of human rights violations and alleged corruption have strained relations between the armed forces and civilians. Analysts argue that the service chiefs must work to restore public confidence through transparency, professionalism, and closer collaboration with communities affected by conflict.

    Nigeria’s security problems are deep-rooted and multifaceted. The new service chiefs will need not only courage but also innovation — leveraging technology, intelligence, and diplomacy to complement brute force. The nation’s future stability will depend largely on how well they synchronize their efforts, sustain troop morale, and win the confidence of Nigerians who, for years, have lived under the shadow of fear.

    In the end, President Tinubu’s gamble on a new generation of military leaders could either redefine his administration’s success or become another episode in the cycle of leadership changes without meaningful impact. For now, Nigerians are hoping that this new dawn in military leadership brings the long-awaited peace the country so desperately deserves.

    •Favour Simon Harris, University of Maiduguri.

  • Arik Air at 19: High hopes, hard landings

    Arik Air at 19: High hopes, hard landings

    • By Ololade Gbajumo

    On 30 October 2006, a vision took to the skies. Arik Air lifted off from the tarmac of Murtala Muhammed Airport, Lagos — a bold declaration that Nigerians could build and operate an airline of world-class standard.

    That day, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, then Governor of Lagos State (now President of Nigeria), represented by Mr. Dele Alake, flagged off the airline with pride and optimism. Little could he have imagined that, nineteen years later, that same airline would return to his presidential desk — not as a triumph, but as a tragedy of mismanagement under the Asset Management Corporation of Nigeria (AMCON).

    Arik began with brand-new aircraft, state-of-the-art systems, and audacious ambition. At its peak, it flew 22 new airplanes, connected every major Nigerian airport, expanded into West and Central Africa, and carried Nigeria’s flag proudly to London, New York, and Johannesburg.

    Its workforce were not just employees; they were ambassadors of Nigerian excellence. Pilots trained at Oxford, managers at Cranfield and Boeing, engineers at Lufthansa Technik. Arik became Africa’s fastest-growing airline — admired, trusted, and respected.

    International financiers such as US Exim Bank, Export Development Canada, and Afrexim Bank supported its rise, while Lufthansa Technik provided maintenance. For once, Nigerians saw aviation that inspired confidence: punctual flights, gleaming aircraft, and dignity in the skies.

    Turbulence ahead but the winds changed

    Arik’s growth, financed through a consortium of international lenders at a sustainable 2.5% interest rate, was derailed by a financial scandal that began in 2010. Union Bank — a local guarantor of the foreign credit lines — sold its guarantee portfolio to AMCON, misrepresenting it as loans it had granted to Arik.

    Years later, investigations by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) revealed the truth: Union Bank never granted those loans. The transaction was fraudulent from inception. Yet, AMCON bought the “debt,” imposed a crippling 18% interest rate, and turned a performing, solvent airline into a financial casualty.

    That single act of bureaucratic recklessness became Arik’s descent into chaos. Maintenance budgets were reviewed by bankers as just numbers without an inkling of consequences on planning and scheduling, cash flows strangled, and the airline’s balance sheet deliberately sabotaged. The once high-flying Nigerian airline was forced into turbulence — not by poor performance, but by state-enabled financial sabotage.

    The AMCON takeover — A hard landing

    On 9 February 2017, AMCON announced it had taken over Arik under receivership — calling it a rescue. For many, it felt more like an ambush. Infact, Nigerians in worldwide watched in awe a Nigerian Senator on national television saying, “take it, take it….” Ofcourse without introspection but excitement, now we are all living witnesses.The appointed receiver, Oluseye Opasanya, SAN, and the new CEO, Capt. Roy Ilegbodu, took control without proper handover notes or inventory — a shocking procedural failure for such a critical operation. The founder, Johnson Arumemi-Ikhide, was reportedly detained overnight at AMCON’s instance — a symbolic show of force that revealed the true intent of the so-called intervention.

    From that day, Arik’s fortunes nosedived. The airline that once operated 140 daily flights on 60 routes now struggles to maintain six domestic flights daily — and reportedly has only one functioning aircraft as of today 30October 2025.

    AMCON’s claims of “stabilizing” Arik are a cruel joke. The once-bustling hangar at Lagos Airport, once filled with shiny new jets, now lies littered with abandoned, cannibalized aircraft — a graveyard of Nigeria’s aviation dreams.

    Receivership, it turned out, was not a rescue. It was a hijack — a calculated destruction of value.

    The EFCC exposé and the pattern of abuse

    By 2023, the EFCC confirmed what some industry watchers had long suspected: the so-called “Union Bank loan” was a fraud. The bank and several officials are now on trial for deception, misrepresentation, and abuse of office.

    Meanwhile, AMCON’s own stewardship has remained opaque. No receiver’s accounts were filed for years. Assets were sold without transparency. Aircraft were stripped, dismembered, and written off without due process. Even performing loans and contractual relationships were reportedly driven into default under AMCON’s receivership management.

    In October 2024, AMCON’s new Managing Director, Mr. Gbenga Alade, perhaps without realization that AMCON took over 19 aircraft in Arik at the commencement of the receivership publicly promised to expand Arik’s fleet from three to eight aircraft by March 2025, to help lower airfares. One year later, the promise has evaporated — no new aircraft, no expansion, no relief for the industry.

    Aviation, unlike banking, is not a spreadsheet operation. It demands precision, trust, and competence. AMCON’s experiment with Arik has instead destroyed investor confidence — not just in aviation, but across Nigeria’s private sector.

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    When the Rescuer Becomes the Predator

    The AMCON Act was designed to protect the economy, not weaponize state power. Yet its intervention in Arik became a case study in how power, unchecked, breeds ruin.

    Under the guise of recovery, AMCON’s agents have often operated with impunity — seizing, selling, and silencing entrepreneurs. In Arik’s case, the so-called rescue obliterated value, jobs, and Nigeria’s reputation with foreign financiers.Institutions like US Exim, Afrexim, Export Development Canada, HSBC, and Bank of America watched their Nigerian investments rot on the tarmac — a clear warning to future investors.

    When a government agency acts like a wrecking crew, trust evaporates — and capital follows.

    Restoring faith in Nigeria’s skies

    Today, Nigeria’s aviation sector faces mounting challenges — high fuel costs, dwindling fleets, and shrinking investor trust. Yet, hope remains.

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has signaled a new era of policy clarity and investor confidence. Aviation Minister Festus Keyamo, SAN, has taken steps to rebuild credibility, attract new entrants, and enforce reciprocity in bilateral air service agreements.

    But the Arik Air saga stands as an unhealed wound — a stark reminder that no reform can thrive where institutions misuse power and hide behind legality to commit economic vandalism.

    Flight path to redemption

    Nineteen years after takeoff, Arik Air’s story is both a dream and a warning. It began with vision and pride — but was brought down by greed and mismanagement disguised as rescue.

    If Nigeria truly seeks new investment and global respect, it must confront this truth: what happened to Arik under AMCON is not reform. It is economic vandalism under the cover of law.

    Now, the same President who watched the bird take its first flight must decide — will he let it crash for good, or will he lead its true rescue?

    Let the truth fly again. Let Arik rise, not as a symbol of failure, but of redemption, renewal, and restored confidence in Nigeria’s ability to soar.

    • Gbajumo writes from London
  • Restructuring for maximum opportunities

    Restructuring for maximum opportunities

    Text of a keynote address by former interim National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Chief Bisi Akande at the Southwest Summit at the International Conference Centre (The Dome), Akure…yesterday

    All Protocols observed

    Distinguished guests, esteemed elders, brothers and sisters of the Southwest, I stand before you today with gratitude, humility, and great excitement of what our destiny portends.

    Let me begin by thanking the conveners of this important and timely gathering — Pa Reuben Fasoranti, our father and moral compass; His Excellency Governor Lucky Orimisan Aiyedatiwa, our host; Your Excellency other Southwest Governors — men of purpose and principle; and the DAWN Commission, our technical partners and enduring symbol of regional cooperation.

    This dialogue is not just another conference — it is a renewal of the Yoruba tradition of communal existence, of reasoning together, before acting. It is also a reminder that democracy deepens when leaders and citizens sit to talk honestly about progress, so they can all chart the way forward.

     During this dialogue today, we will begin to see that Nigeria stands at a historic turning point. Under the present leadership, Nigeria seems beginning to undergo a new transformation — one rooted in courage, bold decisions, discipline, and belief in the Nigerian dream.

    The reforms we see unfolding — fiscal, economic, and institutional — are appearing to be deliberate steps to rebuild Nigerian national foundation. Though tough in the beginning, but necessary for long-term prosperity.

    The economy is being re-engineered through tax reform systems, harmonizations of revenue collections, expenditure rationalizations and by creating a structure that rewards productivity rather than dependency.

    We are being led to witness the dawn of a new era — an era of responsibility, where every naira must count, every policy must produce results, and every reform must serve the people- the indices of which are a harbinger of the restructuring we always craved.

    The Quiet restructuring

    Nigeria began as a Federation of the two protectorates of the northern and southern provinces each with its own government. It became rearranged into a federation of the northern, western and eastern regions also with separate governments. Then began the minority ethnic question and the minority rights within each region which led to the establishment of the Sir Henry Willink Commission in 1957. That was designed to enable the creation of more states by evolutionary processes from a federation of three to four and perhaps to six states before or immediately after independence.

    Since Independence in 1960, however, the government of this country, which had been known and called the Federal Republic of Nigeria, became hijacked by the military . And because the military, by nature, is anti federalism, the running of the country has since become unified and hierarchical. To worsen the situation, the successive military regimes, in their one-dimensional approach to complex issues, have reduced panaceas for national unity to mere bulkanization of Nigeria into states. They moved from the sublime to the ridiculous by splitting Nigeria into thirty six states and into almost eight hundred local governments. The resources for maintaining four or six government administrations became stretched, replicated and multiplicated into the present humongous unmanageable proportions.

    First and foremost therefore, a purposeful restructuring is needed to start with the restitution of genuine federalism. And the further restructuring must ensure equality of opportunity for all citizens together with maximum opportunity for personal, community, regional and national development.

    In a quieter, more profound restructuring is already happening — through regional empowerment and institutional decentralization.In a stroke of visionary leadership, in addition to the South South Development Commission, the present administration has established and inaugurated five regional development commissions — the North West, North Central,North East, South East, and now our own South West Development Commission (SWDC) .

    Each of these commissions represents not just geographical entities, but economic development engines or grassroots focused commissions –  recognition that true development must begin from the grassroots, with each region in charge of its own destiny.

     For us in the Southwest, this is both an opportunity and a responsibility — to once again lead by example, demonstrating how local collaboration, innovative thinking, and strategic implementation can drive sustainable development  – especially now in these times of diversification under the Renewed Hope Agenda

    Diversification- The new frontier

    One of the cornerstones of this administration’s reform agenda is economic diversification — the shift away from oil dependency toward a broad-based, resilient economy that leverages agriculture, technology, manufacturing, and human capital to create sustainable growth and shared prosperity for all citizens.

    The Southwest must stand at the vanguard of this transformation. Our agriculture, the primary river of the economy, is being revitalized through massive federal and sub-national investments in value chains — from cassava and cocoa to rice, palm oil, poultry, and aquaculture.

    Programmes supporting agro-processing, irrigation, and rural infrastructure are breathing new life into our farms and farmers, boosting productivity, creating jobs, and ensuring food security for our communities while driving economic growth in rural areas.

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    Beyond agriculture, attention is turning to mining and solid minerals, where Nigeria’s wealth runs deep beneath our soil. The new Solid Minerals Roadmap and the creation of special mining zones are positioning states — including those in the Southwest — to tap into gold, lithium, bitumen, and other high-value minerals responsibly and profitably.

    We are also seeing accelerated efforts in manufacturing, renewable energy, the digital economy, and creative industries — all pillars of non-oil growth.

    The Federal Government’s Accelerating Resource Mobilization Reforms (ARMOR) initiative and the Fiscal Policy and Tax Reforms Committee are expanding our non-oil revenue base, simplifying taxes, and modernizing customs processes to support local productivity.

     sectors; it is about more opportunities — jobs for our youth, markets for our farmers, and industries for our entrepreneurs.

    The Role of the Southwest Development Commission

    Our newly established Southwest Development Commission (SWDC) must rise beyond paperwork and policy. It must become a movement of transformation. Let it be the battering ram against unemployment, insecurity, and disunity. It must coordinate our comparative advantages — in agriculture, trade, education, innovation, and technology.

     Let it build on our proud history — the same heritage that gave Nigeria its first TV station, its first skyscraper, and its first university. The SWDC should be the model that others emulate — the symbol of how a united region can drive national renewal.

    A personal reflection and a call

     When I look around this hall, I see hope — the kind of hope that built Ibadan’s Liberty Stadium, Lagos’s Eko Atlantic, and the cocoa pyramids of Ondo and Ekiti. I see a people with the discipline of the past and the determination for the future.

      Yes, these reforms are demanding. They test our patience and stretch our resilience. But I have seen firsthand the conviction of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu — a leader who believes that Nigeria must finally break free from cycles of dependency and dysfunction.

     He is not asking for blind loyalty — only for shared sacrifice and belief in our collective destiny. So I call on the sons and daughters of Odùduwà: Let us stand behind this administration — not just because the President is one of us, but because he is one of the few with the courage to confront what must be changed.

      Let us make the Southwest a model for others — a region where government works, youth thrive, and communities flourish.

    Closing

    As we dialogue here in Akure, may our discussions yield wisdom and direction. May our collaboration produce action and impact. Let the Southwest rise — strong in unity, rich in ideas, and bold in innovation.

    Let us lead again, as we have always done, and light the path for others to follow.

    God bless the Southwest. God bless Nigeria. And God bless you us.