The Nation Newspaper

Category: Commentaries

Nigeria’s cultural taste for poverty

Sir: Not long ago, a news report showed Nigerian children writing the West African Senior School Certificate Examination, WASSCE late into the night with nothing but candles and torchlight. For many, it was just another story. For me, it was a mirror into Nigeria’s future, 20 to 30 years ahead. Because what enters into the minds of children shapes the society they grow into. And if darkness and struggle are normalised today, then hardship and mediocrity will be normalised tomorrow.

In most societies, that image alone, children studying by candlelight, would be enough to shake a nation, to trigger reforms, to provoke outrage. But in Nigeria, it barely caused a ripple. Why? Because we have developed what I call a cultural taste for poverty.

You wonder why senators and governors appear hardened, behaving like tin gods, forgetting the mandate of their positions and lacking empathy for the poor. It is because they too were raised in an environment where suffering was normalised. “If it was normal for me to hold position, then why shouldn’t it be normal for you to suffer? God will do your own”. That is the silent philosophy guiding much of our leadership and even our everyday lives.

Look around and you would see it everywhere. A power outage lasting days is met with resignation. And when electricity suddenly returns, people shout, “Up NEPA!” as though electricity supply for a few hours is a gift, not a right. When supply stays on for 10 hours straight, we marvel, “They are really trying.” Trying to supply us with darkness? This is how low the bar has been set.

The same applies to governance. A senator facilitates a project, funded not by his sweat but by taxpayers’ money and suddenly his name is plastered across the project as if it were a personal favour. We cheer, we clap and we thank him. Yet the truth is this, he has only carried out a duty for which he was elected. Nothing more.

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This culture of lowered expectations has crept into every corner of our national life. We celebrate the bare minimum. We glorify survival over prosperity. We see the worst of situations and call it normal. And so we remain stuck.

Nigerians have accepted incompetence as the order of the day. Leaders fail woefully at their duties, yet rather than hold them accountable, we explain away their failure, “What if he didn’t do it?”, “At least he is better than the last one.” It is this resignation that emboldens mediocrity. Any rogue can ride roughshod over us, loot resources, neglect the people and still find admirers who clap for him just for occupying office.

Bad leadership no longer shocks us, it has been normalised into the national psyche. We endure obnoxious taxes, infrastructure decay and high price for fuel in an oil-rich nation. We buy transformers, energise it for distribution companies to charge us, we pay for services never rendered, we live in insecurity and yet the collective outrage is weak. Many have quietly accepted this cultural taste of poverty as a way of life. We no longer expect excellence, we no longer demand accountability and so we are governed by the worst among us.

But Nigeria cannot continue this way. We must rise above this culture of poverty and mediocrity. We must refuse to normalise suffering and incompetence. We must begin to demand more, not just from those who govern us, but from ourselves as citizens. A nation is built not by what it tolerates, but by what it refuses to accept. Until we cultivate a taste for excellence, empathy and prosperity, Nigeria will continue to recycle the same failures. But the day we reset our values is the day Nigeria begins to rise.

•Dayo DaSilva, (arpa, amncs) dsv123ng@yahoo.com

September 1, 2025
Dealing with ethical challenges in real estate sector

Sir: Real estate is one of the most visible professions in society, shaping where people live, work, and invest. Yet, in recent years, the industry has faced rising criticism over ethical lapses that undermine public trust. From allegations of sexual harassment and discrimination to opaque commissions, misleading marketing, and misuse of client data, the culture and conduct of real estate practice have come under scrutiny worldwide.

At the heart of these challenges lies the structure of the industry itself. Many practitioners work as independent contractors with limited oversight, while the traditional commission-based model rewards closing deals rather than safeguarding clients’ interests. The result is an environment where ethical risks are easily overlooked in pursuit of profit. In markets like Nigeria and across Africa, these concerns are compounded by weak regulation, inadequate consumer protection, and the rapid adoption of digital technologies without corresponding safeguards.

The ethical dilemmas cut across several areas. Agents are often caught in conflicts of interest, balancing loyalty to clients with pressures from referral fees or in-house deals. Misrepresentation of property details remains a recurring problem, eroding confidence in the profession. More troubling are cases of discrimination, harassment, and toxic workplace cultures that make it difficult for women and younger professionals to thrive. Added to this is the growing risk of money laundering through property transactions and the rising use of artificial intelligence in valuations and tenant screening tools that, if unchecked, may reproduce bias and privacy violations.

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The good news is that solutions are within reach. Regulators and professional bodies must strengthen licensing and disciplinary processes, ensuring that ethical breaches carry real consequences. Firms need to move beyond mere compliance and embed integrity into their culture by redesigning incentives, publishing clear codes of conduct, and providing safe reporting channels for misconduct. Transparent disclosure of commissions, fair housing commitments, maintenance of reliable and up-to-date data banks, and whistle-blower protections are essential steps. Equally, technology should be governed with care data privacy safeguards, bias testing, and human oversight must accompany the growing reliance on digital tools.

Ultimately, restoring trust in real estate requires more than rules; it demands a cultural shift. Leaders in the profession must set the tone by valuing fairness, accountability, and dignity alongside sales performance. If ethics become part of the industry’s DNA, the sector will not only protect consumers but also strengthen its reputation as a vital steward of homes, communities, and the built environment.

•Dr. Victoria Odunfa <odunfavictoria@gmail.com>

September 1, 2025
Senator Marafa: A withered finger in Zamfara politics
- By Abdulrahman Alkali
On August 29, 2025, former Senator Kabiru Marafa, who represented Zamfara Central from 2011 to 2019, announced his exit from the All Progressives Congress (APC) alongside his supporters.

Their departure was attributed to claims that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is a “use and dump” politician, growing insecurity in Zamfara State, and the alleged marginalisation of the state in federal appointments under the current administration.

While some may view the move as troubling, political watchers in Zamfara consider it a welcome development. For years, Marafa was seen as one of the most disruptive and self-serving figures within the APC, whose pursuit of personal interests and political rivalry contributed significantly to the party’s loss of the governorship and other key positions in the state.

His stance was clear, “If I can’t have it, no one will.” He brought down the roof on everyone, disregarding the monumental damage and cost to his party’s political fortunes.

It is well-known that in 2018, Senator Marafa ran for the governorship nomination of the APC in Zamfara State, but his bid was marred by internal conflicts within the party. The APC in Zamfara was divided into two factions: one led by Marafa and the other by then Governor Abdul’aziz Abubakar Yari. Each faction organized its own primary elections, leading to a dispute over the legitimacy of the process.

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) recognized the candidates chosen by Yari’s faction, but Marafa argued that no valid primaries had taken place.

He insisted that the party’s internal process was flawed and that the primaries organized by Yari’s faction were illegal.

This disagreement prompted Marafa to challenge the primaries, ultimately taking the case to the Supreme Court of Nigeria.

On May 24, 2019, the Supreme Court ruled in favour of Marafa’s position, declaring that the primaries conducted by Yari’s faction were indeed illegal.

Consequently, the court’s decision invalidated the election of all APC candidates in Zamfara for the 2019 general elections.

As a result, the APC’s votes in Zamfara were rendered void because the party failed to present valid candidates due to the lack of properly conducted primaries.

In the lead-up to the 2023 general elections, Marafa quickly allied with his former political rival from the 2019 election cycle in a bid to realize his ambition of becoming governor.

This resulted in a crisis between two factions: one led by Governor Bello Matawalle, who had defected from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the APC a few months before the start of post-election activities, and another led by former Governor Abdul’aziz Yari and Senator Kabiru Marafa.

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The crisis within the APC deepened when the then-National Caretaker Committee Chairman, Alhaji Mai Mala Buni, visited the state to welcome Matawalle to the party and announced that Matawalle was automatically the leader of the party in the state.

Thanks to effective leadership and political maturity displayed by Matawalle, the implosion of the state chapter of the party and a repeat of the 2019 fate were averted, albeit at a cost. Matawalle lost his re-election bid, but the APC remained a united front in Zamfara.

Marafa’s brief association with the Northern Elders Forum and his harsh criticism of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu are not rooted in northern nationalism but rather in a desperate attempt to maintain political relevance.

It is reasonable to speculate that Marafa believed he was a frontrunner for a ministerial slot from Zamfara State, but his hopes were dashed when President Tinubu nominated H.E. Bello Matawalle, and appointed him as Minister of State for Defence.

This appointment clearly undermines Marafa’s and his allies’ claims of neglect of Zamfara in political appointments.

It is also noteworthy that Mr. Yazeed Shehu Danfulani was appointed as the Chairman of the Nigerian Agricultural Insurance Corporation.

This appointment is not only political but also strategic, as Zamfara prides itself on farming, with the state slogan, “Farming is our pride.”

Addressing the allegations of militarization during the recent by-elections, it should be noted that Zamfara, given its security challenges, could justifiably be considered a militarized zone.

To any objective Nigerian, the increased deployment of military personnel was intended to ensure the safety and well-being of the electorate, as these areas are within a hotbed of banditry and terrorism.

While Zamfara remains in the news for security-related matters, it is on record that the Bola Ahmed Tinubu-led administration has neutralized over 20 bandit leaders declared wanted in the last two years.

This marks a clear departure from the situation in 2023, when the Muhammadu Buhari-led administration made insufficient efforts to secure the state, heavily militarized the 2023 governorship election, and failed to capture, try, or neutralize a single bandit leader.

In my opinion, Marafa’s exit from the APC represents the self-elimination of a disruptive element from its ranks.

– Abdulrahman Alkali, a social commentator, writes from Gusua.
August 31, 2025
Segun Adesanya: Celebrating a quintessential administrator

The story of Segun Adesanya tells of a young man with a humble beginning with lofty dreams to turn challenges to opportunities. August 31 is a day to remember in the life of Adesanya.

A Yoruba proverb says: “Anyone who knows how to think critically will always know how to give thanks.” Another Yoruba proverb also say that an ingrate is akin to a robber that makes away with one’s goods. Adesanya has a lot to be thankful for: the sheer gift of life, sound health, a happy family, a prosperous populace and a promising future.

His inspiring story is akin to a garden of endless harvests, a cavalcade of feats and heights attained. It is quite an impossible task to abridge the compendium of Adesanya’s remarkable accomplishments and achievements. By now, it ought to be clear that whoever the Almighty God has destined to wear a crown will do so. For him, perhaps the course of events has also been influenced by his name Adesanya.

Before I met him, I have always wondered from a respectable distance what manner of man this irrepressible administrator and leader is; his simple visage and demeanour when you move close to him belies his startling bluntness, frankness. He gave me tremendous support and push especially in my career, and I do hope that someday I will chronicle his life events in a book for many to read and get to know about his amazing personality.

Looking back over the span of the decade that has followed, it has occurred to me that it was a providential meeting – one that altered the course of my life and spawned a richly fulfilling professional and personal relationship. On Adesanya’s birthday, I find it appropriate to celebrate not only the man, but my relationship of many years with one of the most remarkable individuals I have ever met.

I count myself lucky to be within Adesanya’s circle of trust and space of authenticity, and can confirm that he has no facades – what you see is what you get. He exhibits a consistency of character that extends from his personal space to his public persona. There is no contradiction between private convictions and his public persona, which is a rare trait among public figures.

For those who have followed Adesanya’s trajectory, in his characteristic exemplary leadership style, he has pitched his tent with this history-making camp. It comes with a price: courage.

On different occasions, I’ve had to learn from his wealth of experience, and equally, he has had to humbly confide in me and also sought for opinion(s) on issues. One instance is when Adesanya made the fateful plunge into partisan politics, I knew it was going to be a tough terrain.

Adesanya’s migration from the sidelines into the trenches of politics was intriguing. It seemed an experiment to test the widely held theory that honest and competent Nigerians cannot survive the quagmire of politics. This is the theory that has kept many good people of our generation, and that before ours, out of politics for fear of being tainted and consumed. Adesanya has negotiated the turbulent waters of partisan politics without losing his humanity.

For obvious reasons, Adesyanya’s pathway to political power has been paved with thorns. That is not fortuitous; gold, before it becomes refined, must pass through fire. At the heart of this achievement lies Adesanya’s moral compass. He is first a man of deep convictions, and an administrator driven by concrete principles rather than situational ethics.

For instance, when Adesanya was appointed as Chairman, Bariga Intervention Committee by the quondam chairman of Bariga Local Council, Hon. Kolade Alabi, he confronted his assignment with customary rigour, immersing himself in reaching to the downtrodden and the well-deserved beneficiaries. He demonstrated a clear determination to leave a legacy.

Adesanya’s dreamy, rolling eyeballs behind his simple frame gives you the mistaken impression of quietude. His alluring simplicity cloaks astute managerial, even administrative skills as a leader, a fine thinker and a passionate humanitarian — attributes which he has brought to leadership. Interestingly, I’m still in awe over his style of uncommon leadership; a man who is more concerned with serving than engaging in unnecessary politicking.

During one occasion, he stood ramrod and made his remarks with panache. His voice bellowed with resonance, passion, and conviction. He was speaking from the depth of his guts and his eyes were on the prize. He earned the hearts of many especially in Akoka community and Bariga at large. Adesanya commands people’s respect because he is devoted to worthy causes. No wonder he was nicknamed the “Mayor of Akoka”.

He is one of the very few people I know that can never be blindsided or fazed by any eventuality. His calmness and infinite optimism even in the face of life’s greatest odds are inspiring and worthy of the respect and aspiration of coming generations.

His favourite line which he will always say with a soft-spoken voice, “Aanu mi a se yin” is a testament to his humane and humble personality. He is imbued with nonpareil intelligence, a clear-thinking, analytical mind, quick wit and sheer oratorical skills.

As he marks the historic date of his birth today, August 31, the occasion, no doubt, transcends the mere ticking of years; it is a remembrance of a life dedicated to progress, inclusivity, and the indomitable spirit of a people yearning for transformation.

Alao Abiodun is a journalist.

August 31, 2025
Obi’s One-term tenure: Time to talk or time to take action?

By Shola Adebowale

Peter Obi, the former Labour Party presidential candidate, has called for a one-term limit for the President of Nigeria, sparking significant attention and controversy, and highlighting the complexities of governance in Nigeria. As Nigerians weigh the potential benefits and drawbacks of this proposal, it is essential to examine the implications of such a reform on the nation’s development and stability.

Obi’s proposal for a one-term limit aims to prevent the abuse of power and promote accountability in government. By limiting the president to a single term, Obi argues that the president will be more focused on delivering results and serving the people, rather than prioritizing re-election. This approach could also give the president the freedom to make tough decisions without worrying about political repercussions.

However, implementing a one-term limit in Nigeria’s complex environment poses several challenges. A president serving a single four-year term might struggle to achieve significant reforms, especially in areas like infrastructure development and economic growth. Additionally, without the prospect of re-election, a president might not be motivated to prioritize long-term projects or tackle difficult issues. Furthermore, a one-term limit could lead to a lack of continuity in policies, as each new administration might have different priorities and approaches.

There are historical examples of leaders who have made significant contributions in their nations during a single term, despite the challenges of governing in pluralistic nations with diverse ethnic nationalities. These examples demonstrate that effective leadership and strategic planning can lead to meaningful impact, even in complex environments. For instance, Nelson Mandela, as President of South Africa from 1994 to 1999, played a crucial role in transitioning the country from apartheid to democracy. His leadership and vision helped to promote reconciliation and nation-building. Similarly, Kim Dae-jung, as President of South Korea from 1998 to 2003, implemented significant reforms and promoted international engagement, strengthening the country’s economy and improving its global standing.

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Nigeria’s history and context are unique, and this uniqueness must be taken into account when addressing the country’s challenges. Nigeria’s history has been shaped by two significant periods that have had a profound impact on its development and institutions: a long period of military rule and colonialism. Military intervention in Nigerian politics has its roots in the colonial era, with Colonel Lord Lugard, a British Army Officer, amalgamating the Northern and Southern protectorates in 1914.

The British policy of favoring Northern leaders in colonial administration contributed to political imbalances, ethnic conflicts, and instability after independence. The 1914 amalgamation of Northern and Southern Nigeria disregarded the ethnic, cultural, and religious differences across the regions, contributing to future political challenges.

Given Nigeria’s diverse population with different nationalities and aspirations, a president must balance competing interests and priorities. A one-term limit could exacerbate Nigeria’s long history of regional rivalries. If a region or ethnic nationality is limited to a single term, they might feel marginalized, leading to resentment and further divisions. This is particularly concerning given the country’s history, including the Nigerian Civil War (1967-1970), which resulted from similar tensions and led to significant human suffering, including millions of casualties.

Historical records indicate that over 2 million people, mostly civilians, died due to fighting, starvation, and disease. The war also resulted in widespread destruction of infrastructure, economy, and social structures. All of which were severely damaged, particularly in the southeastern region. There was also a massive humanitarian crisis, with millions displaced and forced to flee their homes.

Moreover, Nigeria’s broken or non-existent infrastructure poses significant challenges to economic growth and development. Without such fundamental building blocks of nationhood, a one-term tenure for a president is more likely a daunting task to achieve much achievement. In other words, while a one-term limit has its benefits, it might not be enough for a president to make a meaningful difference in Nigeria’s complex environment.

August 31, 2025
The problem with Nigeria

By Austin Orette

Is President Bola Tinubu the cause of Nigeria’s problem? Some time ago, I wrote that I did not endorse Tinubu because he will reduce the misery index of Nigeria. I did not endorse him because he will stop corruption and other ills that plague the Nation. I did not endorse him because he is a saint. The only reason I supported him was that of all the candidates, he was the only one with the sagacity to push Nigeria from the status quo of mediocrity.

So far so good, I am not disappointed. He is doing so well. He has ruffled the feathers of the impostors who assumed that Nigeria belongs to them.

The Tax Bill is our ticket to restructuring. I have always believed that the federation cannot progress unless those who believe in unitarism are excommunicated from the bus of progress. They will call Tinubu many names, but he will go down as the author of New Nigeria. We will all be equal in this federation.

I want to live in a country where there is fiscal justice. I want to be certain that the tax that comes from my boozing is not used to sponsor hajj for those who will destroy the establishment of those who sell beer. There is the case of the oil. I am from the Niger Delta. We need 60 percent of the oil and no Sheik from outside the region should tell us what to do. We don’t tell them how to pray. Why are the ports in Niger Delta not operational? We had Koko Port, Warri Port and Burutu Port. We were a country.

My people are tired of applying for visa to clear goods in Lagos. We are tired of staying in a place that has so much federal money thrown at it but cannot manage to come up with sensible urban and housing policy.

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A visit there is a journey of chaos. What are the senators doing? Can they work harder and give the Niger Delta the Dangote Deal? Dangote is in Nigeria with his own refinery and ports. What is next for him? With the way things are going, he might end up with his own currency. Who says monopoly doesn’t pay?

Nasir El-Rufai has been popping up lately, threatening the president with electoral misfortune. Can you imagine the effrontery? He became a governor with Almajiri votes and he did nothing for them. These people think they own Nigeria. Where was he when Buhari filled every position with his and his wife’s relatives?

Restructuring means you spend and manage what you produce. It is the law of the farm. You reap what you sow and don’t raise your livestock in another man’s garden without any compensation. There is Mr. Peter Obi who thinks the road to the presidency is through educating the Almajiris. If it didn’t work for Goodluck Jonathan, why do you think it will work for him? El-Rufai is no fool. He has the Almajiri votes locked up.

The solution is to ship the Almajiris to my village. We have highly motivated mothers who will adopt them and turn them into lawyers, engineers, doctors and respectable members of our society. The almajiris are orphans with living parents who don’t care. We can care for them in my village. With 60 % derivation, the sky is our limit. After they come of age and have become very educated, we will send them to the North to recolonise the North.

We need home grown colonizers in the North. They will bring progress faster to the North than the Fulani who are in a race to return to the 7th century.

Now they will accuse me of asking them to turn their hearts away from the gods of Saudi Arabia to the gods of my village. Who knows, some of them might become educated Imams and not hypocrites who hide Ogogoro in their prayer kettle and underage girls, under their agbada. They will not be hypocrites. This will bridge the gap in the distribution of graduates during NYSC.

Peter Obi should address this. Why should states that have so many Almajiris and no graduates have more NYSC graduates serving than states that are producing graduates? We must correct this Dangote equation. Obi should learn from Tinubu. You don’t placate bullies. We are on the way to a new Nigeria, the end of serfdom. The cacophony all over the place is beginning to be louder than Biafra. The halls of academia have just been opened in Southern Zaria and El-Rufai is apoplectic. He cannot even comprehend that Nigeria can grow beyond one school of aviation. He is inviting Nnamdi Kanu to Dinner and wants to review Nnamdi’s notes. These are interesting times to be alive in my dear country, Nigeria.

We will end up with a federal government that does not baby sit any region. We must have a government that does not rob Peter to pay Paul. No region should become bloated and lazy with excess fat. Those who are addicted to that feeding bottle should be weaned. That is true federalism and equality. Are the Fulani and Biafrans against this? They are five and six. Don’t let their recriminations fool you. They have one agenda. They are one and the same side of a bad coin.

Dr Orette wrote in from Houston, Texas, USA

August 31, 2025
Should civil servants participate in partisan politics? In search for final answer

Quite recently, public discourse was again forced to consider an old discourse that borders on the whether or not civil servants have the right to engage in partisan politics. This discourse, of course, became heated up given that the political order in Nigeria is already getting into a feverish pitch as a result of ongoing political strategizing in readiness for the 2027 general elections. The next election cycle seems a bit far, but politicians are not usually known to be that patient, especially when it comes to the struggle to gain or retain political power. The usual bickering concerning alignment and mudslinging have already picked up a heightened pace, and it is inevitable that we will once again come to the point of figuring out the political status of civil servants in the whole dynamics.

Quite recently, on August 15, 2025, the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation (HCSF), Mrs. Didi Esther Walson-Jack, fired a salvo at the quarterly Stakeholders and Citizens Engagement interactive session. The basis of her argument is the crucial need to safeguard the political neutrality of the civil servants in accordance with their responsibility to any government of the day. And in response to the old Supreme Court judgement which reiterates the constitutional provision allowing any citizen of Nigeria to participate in politics, the HCSF argues that the constitutional provision (when conflated with the subordinate provision of the public service rules) permits civil servants the fundamental right to privately support any party of their choice without being drawn into the murky space of high-stake political activities. It did not take too long for the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), through its president, Mr Joe Ajaero, to respond. And it was typical. The NLC countered that both the Nigerian 1999 Constitution and the 2003 Supreme Court judgement—in the INEC v Musa and Others—foreground the right of civil servants, like all other Nigerians, not just to be card-carrying party members, but to also be involved in all other political activities.

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The interesting issue is that both the HCSF and the NLC president pointed at the constitutional and the Supreme Court support for that legal stipulation of the constitutional provision of Section 40 of the Nigerian Constitutions states simply: Every person shall be entitled to assemble freely and associate with other persons, and in particular he may form or belong to any political party, trade union or any other association for the protection of his interests. However, the HCSF insists that civil servants, while adhering to this constitutional provision, must keep in mind the fundamental significance Public Service Rules which define and constrain the administrative behaviour of civil servants. Section 4 of the PSR defines serious misconduct as “a specific act of very serious wrongdoing and improper behavior which is inimical to the image of the service and which can be investigated and if proven, may lead to dismissal.” The PSR then went on to situate engaging in partisan politics as an act of serious misconduct. Does the Public Service Rule then undermine the Nigerian constitutional stipulation?

There is no easy way to mediating this discourse. The two sides of the debate are cogent in the understanding of how the political status of a civil servant must be construed. The entire political order of the Nigerian state is anchored on the constitutional provisions which is the final arbiter on any legal issues concerning the government and the citizens of Nigeria. And the Supreme Court, in its 2003 ruling on INEC v Musa and Others, did well to uphold the Section 40 of the 1999 Constitution. But then, the administrative stability, professional status and performance capability of the civil servant to deliver her utmost in terms of articulating and implementing policies is anchored on the ability of the civil servant to remain neutral in political activities and engagements.

At the base of this disagreement between the HCSF and the NLC is the most fundamental dichotomy that inaugurated the public administration. This is the politics-administration distinction which insists that politicians and civil servants have different remits in their connection with the running of a state. While politicians are saddled with the design and formulation of policies that service the social contract, the civil servants are concerned only with the implementation of these policies. And each party’s task is so specified that each need not collaborate or interfere with each other’s responsibilities. However, this dichotomy is not so easily explained and outlined. This is because it is simply a theoretical construct that different administrative traditions, approaches and contexts could interpret differently. This is because there is a complex framework of relationship between administration and politics, or between civil servants and politicians. Max Weber notes that a civil servant can either live for politics or live from politics. And both are not mutually exclusive. According to him, “Whoever lives “for” politics “makes it his life,” in the inward sense. He either enjoys the naked possession of the power he exercises, or he nourishes his inward equilibrium and self-esteem with the consciousness of giving meaning to his life by serving a “cause”. Probably every serious person who lives for a cause, also lives from this cause.”

And Weber had the example of Otto von Bismarck who exemplifies living ‘for” politics in both senses of the allure of the naked possession of power and that of serving a cause. As Chancellor, Bismarck inevitably fell into a serious conflict with Emperor Wilhelm II in terms of the content of Germany’s domestic and foreign policies and how they affect the lives of Germans. Of course, Wilhelm fired his chief public servant for his strong political views and participation. However, Wilhelm himself got inextricably lost in bureaucratic officialdom that eventually undermined his government. The Wilhelm-Bismarck power struggle constitutes one perspective about the politics-administration dichotomy. On the flip side of that dichotomy is the Awolowo-Adebo collaborative efforts that was the basis of the significant infrastructural leadership of the old western region in the immediate post-independence period. That model held strongly to the separation of politics and administration in ways that allowed both to face their remit and ultimately achieve policy formulation and implementation.

The Awolowo-Adebo administrative model emerged from Nigeria’s inheritance of the apolitical British civil service system. This tradition of public administration is common all across the Commonwealth countries. The British civil service system was designed to be thoroughly impartial; civil servants are trained to serve the government of the day with utmost impartiality regardless of whatever political opinions or views they hold. The system however gives room for special advisers who are specially appointed, hold temporary position and are exempted from the rule of impartiality in their duty to provide political advice and direction to ministers. This was the framework of the politics-administration distinction that gave Nigeria the golden age of the civil service in the immediate post-independence period. Unfortunately, one of the traumatic fallouts of the military incursion into Nigerian politics is the terrible distortions of Nigerian governance, political and administrative coherence. The massive purge of the public service in 1975/76 for instance, was in part a playout of the politics to contain the audacity that General Gowon enabled the super-permanent secretaries to have in the policy space; the audacity to step into the arena of politics at the time; one which must have put them in opposing camp with the war generals who then assaulted their rank in revenge, when the Murtala-Obasanjo assume the reign of power. When the Babangida administration began its Public Service Reform agenda, there was already on board the reform to transit Nigeria’s governmental structure to presidentialism. The Dotun Philips study group that preceded this reform framework was tasked with the objective of a professionalized civil service circumscribed by a managerial philosophy and grafted into the institutional context of presidentialism. Unfortunately, with the promulgation of Decree 43 by the Babangida administration, the objective of professionalizing the civil service system was jeopardized with the politicizing of the position of the permanent secretary which was then re-designated as the Director-General.

How do we then tie this historical and conceptual reflections together? I suspect that the Supreme Court judgment which grounds the provision of the 1999 Constitution on partisan political engagement of Nigerians cannot be the final answer on the matter. And this position is far from being counterintuitive, coming from the Chairman of the Federal Civil Service Commission. This is my argument. The Constitutional order of the Nigerian state cannot answer to all realities, economic, political, sociocultural, administrative, and even governance. The Nigerian state has weathered all sorts of circumstances that had to be handled through legal pragmatism. Thus, while the Constitution is fundamentally right, at the most general level of the fundamental, to state that every Nigerian has the right to be political and to hold political views and participate in politics, the said constitution cannot legislate at the level of the concrete on what is best for the civil service system as both an administrative system and a profession in its own right. That has to be handled with an administrative wisdom and legality that would not undermine the constitutional order must be top in the next level administrative reform agenda for the Nigerian civil service, going forward. It is at this level that stakeholders in the administrative framework can decide what is best for the Nigerian public administrative system now and in the near future.

This whole discourse on the political status of civil servants in Nigeria’s political and constitutional order therefore speaks to the urgency of what it takes to institutionally reform the Nigerian civil service system. The discourse, in other words, brings to the fore cogent and fundamental questions: How should the classic politics-administration dichotomy be reconceived within the framework of a new theory of change for institutional reform given Nigeria’s peculiar socio-political reality? What system of public administration is best for Nigeria at this stage in its evolution and for its transformation journey? What should be the role of the state and its constitutional order in that journey? These are key questions to reflect on in the light of two important objectives. The first is that Nigeria needs to become a developmental state that pushes the boundaries of democratic governance that elevate the well-being of Nigerians. A developmental state has to plug into the fourth and fifth industrial revolutions in ways that provide the technological and infrastructural wherewithal to make development happen. The second objective is that the public service must in time, even if aspirational, become a world class institution that can effectively and efficiently backstop the developmental aspirations of the Nigerian state.

At the very heart of the institutional reform of the civil service system is indeed the nature and status of the civil servant as a public spirited and professional administrative persona with the twenty-first century public ethical conduct and competences to mediate the evolving knowledge society of the fourth industrial revolution. At the moment, the dysfunction of the system is due to its inability to jettison its old Weberian, “I-am-directed” structural modalities that engender bureau-pathology which prevents administrative efficiencies and promotes a culture that politicizes everything governance and development. This pathological condition calls for a re-professionalization strategy that capacitate the civil service system and its civil servants to function optimally in their vocational calling to serve Nigerians in manner that insulates it from distortionary politics. This is where all critical stakeholders, from the OHCSF and the Federal Civil Service Commission to the NLC owe the public administration a sacred responsibility. This is a far better focus than the intermittent public filibustering over how political the civil servant can be. This is a democratic system that requires a competent, efficient and impartial civil servant to help the government achieve its policy objectives for Nigerians. The best way to go is not to embroil these civil servants in Nigeria’s political complexities. This, I believe, is the cogent insight the HCSF is trying to pass across.

• Olaopa Chairman, Federal Civil Service Commission & Professor of Public Administration

August 31, 2025
Edo Governor Monday Okpebholo @ 55

By Fred Itua

There are lives that tell stories, and there are lives that themselves become stories; epic, inspiring, and immortal in their resonance. The life of His Excellency, Senator Monday Okpebholo, Governor of Edo State, belongs in the latter category. Today, as he marks his 55th birthday, we do not merely count years; we celebrate a destiny shaped by grit, defined by resilience, adorned by achievement, and sanctified by grace.

At 55, Governor Okpebholo stands as a trailblazer, redefining governance in Edo State and reshaping the political narrative of the South-South geo-political zone. His journey has not been one of privilege or predestination. Born into modest circumstances in the rural embrace of Udomi, in Edo State, with no golden spoons or silver ladders, his story began in the hard soil of disadvantage. Yet, like the seed that pushes through stone to find the sun, he rose. And in rising, he has given millions the courage to believe that no circumstance is final and that no beginning, however humble, can truncate a destiny anchored in faith, hard work, and unyielding determination.

It is this life journey from grass to prominence, from obscurity to eminence, that makes the man we celebrate today not only a leader of men but also a symbol of possibility to every Nigerian child. His story whispers hope to the boy in a village classroom with no shoes on his feet. It shouts encouragement to the young girl hawking under the sun, praying for a better tomorrow. It reminds them, and all of us, that with resilience and courage, coupled with faith in the God who raises the humble, the heights of power, success, and impact are never beyond reach.

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Governor Okpebholo’s rise is not just personal, it is profoundly political. In an era where cynicism too often overshadows trust in leadership, he has become the face of a new kind of politics: clean, compassionate, credible. He has infused governance with integrity, stripped politics of its needless arrogance, and returned the focus of leadership to where it belongs; the people.

His SHINE Agenda is not just a political blueprint; it is a philosophy, a covenant of hope. Security, Human Capital Development, Infrastructure, New Economy, and Education for All, each pillar echoes his determination to lift Edo from the shadows of unfulfilled promises into the daylight of renewal.

To watch his governance style is to witness a new vocabulary of leadership at work. He does not speak to impress; he speaks to inspire. He does not promise to deceive; he promises to deliver, and he delivers. Markets that languished for a decade are being rebuilt. Communities that thirsted for water are now refreshed. Hospitals that were neglected are being revived. Schools that crumbled are finding new life. Across Edo, you can trace his hand not just in projects, but in the smiles of ordinary citizens whose lives are quietly being transformed.

But to reduce Okpebholo to his policies would be to miss the soul of the man. He is not only a Governor; he is a son of Edo, a man of the people, accessible, approachable, and astonishingly humble for the height he has attained. In his simplicity lies his strength. In his humility lies his power. In his humanity lies his greatness. Like the biblical Moses, his life is proof that God does not call the qualified; He qualifies the called.

Indeed, Monday Okpebholo at 55 is a metaphor of grace. His life says to Nigeria: “you can begin from nowhere and still end up everywhere that matters. You can rise from a hut and still sit in the palace of leadership. You can walk barefoot as a child and still stand booted on the stage of history. You can be disadvantaged and still emerge distinguished”. His life is, in essence, the gospel of possibility preached not with words, but with living proof.

For Edo, his leadership marks the dawn of a new season. For the South-South, his politics signals a new direction. For Nigeria, his journey is an enduring lesson: that leadership is not about where you start but about what you choose to become. At a time when the nation hungers for authentic models, Monday Okpebholo stands tall as a north star of credibility, a lighthouse of hope, a statesman in the making.

As he turns 55, we do not just felicitate; we reflect. We reflect on how one man’s story can ignite the dreams of a generation. We reflect on how resilience, discipline, and faith can become the architecture of destiny. And we reflect on the truth that in celebrating Okpebholo, we are celebrating not only a Governor but a living testimony that the Nigerian dream, though battered, still breathes, and still shines.

Happy Birthday, Governor Monday Okpebholo. May your years ahead be brighter than the path behind you, may your vision continue to illuminate Edo, and may your life remain an eternal reminder that with God, with grit, and with grace, all things are possible.

• Fred Itua is the Chief Press Secretary to Governor Monday Okpebholo of Edo State

August 29, 2025
Dress code: A note to OAU management
- By Oluwaseyi Okuribido
Sir: I write with utmost respect to the leadership of the great Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, acknowledging its long-standing reputation for excellence, discipline, and cultural pride. The university has historically upheld values that blend scholarship with moral responsibility, and it is in this spirit that I respectfully seek the attention of the university management on the recently issued Dress Code Sanction List.

Having carefully studied the document, I wish to humbly highlight the following observations:

The intention behind the policy, which is to maintain modesty, discipline, and respect for Nigerian cultural values is commendable and reflects the high moral standards expected of students.

One area of concern is excessive punishment. Rustication for one or two semesters for dress-related issues appears disproportionate compared to the gravity of such infractions. Rustication is traditionally reserved for serious offenses such as cultism, violence, or examination malpractice.

Another is cultural heritage and expression. Hairstyles such as braids, dreadlocks, and coloured hair have deep roots in African culture and contemporary Nigerian society. Banning them outright risks alienating students from their identity and heritage.

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Then of course are global standards. In universities across the world, dress codes focus mainly on safety and professionalism (e.g., laboratory attire, clinical placements), while personal expression is respected. Harsh sanctions for appearance-related matters may therefore cast the institution as overly authoritarian.

To strike a balance between discipline, culture, and modern realities, the following revisions are suggested: Limit dress restrictions to instances that compromise safety, decency, or academic seriousness; introduce graduated sanctions: verbal/written warnings, counselling, or community service for first-time dress code violations; reserve rustication only for repeated defiance or when dress misconduct is tied to cultism, violence, or public disorder; frame policies in terms of professionalism and cultural respect rather than morality alone, making them acceptable to both Nigerian society and global academic observers.

Among the institutional benefits of revision is that it will enhance the university’s reputation for fairness and inclusivity, reduce the risk of student unrest or resistance, aligning OAU with the best practices of top global universities while still respecting Nigerian culture and traditions.

This request is made in the firm belief that OAU’s leadership is committed to fostering an environment where discipline and excellence thrive without stifling students’ cultural identity or rights. Revising the dress code policy will further strengthen the university’s standing as a modern, progressive, yet culturally rooted institution.

Thank you for your kind consideration.

•Oluwaseyi Okuribido,

<mailtanimola89@gmail.com>
August 29, 2025
Open letter to minister of education
- By Professor Kabir Àlàjó
Sir: Within the two years of your saddle in the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, you have taken the bull by the horn through bold reforms and pragmatic national policies in the education sector. Prior to your tenure in the Federal Ministry of Education, what had existed were policies, many of which are jaded and outdated, constricting the development of education sector in the country.

Through your initiatives and backing of the president, Nigeria is beginning to reclaim its status as one of the best countries in the African continent with sound educational systems and opportunities.

From the Diaspora BRIDGE initiative to the N50 billion settlement of long-standing Earned Academic Allowances (EAA), you have redefined the conversation about policy articulation in the education sector in such a way that was never seen before in recent time.

The ranging reforms aimed at enhancing corporate compliance and unified governance structure in the country’s tertiary institutions is a legacy that future reviews of Nigeria’s education policy will remember you for. Those reforms have done a great deal of service in enabling best global practices in not just how the leadership in the tertiary institutions are recruited, but also streamlined the protocols for a system-wide format of administration.

While the review of the appointment of Professor Stella Ngozi Lemchi as the substantive vice-chancellor of Alvan Ikoku Federal University of Education, Owerri was the catalyst for those reforms, the current situation at the Federal University, Oye-Ekiti would be a litmus test of whether those reforms could stand the test of time.

In April of this year, the substantive vice-chancellor of FUOYE, Professor Abayomi Sunday Fashina embarked on his accumulated annual leave. The decision of the vice-chancellor to proceed on leave followed a turbulent session of sexual harassment allegation against him, which the Governing Council thoroughly investigated and made its report.

Since then, a management team led by Professor Olubunmi Shittu has run FUOYE with gleaning meticulousness.

The twist in the mix now is that there are vested interests within and outside of the university who are bent on frustrating the return of Professor Fashina on the one hand, and on another hand, scheming to make Professor Shittu’s acting tenure extended and making him become the substantive vice-chancellor.

The antics of these elements are ultra vires as they negate the noble principles of the reforms put in place about leadership succession in Nigerian universities by your esteemed self, acting under the authority of the president and visitor of the university.

For emphasis, it was announced by the Director of Press, Federal Ministry of Education, Folashade Boriowo, that the federal government had stopped acting VCs, rectors, provosts from contesting substantive positions, and, according to the statement, the directive became necessary following a pattern of undue advantages observed over the years, “where officers serving in acting capacities often leverage their positions to influence appointment outcomes, thereby compromising the fairness and transparency of the selection process.”

The policy stipulates that any officer serving in an acting capacity as vice-chancellor, rector, or provost shall not be eligible to apply for the substantive position while still holding the acting appointment.

Such officers may choose to recuse themselves from their acting position before the expiration of their non-renewable six months tenure, thereby becoming eligible to apply for the substantive roles.

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Why the situation in FUOYE is pivotal to the implementation of this policy is because it is the specimen for the laboratory test in the viability of the policy, given the fact that the acting vice-chancellor in FUOYE was appointed on April 14, barely a week after the policy was announced.

It may interest you to know that same forces who championed the sexual harassment scandal against the substantive vice-chancellor of FUOYE are currently retooling to embark on sponsored public protests to forestall the return of the VC to his position after the expiration of his research leave, instigating leadership crises in the university and projecting to counter government’s policy on leadership recruitment protocols.

It needs be stressed at this juncture, that the Governing Council did not find the substantive VC, Fashina, guilty of the charge and it has become clear by recent developments, that the scandal was contrived to make the vice-chancellor a cannon fodder in a sinister campaign of having a native as vice-chancellor of FUOYE.

We urge you, honourable minister not to allow parochial interests to override the broader objective of justice and fairness that underpin the lofty policies that you have put in place in the governance structure of tertiary institutions in Nigeria.

•Professor Kabir Àlàjó,

United States.
August 29, 2025