Category: Commentaries

  • Bauchi Investment Summit: Heralding a new era of prosperity

    Bauchi Investment Summit: Heralding a new era of prosperity

    By Lawal Muazu Bauchi

    Bauchi State is gradually emerging as a model of purposeful governance and strategic investment in Nigeria. The recently concluded Bauchi State Economic and Investment Summit has further confirmed this trajectory, marking a historic moment for the state’s economy and future development.

    The summit, the first of its kind in the state’s history, concluded on a high note with the signing of 47 Memoranda of Understanding (MoUs) across key sectors, including agriculture, solid minerals, power, tourism, and extractive industries. The total investment value of these partnerships stands at over $5.2 billion (approximately ₦7.8 trillion). This milestone reflects growing investor confidence in Bauchi’s economic environment, policy direction, and leadership stability.

    Among the landmark deals is a $2.7 billion agreement with the China Fuhai Energy Group for the establishment of a Petrochemical City Complex in Bauchi. Another is a $1 billion investment by the African Athlete Academy to develop a world-class sports and youth development facility aimed at nurturing talent and promoting youth engagement. These agreements mark a new chapter for Bauchi, positioning it as a hub for industrial and human development.

    Behind these milestones stands a visionary leader who has tirelessly driven Bauchi’s transformation into a state poised for sustainable growth. Since assuming office in 2019, Governor Bala Abdulkadir Mohammed has shown that leadership is about vision, inclusiveness, and results. His administration has prioritized long-term impact over short-term optics, delivering tangible benefits to the people.

    Working closely with Governor Mohammed has given me invaluable insight into what ideal leadership looks like. He is remarkably approachable, deeply committed to public service, and steadfast in his mission to deliver initiatives that directly improve lives. He listens to advice, values teamwork, and treats everyone in his circle with respect and kindness. This atmosphere of mutual trust and open communication has enabled his team to function effectively and contribute meaningfully to his vision for Bauchi State.

    One of the most striking areas of transformation under his administration is infrastructure development. Roads once plagued by neglect and impassability have been rebuilt and modernized, significantly improving mobility and connectivity across the state. The Ibrahim Bako Bypass (also known as the Gombe–Maiduguri Bypass) and the Sabon Kaura–Miri Road are prime examples of projects that have transformed transportation, stimulated economic growth, and fostered community cohesion. These developments are reshaping the face of Bauchi and restoring public trust in government.

    Governor Mohammed’s focus on people-oriented governance is equally evident in his investments in education and healthcare. The education sector has undergone significant reforms, with hundreds of schools renovated or newly constructed and equipped with modern facilities. His administration has also prioritized the recruitment and training of qualified teachers to ensure every child in Bauchi receives quality education.

    In healthcare, Governor Mohammed declared a state of emergency to address decades of neglect. Health facilities have been upgraded, and primary healthcare delivery has been strengthened, especially in rural communities. These targeted interventions have increased access to essential services and significantly improved the state’s overall health outcomes.

    Agriculture, which is the backbone of Bauchi’s economy, has also received unprecedented attention. Through the provision of improved seedlings, fertilizers, and modern farming equipment, the government is helping farmers transition from subsistence to commercial agriculture. In partnership with organizations like CSC Farms, thousands of young people are being trained in modern agricultural techniques, creating a new generation of agro-entrepreneurs who are contributing to food security and economic growth.

    Governor Mohammed’s hands-on approach is a hallmark of his leadership. He leads by example, conducting regular inspections of ongoing projects to ensure quality and efficiency. He remains accessible to the people, listening to their needs and expectations. This people-centric style of governance has made Bauchi’s government transparent, accountable, and relatable.

    To those of us who work closely with him, Governor Mohammed is not just a leader but a mentor who inspires excellence. He values integrity, hard work, and loyalty. He treats his staff like family and constantly reminds us that leadership is about service, not privilege. This humility and sincerity have earned him the respect of colleagues, citizens, and development partners alike.

    The success of the Bauchi Investment Summit is more than an economic milestone. It symbolizes a new era of renewal, growth, and progress for Bauchi State. It is a statement that Bauchi is ready to take its rightful place in the national and global economic space. It also reinforces Governor Mohammed’s commitment to building a self-sustaining economy anchored in innovation, investment, and inclusiveness.

    As someone privileged to be part of this administration, I can attest that the foundation being laid today will shape Bauchi’s destiny for generations to come. The story of Bauchi under Governor Mohammed’s leadership is one of transformation, built on courage, foresight, and compassion. The momentum is undeniable, the progress measurable, and the vision crystal clear. Bauchi State is open for business, receptive to partnerships, and poised for a prosperous future. Under Governor Mohammed’s stewardship, the promise of a united, forward-looking, and thriving Bauchi is becoming a tangible reality.

    Lawal Muazu Bauchi is the New Media Aide to Governor Bala Abdulkadir Mohammed. He writes from Karofi, Bauchi.

  • Good Old Days? Nigeria and the empire of impunity

    Good Old Days? Nigeria and the empire of impunity

    Sir: The elderly love to talk about the “good old days” in Nigeria: Streets supposedly gleamed with honesty, neighbours were paragons of virtue, and history was a neatly bound novel of saints and patriots. The young listen, hypnotized by nostalgia, almost convinced that rascals were extinct back then.

    Ah, but the good old days were never good. They were messy, morally bankrupt, and populated by architects of chaos—the very men who could rig elections, loot public coffers, and disappear into impunity as if wrapped in invisibility cloaks. The nostalgia is a clever disguise, hiding a rot that has seeped through generations like oil in a leaky pipeline.

    Excessive greed has always been Nigeria’s national sport. From colonial collaborators to post-independence politicians, every kleptocrat, every kakistocrat, every “big man” in a suit has fed on it. Impunity is the soil in which this greed grows, nurturing corruption like weeds strangling the roots of progress. Where consequences are absent, embezzlement becomes an art form, and morality evaporates faster than promises before an election.

    Consider the political theatre: governors, senators, and ministers strut like peacocks in public, their feathers dazzling the electorate. Behind closed doors, they clutch contracts, budgets, and public resources, performing a choreography perfected over decades. The judiciary winks; regulatory agencies yawn. And the ordinary citizen? Left to marvel at headlines, shrug at scandals, and mutter, “Well, at least it’s not worse.”

    Nigeria’s “good old days” nostalgia is especially delicious because it is self-serving. Those who speak fondly of history were often the very gardeners who planted the weeds, the potters who moulded the mud, the conductors of a symphony of avarice and impunity. They polish history like varnished skulls, leaving hollow memories dressed in sepia-toned lies.

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    Impunity is not inert. It is a living, breathing creature. It slides into ministries like a cat, flirts with politicians like a siren, whispers to bureaucrats with intimate charm, and giggles as commissions, audits, and anti-graft agencies fail spectacularly. It thrives in Nigeria because we let it, celebrate it, and occasionally film it for viral TikTok.

    Take the elections. Take the looted pensions, the missing infrastructure funds, the unbuilt hospitals, the collapsed bridges, the schools that look like post-apocalyptic sets. All evidence of impunity’s subtle genius. It grows stronger with every unprosecuted scandal, every delayed court case, every public official who leaves office with pockets lined and conscience empty.

    And yet, the nostalgia persists. It comforts the old and seduces the young. It whispers: “Look, not everything is corrupt; the past was cleaner.” But it wasn’t. History is riddled with rascals who looted, lied, and laughed while ordinary Nigerians bore the consequences. The difference today is transparency and social media—the corruption is more visible, but so too is the impunity.

    The solution is not comforting. Confronting impunity in Nigeria is like confronting a dragon: patient, cunning, and terrifyingly seductive. It demands courage, transparency, accountability, and the political will of citizens who refuse to be silenced by nostalgia or seduced by patronage. Shine light into every shadowed corner. Demand justice where none exists. Celebrate integrity where it struggles. And stop applauding rascals in tweed and tailored suits, however polished their speeches.

    The good old days exist only in memory, a sepia-tinted hallucination. Nigeria’s challenge is to cultivate integrity in the soil history has left—however infested it may be. Only then can we break the chain of impunity, ensuring that the rascals of today do not become the nostalgia of tomorrow.

    Because impunity thrives not on history’s mistakes but on our willingness to forget them. And in Nigeria, if we forget, the cycle continues: embezzlement, scandals, and rhetoric, all performed with the theatrical grace of actors in a tragicomedy we call politics.

    •TJ Ishola, United Kingdom.

  • Positioning Nigeria for the global chip economy

    Positioning Nigeria for the global chip economy

    Sir: In today’s technology-driven world, semiconductors are the invisible engines powering everything from smartphones and data centres to electric vehicles and renewable energy systems. As the global demand for these microchips skyrockets—expected to reach over $1.2 trillion by 2030—a fierce race is underway among nations to dominate the semiconductor industry, which is a race that Nigeria is now strategically entering.

    Nigeria’s emergence as a semiconductor hub is not just a possibility; it’s crucial. The continent’s growing digital economy, its expanding tech ecosystem, and youthful population demand home-grown solutions that reduce dependency on foreign imports and supply chains that are vulnerable to geopolitical disruptions.

    Africa’s digital economy is projected to reach $712 billion by 2050 with Nigeria as the largest contributor. Nigeria’s GDP is estimated at $243 billion in 2024, supported by a population exceeding 220 million, with over 60% under the age of 25. By establishing Nigeria as a centre for semiconductor innovation and manufacturing, we can fulfil a continental need and position Africa as a serious player in the global chip economy.

    We believe Nigeria has the potential to become Africa’s semiconductor hub, placing the country and the continent to compete with global tech powers. This is not just about manufacturing chips; it’s about building a sustainable ecosystem that drives innovation, economic growth, and technological sovereignty across Africa.

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    Currently, the semiconductor industry is concentrated in a few countries, leaving Africa heavily reliant on imports. Taiwan, South Korea, and the United States account for over 70% of global semiconductor manufacturing capacity. This dependency exposes the continent to supply chain disruptions and inflated costs, limiting access to critical technology.

    Nigeria, with its vast market, growing tech ecosystem, and young, talented workforce, is uniquely positioned to change this narrative. Our vision is bold: to develop indigenous semiconductor capabilities that meet local and Africa’s needs while competing on the global stage. We have established a fabless ecosystem along with our partners; we are pioneering the first assembly, testing and packaging (ATMP) of various chips (QFN, QFP, CSP and many more types in the works).

    We are investing in research and development, talent cultivation, and strategic partnerships to build the first foundry in Africa that will be tailored for Africa’s unique challenges—such as energy efficiency, affordability, and durability in diverse environments.

    Establishing Nigeria as a semiconductor hub requires more than technology; it demands collaboration among government, industry, academia, and investors. We are actively engaging policymakers to create an enabling environment that supports innovation, attracts investment, and encourages local manufacturing. At the same time, we are partnering with universities and technical institutions to nurture the next generation of engineers and designers who will drive this industry forward. The benefits of a thriving semiconductor sector are transformative.

    Beyond technology, it will diversify Nigeria’s economy, create high-value jobs, strengthen supply chains, and boost exports. More importantly, it will empower Africa to take control of its digital future, reducing dependence on external suppliers and fostering resilience in the face of global uncertainties. This vision aligns with a broader continental need, it is not just about building a Nigerian semiconductor, it’s about transforming Africa’s largest economy. It’s about sovereign technology and making Nigeria an exporter of technology—from dependent to self-sufficient.

    As Africa accelerates its digital transformation, the demand for chips will grow exponentially. Nigeria’s leadership in semiconductor innovation can serve as a catalyst for regional collaboration, integrating African markets and building a robust technology ecosystem that uplifts the entire continent. Our journey reflects this ambition. From pioneering indigenous industrial equipment to advancing semiconductor research, we are committed to positioning Nigeria as a global player in the chip economy. The road ahead is challenging, but the opportunity is immense. With strategic focus, investment, and collaboration, Nigeria can claim its place among the world’s technology leaders. The race for Silicon Africa is on. Nigeria is ready to lead.

    •Shehu Tijjani Abdullahi, Amal Semiconductor Manufacturing Company Ltd, Kano.

  • Uche Nnaji and the burden of forgery

    Uche Nnaji and the burden of forgery

    Sir: It was only a matter of time. Everyone paying close attention knew that Uche Nnaji, the former Minister of Innovation, Science, and Technology, could not survive the certificate forgery storm. The handwriting was on the wall, and yesterday, it finally happened. Nnaji bowed out.

    The truth is simple and damning: Nnaji himself admitted that the University of Nigeria, Nsukka (UNN) never issued him a degree certificate. So the million-naira question is, where did the one he brandished come from?

    UNN has washed its hands off the matter. The institution categorically stated that Nnaji never completed his studies and was never awarded a degree. In short, the certificate he paraded is fake.

    And that’s not all. The National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) has also distanced itself from Nnaji’s so-called NYSC certificate, describing it as “strange.” A Premium Times investigation revealed yet another oddity, Nnaji’s NYSC record shows that he supposedly served for 13 months. Thirteen months! Even the NYSC found that hard to explain.

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    Of course, Nnaji claims that political enemies are behind his ordeal. But even he knows the truth; no opponent can forge a certificate on your behalf. He laid the trap himself and walked right into it.

    Let’s remember the facts. Nnaji was admitted into UNN in 1981 to study Microbiology/Biochemistry and was expected to graduate in 1985. But he reportedly failed some courses and never graduated. That means for over 40 years, Uche Nnaji neither regularized his academic records nor obtained a valid certificate , yet he rose through political ranks, occupying sensitive positions and waving fake credentials. Nnaji was careless, so to speak

    Forty years of deception finally caught up with him. And this time, not even political connections could save him.

    But beyond Nnaji’s personal fall lies a bigger question, how many more “Nnajis” are out there, quietly occupying sensitive positions in government, hiding behind forged papers and political influence? Some commentators are beginning to say that Nnaji’s case might just be the tip of a very large iceberg.

    •Zayyad  I. Muhammad, Abuja.

  • Exit, the demon(?)

    Exit, the demon(?)

    Does the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) Chairman, Prof. Mahmoud Yakubu, after a 10-year tour of duty, exit as the electoral demon?  No!

    But it just rivets the Nigerian mind to the ugly finger-pointing and arch-demonizing of election umpires, by foul-tempered Nigerian losers, who pour all venom on electoral managers, in a classic case of a failed artisan blaming his tools!

    To be sure: INEC and allied election managers have not always been above board.  No.  But since the exit of the real demon, Prof. Maurice Iwu, of former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s do-or-die electoral heist of 2007, INEC, first under Prof. Attahiru Jega, and then under Prof. Yakubu, has broken new grounds.

    Which is why Yakubu’s exit should have been met with due praise; or at least, a rigorous critique of his tenure: lauding him where he did well and knocking him where he did not.  But some electoral desperadoes, who already wail in advance for the election they would lose in 2027, because they have pretty little to campaign on, have condemned Yakubu and his INEC as eternal devils.  Not so!

    In any case, Bible-speak, the INEC prophet is not without honour, except in his own country, among his own people.  How?  The same demonized INEC is being toasted by Ethiopia electoral managers, who just came to town to understudy INEC’s strides.  Do folks understudy unmitigated failures?  That’s food for thought for the many INEC critics, who seem to spew vitriol before they even think!

    Prof. Yakubu, during his tenure, was certainly not an angel.  He would be Angel the Immaculate, had INEC, under his charge, got everything right.  He wasn’t — as they didn’t.  Logistics on polling days, with complaints of late arrival of the polling staff and materials, is an area the new INEC chair should work upon with all vigour.

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    But from the tragic depth Iwu plumbed in 2007, the INEC Yakubu is leaving behind is another life, to borrow the title of that very popular TV series of yore, Another Life (1981-1984), from America’s Christian Broadcasting Network (CBN).

    Indeed, old Greek philosopher, Heraclitus, sensationally declared: you can’t step in the same river twice!  From Iwu to Yakubu, it’s like crossing endless rivers and seeing the difference.  INEC, in terms of public trust, is not exactly where it should be.  But even its bitterest foes would admit that under Yakubu, it strove hard and improved itself.  It must continue on that lonely path.

    But one thing Yakubu’s successor must learn from the exiting good professor: that art — or is it science? — of strategic deafness: that blocks out the market din and imposes severe focus on the work.

    Losers would bleat, row and growl.  But Yakubu’s successor should ensure such din does not distract him — or her.  Yakubu’s lack of loose talk, and golden lack of controversy, is one ethos all INEC staff should imbibe, as they work on better elections still, in the post-Yakubu era.

  • Nnaji’s resignation: A lesson in honour

    Nnaji’s resignation: A lesson in honour

    By Nnena Agbai

    After several weeks of sustained public debate, featuring rigorous claims and counterclaims from the Premium Times newspaper and supporters of Chief Uche Geoffrey Nnaji, the allegation of forgery levelled against the ex minister reached its conclusion on Tuesday, 7th October 2025.

    On that date, Chief Nnaji, who until that time held the portfolio for Minister of Science, Technology and Innovation, formally tendered his resignation from the Federal Executive Council. He submitted his official resignation letter to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu at the Presidential Villa.

    In his correspondence, the former minister expressed his profound gratitude to the President for the confidence placed in him and for the privilege of serving in the administration. He extended his best wishes for the continued success of the government’s agenda. Concurrently, he articulated his position that the allegations against him constituted a coordinated campaign of political blackmail, orchestrated by opponents seeking to undermine his work.

    In his response, President Tinubu acknowledged Chief Nnaji’s service to the nation, thanked him for his contributions during his tenure, and wished him success in his future endeavours.

    The announcement was met with widespread surprise, as the minister’s decision to voluntarily relinquish his position was widely unexpected.

    When I first saw the headline about Chief Uche Geoffrey Nnaji resigning, I sighed. In Nigeria? I braced for the usual circus, what many in his position would have done. The furious denials, the press conferences with hired crowds, the legal threats thrown at journalists, the desperate attempts to drag the entire apparatus of government into a personal battle. It is a tired, ugly play we all know by heart, a script written in the ink of impunity and performed with brazen defiance. But Chief Nnaji didn’t go that path. He didn’t even glance at the old script. Rather, he towed the path of honour, a path so rarely taken it seems almost revolutionary.

    When I read his statement, I had to read it again. And something felt… different. It was the quiet, the lack of noise. It wasn’t a retreat under fire; it was a strategic, dignified withdrawal in the interest of a higher cause.

    In his decision to step down, he joins the ranks of brave leaders like Goodwill Jonathan and others who have chosen principle over position. It is crucial to understand this point: his resignation is not an admission of guilt. Far from it. He has resigned as a man of honour.

    He has chosen to fight for his name and his integrity from outside the government. This is a strategic move to ensure that when he clears his name in court, the victory cannot be tarnished by any claims of bias or political interference.

    Here is a man who built a successful business over many years. He is a man of independent wealth who chose to put his own affairs on hold to answer the call of national service.

    Ultimately, he has shown that no single political career is worth the turmoil upsetting his Ministry or distracting from President Tinubu’s Renewed Hope agenda. For him, the nation’s stability and his own good name come first.

    He didn’t wait to be pushed. He wasn’t defiantly clinging to his seat, leveraging connections and power to remain entrenched. He was just… stepping aside. In a system where political power is treated like a lifelong trophy, where simply holding on to your position is seen as a sign of strength and “street credibility,” this man simply let go. It’s a move so quiet, it’s almost deafening in its implication.

    Let’s forget the legalities for a moment. The courts will do their work. Let’s talk about the simple, human wisdom in what he did. He talks about a reputation built over five decades. I know a thing or two about that. When you have spent that long building something—a career, a name, the respect of your peers, the idea of it being trashed in a week of “orchestrated… malicious attacks” must be a special kind of agony. Your first instinct is to fight, to stand your ground, to show you won’t be moved, to deploy every weapon in your arsenal.

    But Chief Nnaji did something else. He must have sat down, maybe in his study a night before, and asked himself a simple question: what is this actually costing? Not just for him, personally. But for the ministry he leads. For the young, bright minds in that department trying to launch a new tech initiative, whose innovative work is now being drowned out by the cacophony of scandal. For the civil servants whose morale is tied to the integrity of their leadership. And crucially, for the President’s agenda, which he claims to believe in. He realised that his very presence in that office had become the story. The work wasn’t the headline anymore; he was.

    So, he made a choice. A choice that looks almost alien here: he put the work before the worker. This is where his profound respect for the institutions of state becomes glaringly evident. His resignation was not an admission of guilt; it was a profound affirmation of faith in the system. He said his resignation was to “preserve the integrity of the judicial proceedings.” That is not just lawyer-speak. Think about it. How can a case proceed fairly when one of the parties is a sitting minister, with all the power, influence, and patronage that entails? Every legal manoeuvre would be seen through a political lens. Every ruling, from the lowest court to the highest, would be dissected for signs of pressure or favour. The very institution of the judiciary would be under a cloud of perceived partiality. By stepping down, he has taken himself out of that equation. He is saying, “Try me as Uche Nnaji, the citizen. Not Uche Nnaji, the Honourable Minister.” It is a stunning act of respect for the law itself, an act that strengthens the judiciary by allowing it to function without the shadow of executive influence.

    Furthermore, his action demonstrates a deep and often overlooked form of respect for the Office of the President. In our political climate, the most damaging thing a subordinate can do to a leader is to become a constant source of distraction and negative publicity. To cling to office while mired in controversy is to force the President into a corner—to either defend the indefensible, thereby tarnishing his own credibility, or to engage in the publicly messy and politically costly act of firing an appointee. Chief Nnaji, in his wisdom, spared the President that invidious choice. He recognised that his continued presence in the cabinet was becoming a liability to an administration he pledged to serve. His resignation, therefore, was an act of loyalty. It was him saying, “The mission of this government, as set by you, Mr. President, is more important than my individual role in it. I will not allow my personal problems to become an obstacle to your vision for the nation.” This is the epitome of putting the collective good over personal ambition, a lesson in true loyalty that many in the corridors of power have yet to learn.

    This is what gets me. In Nigeria, we have become so used to people fighting to the bitter end that we have forgotten there can be strength in stepping back. We confuse stubbornness with principle. We see someone clinging to a title with bloody fingernails and call it courage, mistaking destruction for resilience. But what takes more courage? Holding on to power when everyone is telling you to let go? Or being the one to voluntarily open your hand and let it slip away, trusting that your name and your legacy are stronger than any single job title?

    Chief Nnaji is betting on his legacy. He is trading the fleeting, day-to-day power of a minister for something more lasting: the story of the man who did the honourable thing. He knows that in the long run, that story is more powerful. He can now fight his legal battle without dragging an entire government department through the mud with him. If he is vindicated, he returns to public life with his head held higher than ever, his integrity not just intact but burnished. If not, he has at least spared the institution further damage and exited with a measure of dignity.

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    This is the lesson from which every other public official, from the highest to the lowest, must learn. The lesson is not about resigning at the first sign of trouble, but about possessing the situational awareness and moral compass to understand when one’s presence is harming the very institution they are meant to serve. They must learn that true power is not in the ability to command and control, but in the wisdom to know when to let go for the greater good. They must learn that respecting the President is not just about public sycophancy or blind obedience, but about taking responsible actions that protect his agenda and the integrity of his office from unnecessary scandal. They must learn that institutions—the judiciary, the civil service, the ministries—are fragile ecosystems that require nurturing and protection from the corrosive effects of personal scandal and political brinksmanship.

    This should not be about whether he is guilty or innocent. That is for the judges. This is about a different kind of verdict—one on our political culture. For years, we have been begging for a different kind of politics. We complain that our leaders don’t have shame, that they have no sense of propriety, that the concept of the “greater good” is dead. Then, one man, in the twilight of his career, actually embodies it. He gives us a living, breathing example of what it looks like to value the health of the system over the ambition of the individual. And our first reaction is often cynical disbelief. We’re so conditioned to the ugly game that a clean move looks suspicious.

    Maybe it is time we recognised the move for what it is: mature, strategic, deeply honourable, and institutionally astute. He has not just resigned from a job. He has offered a masterclass in public service, a tutorial in patriotic loyalty, and a blueprint for ethical conduct. He has shown his colleagues that true honour is not about the title before your name, but the integrity of the name you leave behind after the title is gone. He has demonstrated that the strongest legacy is not one of power held, but of dignity preserved and institutions respected.

    Chief Uche Geoffrey Nnaji, former Minister, has done more to innovate our political science and technology, to reboot our civic software, than any policy paper or technological initiative he could have ever launched from his office. He has given us a new code to run our democracy on, if only we are brave enough to install it.

    •Agbai wrote from Abuja

  • Democracy in the age of Artificial Intelligence: Nigeria’s soft power and global responsibility

    Democracy in the age of Artificial Intelligence: Nigeria’s soft power and global responsibility

    By Ademola Oshodi

    Artificial Intelligence (AI) is no longer a future disruptor; it is a present weapon for democracy which faces the dual pressures of internal erosion and external manipulation today. Around the world, AI is already being used to weaken democracies, manipulate public opinion, prop up authoritarian regimes and dampen diplomatic credibility. Yet the risks are not confined to national borders. A recent DW report warned that AI-driven disinformation could destabilise elections across Africa in the coming years. With 18 African countries scheduled to hold elections between 2025 and 2026, the stakes are global. As these reports emphasise, Africa is one of the key battlegrounds where the integrity of democracy will be tested by the malevolent use of AI. Technology has become a tool of destabilisation and control with AI-generated deepfakes sowing doubt in elections and synthetic propaganda amplifying the appeal of military juntas. This dual threat makes AI one of the defining battlegrounds of the 21st century, and for Nigeria, Africa’s most populous democracy, the question is not whether AI will shape our political and social life, but how we choose to govern AI in ways that strengthen our democracy rather than undermine it.

    The evidence is mounting. In Nigeria’s 2023 elections, deepfakes and coordinated disinformation campaigns flooded social media, fuelling polarisation and public scepticism about democratic institutions. This is not a uniquely Nigerian problem, but part of a global trend. A 2024 report from the Institute for Security + Technology warned that AI-powered disinformation campaigns are now a norm, with direct consequences for electoral integrity and citizen participation.

    What Nigeria experienced in 2023 is not an isolated episode. It is a preview of the aggressive information warfare already unfolding in its neighbourhood. In the Sahel, Technology is accelerating authoritarian consolidation. In Burkina Faso, for example, deepfake videos have transformed Captain Ibrahim Traoré into a mythic figure, depicted as Africa’s messiah in digital campaigns featuring AI-generated music, starlike endorsements, and grandiose claims about infrastructure and social programs. In one wave of AI-generated content, a synthetic announcement by American Pan-Africans purportedly supporting the junta surfaced days after France withdrew its troops. In Mali, manipulated content on social media frames France and the UN as complicit in prolonging insecurity and exploiting the region’s resources, while in Niger, AI-generated videos amplify pro-junta messaging and discredit calls for a return to civilian rule. These campaigns are often linked to Russian-influenced information networks, illustrating how generative AI is now a tool  in the geopolitical competition over Africa’s political future, shaping public support for undemocratic regimes and destabilising regional governance. If Nigeria fails to respond decisively, the same forces could undermine its institutions, deepen polarisation, and destabilise West Africa’s largest democracy.

    Meanwhile, surveys confirm the danger is real as faith in democracy is declining across Africa. Afrobarometer reports that while roughly two-thirds of Africans still prefer democratic rule, support has fallen by seven percentage points in the last decade due to military coups and corruption. In 2025, the Mo Ibrahim Index noted that 78 per cent of Africans live in countries where governance and democratic participation have worsened, often due to repression of civic and media freedoms. This context makes AI-fuelled disinformation a force multiplier for democratic decay because it accelerates the spread of false narratives, erodes trust in legitimate institutions, and overwhelms citizens’ ability to discern truth from fabrication. By amplifying conspiracy theories, delegitimising elections, and glorifying authoritarian figures, AI-driven campaigns deepen cynicism and normalise undemocratic alternatives. For Nigeria, this is a national security challenge, not just a technological one.

    The dual-use nature of AI – capable of tampering with democracies yet also empowering authoritarian actors – underscores the urgency of crafting global governance frameworks. The responsibility is twofold for Nigeria: to safeguard its democracy at home and to champion norms abroad that ensure technology does not undermine Africa’s democratic future. In that regard, democracy in the age of AI requires more than defensive measures. It demands proactive investment in digital literacy, robust regulatory frameworks, and international cooperation. Here, Nigeria can lead by example. With more than 220 million citizens, half of them under the age of 19, Nigeria represents both the vulnerability and potential of the digital era. A youthful population that is globally connected but unevenly protected from digital manipulation is at once a risk factor and a resource for resilience.

    This makes Nigeria the best-placed country to set the tone for an African-led response and the country has already begun to act in tangible ways. The Federal Ministry of Communications, Innovation and Digital Economy has launched the development of a National AI Policy Framework to regulate the ethical use of emerging technologies in governance and electoral processes. Just recently, on the sidelines of the 80th United Nations General Assembly in New York, Nigeria unveiled N-ATLAS, a pioneering AI language model trained in Yoruba, Hausa, Igbo, and Nigerian-accented English – a bold signal that the country is staking its claim in shaping global AI technology in ways that reflect African voices and realities. Fact-checking civil society organisations such as Dubawa have deployed AI-powered tools to detect and debunk disinformation in real time, especially during election cycles. These domestic initiatives are reinforced by Nigeria’s multilateral engagement. The government is aligned with UNESCO to train its civil service on AI and digital governance, embedding global best practices into public institutions. Diplomatically, Nigeria has used its influence in ECOWAS and at the African Union to press for stronger regional standards on electoral integrity and emphasise African agency in multilateral forums. Taken together, these actions show that Nigeria is actively building the frameworks, tools, and alliances needed to protect democracy and set a model for the continent.

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    This is where Nigeria’s soft power can be most effective. Nollywood and Afrobeats are reshaping global perceptions of African creativity; extending this influence to digital democracy is a natural progression. Nigeria can spearhead a continental coalition on AI ethics, champion digital literacy campaigns targeting its massive youth population, and continue to press for African inclusion in global AI governance forums. Such initiatives would not only protect Nigeria’s democracy but also give Africa a voice in shaping the rules of a technology that will define the future of governance worldwide.

    Leadership also means leading by example. Nigeria’s own electoral reforms, including the digitisation of voter registration and the expansion of civic education, must be accelerated to show that technology can strengthen democracy. Regulation should focus not only on punitive measures but also on supporting innovation that defends civic space, protects human rights, and enhances transparency. Such leadership would reinforce Nigeria’s credibility as a defender of democratic norms in a period where coups and authoritarian backsliding have threatened regional stability.

    The age of AI will test democracies everywhere, but it also offers an opportunity to reimagine global cooperation. Nigeria has the size, the voice, and now the tools to lead Africa’s response. The choice is stark: allow external actors to script the future of its democracy or shape the rules of engagement for a digital century. Acting decisively now would turn Nigeria’s domestic vulnerabilities into diplomatic capital. That is the essence of soft power: projecting influence through culture or diplomacy, while embodying solutions that others seek to emulate.

    The world is entering uncharted territory where the boundaries between truth and falsehood can be engineered with a few lines of code. Nigeria cannot afford to be a passive recipient of these forces. Our responsibility, and indeed our opportunity, is to help shape how democracy survives, adapts and thrives in this new era.

    •Oshodi is Senior Special Assistant to the President of Nigeria on Foreign Affairs and Protocol

  • Burkina Faso’s Traoré and the revolution of illusions

    Burkina Faso’s Traoré and the revolution of illusions

    Sir: Three years after seizing power, Burkina Faso’s strongman, Captain Ibrahim Traoré, continues to project himself as the torchbearer of a new African revolution — a reincarnation of the late Thomas Sankara. Yet, his recent performance, marking his third anniversary in power, revealed more theatre than substance. It was less a presidential address and more a self-congratulatory monologue filled with sweeping claims, imagined enemies, and revolutionary soundbites detached from the harsh realities on the ground.

    Facing a carefully selected group of journalists — those unlikely to ask uncomfortable questions — Traoré transformed what should have been a serious state briefing into a one-man show. His tone was confident, even prophetic, yet far removed from the desperation of a nation caught in the grip of terrorism, poverty, and displacement.

    Traoré opened with drama: when he came to power, he claimed, the Burkinabe army had “barely a hundred weapons and 100,000 cartridges.” Such exaggerations might thrill loyalists but stretch credibility. Even local hunters would scoff at such arithmetic. Yet, the captain reassured his listeners that 15,000 men are now recruited annually and that Burkina Faso will soon “make its own weapons.”

    How, and with what resources? There were no details — no factories, no engineers, no budget. It was a familiar populist pattern: imagination over implementation, rhetoric over realism.

    Perhaps the highlight — or low point — of the press conference came with the grand economic announcement: a tomato processing plant. While jihadists overrun villages and thousands of civilians flee daily, the government’s big victory was the promise of locally made tomato paste.

    Agricultural processing is undoubtedly essential. But in a nation where more than half of the territory is under terrorist control, the symbolism felt jarring. The message seemed to be: Burkina may not be safe, but at least it will have sauce.

    When policies fail, populists find scapegoats. In Traoré’s narrative, the Ivory Coast has now become the enemy. He accused Abidjan of serving as “the rear base of Burkina’s enemies” and even suggested that President Alassane Ouattara had signed a “non-aggression pact” with jihadists.

    Such allegations are not just far-fetched — they are dangerous. They strain regional diplomacy, alienate neighbours, and distract from the government’s inability to secure its own borders. Ironically, when a journalist cited a poll showing that 66% of Ivorians viewed Burkina Faso’s leadership favourably, Traoré shrugged: “Really? I don’t follow that… I don’t watch those media outlets anymore.”

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    This was revealing. In a state where the media is censored and dissent suppressed, even positive news struggles to reach the leader’s ears. Traoré appears trapped within his own echo chamber — and Burkina Faso with him.

    Three years on, the outcomes are damning. Burkina Faso remains the most terrorised country in the world. Thousands have been killed, millions displaced, and much of the countryside is beyond state control. Schools are closed, health centres are abandoned, and basic livelihoods are destroyed.

    Despite fiery anti-Western speeches and his warm embrace of Moscow, little has changed on the ground. Russian mercenaries and propaganda can amplify slogans, but they cannot rebuild schools, protect farmers, or restart an economy in free fall.

    And now, with Burkina Faso — alongside Niger and Mali — having withdrawn from ECOWAS, the country faces deepening isolation. What Traoré brands as “sovereign independence” increasingly looks like self-imposed solitude. Without regional cooperation, intelligence sharing, or trade partnerships, Burkina Faso risks turning into a garrison state — fortified in rhetoric but hollow in results.

    In just three hours of speaking, Captain Traoré managed to: turn the Ivory Coast into the supposed headquarters of Sahel’s villains; declare tomato paste the new pillar of national resilience; and redefine politics as the art of deception.

    But beyond the theatre, Burkina Faso continues to bleed. The ordinary people — farmers, students, traders, and families — pay the real price for this illusion of revolution.

    Traoré may parade as the new Sankara, but three years on, his “revolution” looks more like a parody than a legacy. The real revolution Burkina Faso needs today is not one of slogans or posturing, but of results — restoring security, rebuilding trust, and reviving governance.

    Until then, Captain Ibrahim Traoré’s revolution remains exactly what it appears to be: a show more than a solution.

    •Oumarou Sanou,sanououmarou386@gmail.com

  • Dangote, “Owners of Nigeria” and the rest of us

    Dangote, “Owners of Nigeria” and the rest of us

    Sir: It was assumed that the launch of Dangote’s $20-billion refinery would be a breath of fresh air – the long-awaited project to finally free Nigeria from decades of fuel import dependency and the grip of vested interests. Right? Wrong.

    For decades, successive governments lavished billions on turnaround maintenance of our comatose refineries, yet not one could produce a drop of fuel for Nigerians. We became a crude oil producer that imported nearly all its refined products- a national disgrace sustained by those who profited from the dysfunction – “The owners of Nigeria”.

    The Dangote Refinery was supposed to change that. But since its birth, it has faced chaos after chaos. Skirmishes with the NNPC, friction with international oil companies, pushback from petroleum marketers, tanker drivers, depot owners, and now, open confrontation with PENGASSAN. Behind every one of these confrontations lies a common denominator: the owners of Nigeria who have held this country by the jugular for decades. The owners who are furious that the removal of fuel subsidy took food off their greedy tables. The owners who would rather see the country burn than lose control of the taps that enrich them.

    Yet, for ordinary Nigerians, the Dangote Refinery offered hope; a promise that gave us a relatively cheaper, more stable fuel and gas supply. But these “owners of Nigeria” have refused. They have sworn that Nigerians must never get relief. It is over their dead bodies.

    Check this: in the aviation sector, jet fuel reportedly accounts for nearly 40% of operational costs. Dangote reportedly offered to sell Jet A1 at N980 per litre, down from the N1,240 the cabal currently sells. That’s a 26% reduction, a direct saving that could have made air travel cheaper for millions. The response from the cabal? Rejection, reportedly. They would rather Nigerians continue to bleed.

    Or take the case of LPG, i.e., cooking gas. Nigerians currently pay over N1,000 per kg. Dangote reportedly offered to sell at N800 per litre. Again, the “owners of Nigeria” revolted, reportedly. They simply cannot stand the thought of affordability for the masses, not when it cuts into their illicit profits.

    And now the queues are back. One kg of gas is now selling between N1500-N3000. Not because of subsidy delays or foreign exchange shortages, but because of deliberate sabotage. A manufactured scarcity by vested interests holding the country hostage under the guise of industrial action. PENGASSAN’s strike may be framed as a workers’ struggle, but its timing and context tell a deeper story, a story that reeks of orchestration. At some point, Nigerians must collectively say ‘Enough is enough’.

    The federal government must act more when private interests cripple national progress. The Dangote Refinery is not just a private venture; it is a national asset, a strategic investment that could redefine our economic independence.

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    The government must make it clear that the refinery’s success is in the national interest. No individual or group should be allowed to weaponise supply chains against Nigerians.

    Regulators, too, must rise to their responsibility. The FCCPC should investigate any evidence of collusion or cartel behaviour within the oil and gas distribution chain. It should be made clear that industrial action cannot become a weapon of economic sabotage. There must be accountability for actions that deliberately inflict hardship on millions of Nigerians.

    Nigeria stands at a crossroads. We can either protect the few who profit from dysfunction or empower those who build solutions. The Dangote Refinery, with all its imperfections, represents the latter. To allow cabals to frustrate that progress is to choose national stagnation over renewal.

    What is at stake here is not just fuel or gas; it is the soul of Nigeria’s economic independence. If we cannot protect progress when it comes, then we do not deserve it. It is time for the government, regulators, and citizens to draw a line.

    Never again should the selfish interests of a few override the collective good of over 200 million Nigerians.

    •Chiechefulam Ikebuiro, chiechefulamikebuiro@gmail.com

  • Call for party-nominated INEC officials misguided

    Call for party-nominated INEC officials misguided

    Sir: Former Interior Minister and National Secretary, African Democratic Congress (ADC), Rauf Aregbesola, recently stirred controversy when he suggested that political parties be allowed to nominate officials into the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Speaking at a panel session on electoral innovation hosted by the Athena Centre for Policy and Leadership in Abuja, Aregbesola argued that the current method of appointing the INEC Chairperson, National Commissioners, and Resident Electoral Commissioners (RECs) is “deeply flawed.”

    According to him, parties with at least five members in the National Assembly should be empowered to nominate individuals to lead INEC, claiming that such a model would “solve all the issues” of bias and manipulation in Nigeria’s electoral system. In his words: “If the parties now betray themselves to allow one of them to run away with it, fine.”

    There is no credible democracy in the world where political parties directly nominate election officials. The logic is simple: an election management body must be insulated from partisan influence to maintain neutrality, fairness, and credibility. Allowing political parties — the very contestants in elections — to nominate INEC officials would be akin to letting football teams select the referees to officiate their matches. It violates the principle of impartiality that underpins democratic elections.

    If anything, Aregbesola’s statement reflects the frustration many Nigerians feel about INEC’s recent credibility challenges, particularly after the 2023 general elections. However, the answer lies not in politicizing the commission further but in strengthening its institutional independence.

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    What Nigeria needs is not partisan control of INEC, but transparent and accountable appointment processes. Civil society organisations, professional bodies, and judicial councils should play greater roles in screening and recommending nominees, while the National Assembly’s confirmation hearings must be made more open and rigorous. The president should no longer have unilateral power to appoint the INEC chair and commissioners without meaningful checks.

    Furthermore, INEC’s funding and administrative autonomy must be constitutionally guaranteed and practically enforced. An electoral body that depends on political goodwill to function can never be fully independent.

    Nigeria must not trade independence for convenience. The credibility of elections rests on the impartiality of those who conduct them — and that impartiality must never be up for negotiation.

    The path forward is clear: reform INEC, yes, but do so through constitutional safeguards, institutional transparency, and public accountability — not through political capture disguised as innovation.

    Nigeria’s democracy cannot thrive if the lines between player and referee are blurred. Aregbesola’s proposal may ignite debate, but it should be firmly rejected as both impractical and dangerous to the survival of electoral integrity.

    • Olalekan Adigun,Abuja.