Category: Commentaries

  • Sanwo-Olu’s N8.4b Lifeline for indigent Lagosians sparks hope for inclusive growth

    Sanwo-Olu’s N8.4b Lifeline for indigent Lagosians sparks hope for inclusive growth

    By Musiliu Agoro

    In the heart of Nigeria’s economic powerhouse, a quiet revolution is unfolding—one rooted not in infrastructure alone, but in people. Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu’s sustained investment of over ₦8.4 billion in the Micro, Small, and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs) sector has emerged as a powerful catalyst for inclusive economic growth in Lagos State.

    At the 2025 edition of the Micro Enterprise Support Initiative (MESI)—a flagship empowerment program of the Lagos State Ministry of Women Affairs and Poverty Alleviation (WAPA)—Governor Sanwo-Olu reaffirmed his administration’s commitment to transforming economic opportunity from privilege to right.

    The event witnessed the empowerment of 1,700 new beneficiaries, many of whom had recently completed vocational training. They received tools tailored to their trade: hairdressing kits, aluminum fabrication equipment, cake mixers, photography gear, POS machines, and cash grants—each a gateway to dignity, autonomy, and income.

    “When we uplift one entrepreneur, we uplift a family, a community, and ultimately, the future of Lagos,” Sanwo-Olu declared, drawing thunderous applause.

    MESI represents more than material support—it reflects a strategic pivot from welfare dependency to sustainable enterprise. By targeting indigent women, unemployed youth, and underserved communities, the initiative creates pathways to self-sufficiency through a combination of vocational training, financial literacy, and ongoing business mentorship.

    Sanwo-Olu, in his remarks, framed the effort not as charity, but as investment in human potential.

    “Through this support, we’re not just offering start-up capital; we’re unlocking potential, restoring dignity, and opening doors to prosperity for many across the state,” he said.

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    Since 2019, over 12,000 Lagosians have benefited from MESI, with ₦8.4 billion invested in grants, tools, and capacity development. The scale and consistency of this intervention place Lagos at the forefront of sub-national poverty alleviation efforts in Nigeria.

    This year’s expanded programme marks a deliberate scaling-up in response to rising economic inequality, positioning Lagos to meet global Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) related to poverty, gender equity, and decent work.

    A standout aspect of MESI is its targeted focus on women empowerment. Under the leadership of Hon. Bolaji Cecilia Dada, the Ministry of Women Affairs and Poverty Alleviation has delivered life-changing opportunities to thousands of single mothers, widows, and young women from marginalized communities.

    “Do not sell these items. Invest wisely. Do not despise your humble beginnings,” Hon. Dada urged beneficiaries, emphasizing that empowerment is not a finish line but a starting point.

    Unlike many relief programmes, MESI insists on skill acquisition as a prerequisite. Beneficiaries undergo rigorous training in state-owned vocational centers in trades such as tailoring, cosmetology, digital payments, agriculture, photography, and aluminum fabrication.

    This ensures recipients are not just equipped, but ready—technically and mentally—to launch their own businesses.

    “Your success is a vital part of our collective progress in our beloved state,” Sanwo-Olu said. “Let this be the beginning of something great.”

    MESI is part of a wider ecosystem of social and economic interventions designed to lift Lagosians out of poverty:

    The Lagos State Employment Trust Fund (LSETF) provides accessible loans to entrepreneurs. Digital literacy and startup support initiatives target tech-savvy youth. Public-private partnerships are catalyzing the formalization of the informal sector.

    Together, these programmes form a web of opportunity that is broadening access to capital, skills, and markets—especially for those previously excluded.

    Representing Lagos First Lady Dr. Ibijoke Sanwo-Olu, Mrs. Oluremi Hamzat praised MESI’s impact in bridging Lagos’ economic divide.

    “This initiative has transformed lives and will continue to be a tool against socioeconomic disparity in our state,” she said.

    MESI is more than an empowerment scheme; it is a policy signal that governance in Lagos is shifting toward inclusion, sustainability, and long-term impact. By placing economic tools in the hands of those often overlooked, the Sanwo-Olu administration is redefining what social protection can achieve at the sub-national level.

    The programme also sends a powerful message to other Nigerian states: that poverty can be fought not only through aid, but through opportunity.

    As Lagos continues to evolve into a global megacity, MESI could very well serve as a replicable model for urban centers seeking to build inclusive economies in the face of rising inequality and youth unemployment.

    “As you rise, remember to lift others along the way,” the governor urged, with rousing applause from beneficiaries.

    The THEME Agenda Plus of the Babajide Olusola Sanwo-Olu has really transformed the state across sectors. Massive infrastructure in transportation, health and education sectors dot the entire landscape of Lagos.

    No doubt, Governor Sanwo-olu has built an enduring legacy that will last outlive him. The people of Lagos State will forever be grateful for his excellent service to humanity.

    •Agoro writes from Lagos

  • Price war by reaction

    Price war by reaction

    So far as the pumphead price of petrol in Nigeria goes, it’s a contest between private-owned Dangote refinery and government-controlled Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL). Whenever Dangote finds convenience to peel back some margin on the cost at which fuel is made available to the public, NNPCL follows suit in obvious drive to hold down its market share.

    Curiously though, the public company and operator of Nigeria’s oil resource never leads the initiative to lower prices and ease the burden of citizens. It only fights from the back foot after Dangote bells the cat. Bottom line is that Nigerians get gasoline cheaper, lessening the inflationary pressure hobbling the economy and pushing more and more people into poverty. And this is welcome. But you wonder why the government firm isn’t proactively seizing opportunity to loosen the noose on Nigerians and tends to wait on Dangote to force its hand.

    Recently, NNPCL cut the price of premium motor spirit (petrol) to N880 per litre in Lagos from N925, and N935 in Abuja from N950. The price reduction came barely a week after Dangote lowered its ex-depot price from N865 to N835 per litre. The 650,000 barrels per day refinery had instructed its affiliate marketers to sell a litre of petrol at N890, from N920 in Lagos, N900 in the South-west, N910 in the South-south, and N920 in the North-east. Note: the new per-litre price of N880 in Lagos adopted by NNPCL falls 10 naira lower than Dangote’s.

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    The latest price cut was Dangote’s third downward review in about six weeks. Only in March, the private refinery announced a reduction of more than 60 naira in petrol price. That move came against the backdrop of a price slump in the global spot market, which benchmarks international oil pricing, and government’s naira-for-crude deal with local refiners of which Dangote is the biggest beneficiary. Dangote also said it aimed at succouring Nigerians during the Ramadan as a gesture of support for the economic policies of the Bola Tinubu presidency. The price of petrol was lowered by Dangote to  between N850 and N865 in Lagos, which NNPCL responded to by cutting its ex-depot charges to achieve price parity with Dangote.

    The naira-for-crude deal momentarily fell through and Dangote, sometime in April cited a mismatch between its dollarised crude purchase commitments and sales revenue in naira to demand that marketers henceforth off-take its products in the American currency. This translated to immediate spike in the cost of petrol at the pumphead, including petrol sourced from NNPCL. Now that Dangote has found a way around its processes to again lower petrol price, the government firm is back in price reckoning. But isn’t it better to arrowhead the initiative, and not just react?

  • Developmental Objectives and Corporate Social Responsibility: Miss or Main?

    Developmental Objectives and Corporate Social Responsibility: Miss or Main?

    By Tobiloba Olaosun

    There is a compelling call for corporates and business institutions to deeply engage with the rapidly changing dynamics of our world, particularly in how they deliberately drive their Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) objectives. By integrating these goals into their annual objectives and backing them with relevant data in sustainability reports, they get to enhance their recognition within their respective sectors. However, we must confront a critical question: Who truly owns these initiatives? Is it the funder or the implementers?

    In my experience in the developmental sector in Nigeria, one glaring challenge is the persistent misalignment between desired CSR goals and their actual implementation by corporations and their implementing partners. I have witnessed organizations that simply state, “We just want to get this done, and that’s it,” without providing the necessary information to ensure effective implementation.  While the intention behind funding is commendable, it is essential to consider all contributing factors that lead to a successful project and to cultivate a meaningful connection between funders and implementors. Effective CSR cannot be an afterthought; it must be a deliberate and well-strategized endeavor.

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    Timing is another critical issue. There are instances when organizations reach out towards the end of a quarter with a pressing urgency to execute a CSR project, primarily to quickly complete it and report impact numbers in their annual business report. This hurried approach not only jeopardizes the opportunity for creative and meaningful thinking but also deprives everyone involved of the chance to connect genuinely with beneficiaries. To make a real impact on communities, organizations must prioritize integration over superficial interactions.

    Furthermore, it is imperative to recognize the necessity of being actively involved in the process. Corporates often express enthusiasm for CSR projects but fail to send representatives or participate in implementation. Those who do attend frequently exhibit a desire to leave quickly, which undermines the true essence of CSR. You cannot authentically tell a success story about an impact of which you were not a part. To effectively measure impact, engagement is essential—attend meetings, review project reports, and highlight testimonials. Moreover, impact takes time; it is not a quick fix. Organizations must be prepared to revisit communities after several years to assess the long-term effects of their CSR initiatives. This is how you earn the respect and trust of those you set out to impact; this is the true essence of social responsibility.

    Lastly, budgeting remains a contentious yet critical aspect of funding CSR projects, demanding our utmost attention for meaningful outcomes. Effective CSR projects require adequate funding to produce compelling impact narratives. Organizations must thoroughly analyze and define their core objectives to create a significant impact experience. Clear and detailed objective mapping will shape the storytelling aspect of CSR initiatives. To craft powerful narratives, organizations must commit to spending quality time with the community, which requires both time and sufficient resources.

    It is time for all of us to uphold the true essence of corporate social responsibility and take ownership of our role in effecting meaningful change in our society. We must shift our focus away from being just about the numbers to also emphasizing the profound journey of making a difference in our communities

  • Housing: The urgency of an emergency

    Housing: The urgency of an emergency

    I was out of town last Saturday when a sudden phone call shattered my plans for the weekend. My co-tenant informed me of a shocking rent hike by a staggering 75% increase! In one fell swoop?

    In a letter to that effect, the Estate Agent, or ‘Caretaker’, as they are called in this part of the world, added a caveat, which more or less sounded like a formal threat: “In view of this, we hereby review the rent to N350,000.00 (Three hundred and fifty thousand naira) only for your subsequent tenancy period commencing from 10th November, 2025; if you so desire to remain in occupation of the apartment.” He then ended on a ‘friendly’ note by thanking me “in anticipation of” my “understanding in this regard.”

    Well, this juxtaposition of politeness and ultimatum struck me as peculiar. It’s reminiscent of advanced countries where security agents greet you with a smile, thank you for your cooperation, and wave goodbye – as you head to prison.

    Honestly, the increase wasn’t just a personal blow, it was a notorious reminder of Nigeria’s economic murk. Just three years ago, my rent for the three-bedroom flat jumped from N160,000 to N200,000, and this latest increase is yet another telltale sign of the country’s precipitous economic decline. As I wrestle with the implications of this crisis, I’m compelled to ask: what does this say about our collective reality?

    Two proverbs come to mind:’Bí erin bá je tí ò yó, ìgbé lojú ó tì.’ (When the elephant eats but not to satisfaction, the bush around it takes the shame); and, ‘Tí a bá bá olówó rìn tí a kò yó, ìbárìn tálákà kò leè pa ni lébi’ (If one’s association with a wealthy man doesn’t bring liberation from poverty, a switch of allegiance to the poor will not make a significant difference). While these are matters for another time, this personal experience sheds light on the broader narrative of Nigeria’s emergencies, where economic instability threatens the very fabric of society.

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    For Nigeria, the housing crisis is a ticking time bomb, threatening the very fabric of our society. The numbers are staggering: millions of people are homeless, living in substandard conditions, or struggling to pay rent. This is not just a statistical anomaly; it represents a human tragedy, with individuals and families forced to sacrifice dignity, health and opportunities due to unaffordable housing. The crisis is not limited to urban slums; it permeates every aspect of society, from the streets of major cities to rural communities.

    In Ijebu-Jesa, Osun State, the cost of construction materials has reached alarming levels. For example, a tipper load of sand costs N100,000.00, while ‘Okini’ brand of the sand ranges from N120,000 to N140,000. Cement bags are priced between N10,300 and N10,500. Constructing a well in my Native Nazareth can cost as much as N800,000, and the construction of a borehole can reach up to N1,600,000.

    The rent for a room-and-parlour ‘self-con’ in Ilesa can be as high as N250,000 per year. In Osogbo, the site of the incident, it is even higher, perhaps due to its capital city status.

    In the Abule Egba axis of Lagos, the rent for a room ‘self-con’ shuttles between N250,000, and N300,000. In the Ajah axis, it goes for as much as N1m. A shop in the Onigbongbo area of Lagos, which used to cost N250,000, is now N500,000. Additionally, tenants are expected to pay an Agreement Fee of N250,000. Commission of N250,000. Damages of N150,000, and Caution Fee of N150,000. Amidst these, Lagos States’ minimum wage hypocritically stands at N85,000.

    In an effort to address this issue, the Elegboro of Ijebu-Jesa, and the paramount ruler of Egboroland, Oba Olufemi Agunsoye, reportedly invited sand dealers in the community for a discussion on reducing sand prices. Sadly, this initiative had little impact, and prices continue to soar. It’s a harsh reality where prices can change overnight, leaving residents to cope with the consequences. This trend has taken a toll on the community, making it increasingly difficult for people to afford basic necessities like housing.

    On his part, the Owa Obokun of Ijesaland, Oba Adesuyi Haastrup, has promised to reduce the cost of building materials in Ijesaland by regulating gravel and sand prices. He also plans to assist dealers with heavy-duty earth-moving machines to ease operations, which should help crash prices. While identifying high costs of gravel, sand and hardcore materials as a factor driving investors away from Ijesaland, Oba Haastrup seeks to address this challenge to attract more investments and promote development in his kingdom.

    Indeed, the housing wahala is a global phenomenon which transcends national borders and affects communities worldwide. From the gentrified neighborhoods of San Francisco to the informal settlements of Mumbai, the struggle for affordable housing is a unifying thread. The crisis is fueled by the increasing globalization of real estate markets, where speculative capital flows freely across borders, driving up prices and displacing long-time residents. This has led to a transnational class of investors and developers who place profits over people, making existing inequalities worse and creating new ones. Only international cooperation and solidarity can help ensure that housing is treated as a fundamental human right, rather than a commodity for the wealthy.

    Closer to home, at 64, Nigeria still contends with a significant housing deficit. The ‘Housing for All by the Year 2010’ initiative failed to achieve its goal, primarily due to the country’s population outpacing housing development. The National Housing Policy (2012) emphasized mass housing development, but its implementation has been slow due to funding constraints, land availability and regulatory challenges.

    The National Social Housing Programme aims to build 300,000 affordable houses, but its progress is unclear, while the Renewed Hope Cities and Estates Programme (2023) targets 50,000 housing units. Only God can tell if the initiative has taken off!

    The Federal Housing Authority and Family Homes Funds Limited are involved in various housing projects, but their impact is limited by the scale of Nigeria’s housing needs, slow implementation, infrastructure deficits and lack of fulfillment of previous governments’ promises. While initiatives like the National Housing Fund and other mass housing schemes have been launched, their effectiveness has also been questioned. The private sector’s focus on luxury housing rather than affordable options has further worsened the issue.

    At a time like this, Lagos State’s experience with the 2011 Tenancy Law, introduced by former Governor Babatunde Fashola, serves as a microcosm of Nigeria’s housing challenges. It signposts the complexity of addressing the housing emergency through regulation, and the need for nuanced policies that balance tenant protection with investment incentives.

    It is no longer news that the urgency of the housing emergency demands a more proactive approach. But what concrete steps are being taken by Osun’s leaders to genuinely improve citizens’ lives, beyond loitering around and taking pictures? Are there initiatives aimed at promoting housing affordability, infrastructure development and economic empowerment in a holistic manner? On a broader scale, how can the Federal Government collaborate with state and local governments to implement impactful solutions that benefit the citizens?

    To conclude, the noise in town is that policymakers must consider the impact of oil price fluctuations, innovative solutions like sustainable building materials and alternative energy sources to address Nigeria’s housing crisis. Yes, rising oil prices and inflation worsen Nigeria’s housing crisis by increasing construction costs and eroding consumers’ purchasing power, while economic instability affects government revenue and growth. But, in a country where 75.5% of its citizens in rural areas live below poverty line, only through sustained effort and commitment can Nigerians address the housing crisis and build a more just and equitable society.

    May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

  • Poor JAMB exam results

    Poor JAMB exam results

    Sir: The just concluded Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB) examination, which recorded a great number of below average marks, 75% candidates scoring less than 200 marks, is undoubtedly a wake-up call for the government and the ministries or agencies that see to the management of education in Nigeria. The unfortunate situation needs to be arrested without delay with a view to putting a stop to such occurrences in the future.

    Like the previous year’s JAMB poor results, 76% candidates securing marks below 200, the current performance which was expected to show a great improvement is also not encouraging whatsoever. Based on shared characteristics between the 2024 and the 2025 JAMB results, it’s obvious that the anticipated improvement in academic performance of the Nigerian students is not yet in sight.

    What could have been the reason or reasons for mass failure in examinations despite the huge amount of money being budgeted each year to cater for education in states across Nigeria to meet the UNESCO benchmark on education? For instance, out of the 2025 total budget of N678billion of Oyo State, 21.44 percent (second highest appropriation in the budget) was earmarked for education in the state. Isn’t this glaring evidence that money alone, without proper monitoring of how the money meant for education is expended, cannot solve the problems that hinder education in Nigeria?

    Until the factors that influence mass failure in examinations among Nigerian students are squarely and forthrightly looked into and tamed, poor academic performance may persist and not end soon. And this may continue to portray Nigerian education standards in a bad light.

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    How many times do inspectors visit schools in each academic year to check whether or not the management in schools across Nigeria follow the government’s well-designed procedures for education? The primary purpose of establishing schools is to instill knowledge into students to improve their academic performances; it’s unfortunate that many schools, notably privately owned, are allegedly established nowadays to seek alternative means of making ends meet.

    What about the trainers (teachers)? Is there provision for upgrading the teachers who teach the students? How do we expect good results from students whose subjects are taught by teachers who, for years, have not upgraded themselves? 

    The culture of vigorous reading has to be inculcated and implanted in students. All schools, particularly secondary schools, must be mandated to erect well-equipped libraries to allow students to have easy access to good books that can broaden their scope. This will curb poor study habits among students.

    In summary, all the factors that endanger good academic performance like students-related issues as well as schools-related issues and parents-related issues must be dealt with accordingly to improve students’ performances in examinations.

    •Ademola ‘Bablow’ Babalola babalolaademola39@gmail.com

  • Tinubu’s Anambra visit and inclusive leadership

    Tinubu’s Anambra visit and inclusive leadership

    Sir: President Bola Tinubu has steadily demonstrated a rare rallying quality; pulling together and not setting asunder. Whether north, south, east, or west, he has remained consistent as an even-handed arbiter, dealing graciously and honourably with everyone.

    On May 2, he visited Katsina State, where he made bold and decisive declarations against banditry and terrorism in the North-West zone. He reiterated his resolve that Nigeria would never succumb to the designs of terror and asked the military to intensify its efforts to remove the vestiges of the menace.

    The President visited Enugu State on January 4. The visit, his first port of call in the year, underscored the importance accorded to the South-East zone, as well as the President’s genuine effort at bringing all Nigerians together.

    In Enugu, President Tinubu interacted with a mélange of leaders in the South-East, listening, taking note of their concerns, and ending with a fine lexical smorgasbord of unity, hope, and compassion.

    In Anambra, his second visit to the South-East in 2025, the President reprised his accustomed nationalistic aspect – not a performance or a contrivance, but an organic and time-honed disposition.

    President Tinubu paid a visit to Anambra State on Thursday, May 8. He was received with flourish, elegance, and exceeding excitement — an undisputed affirmation of the Igbo saying, “Nkea bu nke anyi” (He is our own).

    It was a carnival in the streets of Awka as the President’s convoy entered the city, a welcome deserving only of a well-striped warrior — Dike. The President was honoured with the foremost traditional title — Dike Si-mba of Anambra — mighty warrior/hero.

    Earlier, he had inaugurated the Emeka Anyaoku Institute of International Studies and Diplomacy at Nnamdi Azikiwe University, the new Government House, and Solution Funcity.

    Speaking at Ekwueme Square, a stadium, where an open meeting was held with an array of South-East leaders, opinion moulders and other citizens, President Tinubu thanked the people of Anambra for the warm welcome and their support.

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     “I know our diversity will lead to prosperity.

     “South-East, I salute your enterprise, your innovation, and commitment to progress,” the President said.

    In his address, Governor Chukwuma Soludo thanked the President for honouring the state by visiting. He said the last state visit by any President was in 2012.

    He commended the President for having the courage to take tough decisions that were already turning around the economy and encouraged the President to stay the course.

    The governor said his support for President Tinubu was rooted in ideology and principle and described the President as the “Professor of Federalism.”

    Chief Emeka Anyaoku, former Secretary-General of the Commonwealth, also thanked the President, underscoring his expansiveness, accommodating, and fatherly disposition.

    The significance of the President’s domestic trips is the exigency of solidarising, as well as of building bridges and fostering unity. Nigerians across the country can see, feel, and hear their President in the flesh. He comes to them with words of hope, encouragement, understanding, compassion, and action.

    The President has shown time and time again that he is the leader that Nigeria sorely needs at this time to mend the fault lines, the fissures, and to disentangle the national antinomy.

    Leadership is by example. It is in the doings. It is in the results. Little wonder Nigerians across all artificial aisles are rallying towards the President. The ability to bring people together, regardless of any unnatural boundaries, is the great stuff of leadership.

    President Tinubu epitomises this outlier quality of leadership.

    •Fredrick Nwabufo Senior Special Assistant to the President on Public Engagement

  • Celebrity fights in Nigeria: Between spectacle and criminality

    Celebrity fights in Nigeria: Between spectacle and criminality

    Sir: When news broke of the boxing match that happened between Nigerian street-pop artist Habeeb Badmus, popularly known as Portable, and Nollywood actor Charles Okocha—and more recently, between Portable and another singer known as “Akpi” —the primary focus in public discourse was entertainment. Yet, what piqued my scholarly interest was a less explored dimension, which is the legality of it all under Nigerian criminal law.

    Section 83 of the Criminal Code provides that any person who takes part in a fight in a public place is guilty of a misdemeanour and is liable to imprisonment for one year. The decision in Areh v. C.O.P. (1959) W.N.L.R. 230 further established that the offence is complete once fighting occurs in a public space—whether or not it causes public alarm. More broadly, in Button v. D.P.P. [1965] 3 W.L.R., the House of Lords held that, under English law, the offence may be constituted even if the fight did not occur in a public place.

    In Nigeria, Section 85 of the Criminal Code Act illustrates the seriousness of orchestrated violence by criminalising any challenge to a duel. It states that any person who challenges another to fight, or provokes another to issue such a challenge, is guilty of a felony and liable to imprisonment for three years.

    Now, can entertainment serve as a defence to affray? My answer is no. Self-defence is an example of a good excuse in law. While the law recognises the right to use reasonable force in self-defence, this only applies within the limits of lawful conduct. If a fight occurs as mutual combat without provocation or imminent threat, it does not qualify as self-defence but becomes a punishable act under the law

    The 8th edition of Black’s Law Dictionary defines affray as a fight by mutual consent in a public place, to the terror of onlookers. The fight must be mutual. If one party is the aggressor and the other merely defends themselves, it constitutes assault and battery, not affray. This leads to a critical question: Must there be a terrified bystander for the offence of affray to be complete?

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    What if the crowd is not terrified but rather entertained as it seems to be the case in celebrity fights?

    This brings us to the notional bystander test. In R v. Sanchez [1996] Crim LR 572, the court emphasised that the test does not rely on the actual victim’s fear but on whether a hypothetical reasonable bystander would feel threatened. In I and Others v. DPP [2001] UKHL 10, the House of Lords affirmed that a “victim” must exist, but in Leeson v. DPP [2010] EWHC 994, the High Court clarified that if violence is focused solely on one participant without endangering others, affray may not be made out.

    Interestingly, Nigerian law does not heavily emphasise the psychological impact on bystanders. It adopts a more categorical stance. Section 35 of the Criminal Code Act criminalises participation in, subscription to, or promotion of a prize fight—with a one-year prison term as punishment. Similarly, under Section 54 of the Criminal Law of Lagos State where the fight took place, anyone who takes part in a public fight is guilty of an offence and liable to six months’ imprisonment.

    The recent boxing match between Portable and Akpi, branded “Chaos In The Ring,” took place at the Balmoral Convention Centre in Lagos. The key legal question becomes this – Was this truly a fight in the legal sense?

    To answer this, we must interrogate definitions. The Oxford Law Dictionary defines a fight as “a violent struggle involving the exchange of physical blows or use of weapons.” The Cambridge Dictionary defines it as “the use of physical force to try to defeat another person or group.”

    The Criminal Code Act defines a “public place” as: Any building, place, or conveyance to which the public is entitled or permitted to have access, with or without condition or payment, including those used for public or religious meetings. A “public way” includes: Any highway, marketplace, square, street, bridge, or other way lawfully used by the public.

    Clearly, a convention centre with ticketed entry such as where this celebrity fight took place, open to the general public, qualifies as a public place. Therefore, the legal ingredients of affray or prize-fighting seem prima facie present.

    What then excludes such events from criminal liability under Nigerian law? The short answer is: nothing. No statutory exception currently legalises prize fights or public brawls for entertainment, no matter how professionally staged. That the police turn a blind eye to these events does not confer legality upon them. In criminal jurisprudence, acquiescence is not immunity.

    So, the point I am labouring to make is that, while celebrity fights may amuse the public, they occupy a precarious space in Nigerian criminal law. As a people, we may derive joy even from chaos, but the law is seldom so accommodating. Until the legislature provides a regulatory framework for such entertainment events, perhaps akin to athletic commissions abroad, those involved may well be treading the fine line between spectacle and criminality.

    •David Bassey Ant Topfaith University, Mkpatak,Akwa Ibom State

  • Don Quixote Utomi

    Don Quixote Utomi

    No one can honestly say Prof. Pat Utomi has not given his views, as to how Nigerians could face down — and probably solve — the contemporary problems of Nigeria.

    His challenge has always been his plasticity.  This penchant is again all too glaring in his so-called “shadow cabinet”, to pronounce on the current federal order.

    Why does Pat Utomi always act and sound like Nigeria’s 21st century Don Quixote tilting at the windmills, when real issues evade him — or he evades real issues? — in his humongous passion for cloud chasing?

    When IBB and co annulled Basorun MKO Abiola’s June 12, 1993 presidential mandate, Pato — as not a few hailed him — trucked out in a peaceful protest with Concerned Professionals (CP).  But when NADECO was waging the real anti-military war, Pato and CP had fizzled out like dew before the first rays of the morning sun.

    Then, the era of Patito’s Gang on TV!  Patito — read Pat Utomi — and his intellectual “gang”, white shirts with ties, sleeves rolled-up like some wanna-be American politicians pontificated, without end, on business ethics, good governance, corporate governance, sound business and growth strategies, among other normative themes.

    Yet, at least two of these corporate dramatics hardly measured up to these high ideals in real life.  Utomi lugs unflattering business failures: when the Volkswagen of Nigeria (VOA) collapsed, he was deputy managing director (DMD) and acting CEO.  At Bank PHB he was board chairman.  Both ventures sank, though through no personal culpability from Utomi’s end.

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    The other went from a high-flying newspaper columnist, got bivouacked with a failed presidency as a spokesman, raced into politics as running mate to a controversial figure — the type the Patito show would shun with white rage. Indeed, talk is cheap!

    Then now, Utomi’s “shadow cabinet” set to huff and puff over governance — to be sure, no crime in a democracy.  But the clear irony: Utomi and his so-called shadow cabinet are latter-day Labour Party (LP) emergency “ideologues” — not because they believe in social democracy, but because they tried to gift Peter Obi’s 2023 deceit and opportunism a philosophical coat it hardly merited.

    Now, LP is in chaos, but the Utomi-led philosophers are “porting” to new busybody rackets!  Shouldn’t this so-called shadow cabinet first attempt to sort out the LP demons; and theorize on Obi who couldn’t even manage a crisis in a party, yet proclaims himself the best-ever born crisis manager for Nigeria? 

    Now, LP is suspending its sole governor and its elected legislators — and vice-versa — and Utomi’s shadow cabinet is focusing attention on a tutorial for the federal order!  Seriously?  Why not fix darling LP first?

    It’s the Don Quixote in everyone of them!  Let Utomi and co keep tilting at the wheels.  People who really matter shape real events without Utomi and gang’s  comical dramatics!  Shadow cabinet my foot!

  • Why ‘Nigeria First’ policy is long overdue, by Tinubu’s aide

    Why ‘Nigeria First’ policy is long overdue, by Tinubu’s aide

    The Senior Special Assistant to President Bola Tinubu on Foreign Affairs, Ademola Oshodi, has said the administration’s “Nigeria First” policy is not only necessary but long overdue,. He stressed that the country must reduce its over-reliance on imported goods.

    Speaking during an interview on a national television  yesterday, Oshodi likened the approach to the “America First” policy, stating that Nigeria has for too long functioned as an import-dependent economy, especially in areas like refined petroleum products.

    “Now we have the Dangote refinery and others coming up,” he said.

     “We are no longer where we used to be -importing refined products. We’re finally moving toward self-reliance.”

    Oshodi’s previous article on how an African First resonates with this new bold initiative of the Nigerian government.

    He explained that the ‘Nigeria First’ policy is built around optimising local production, reducing the pressure on foreign exchange, and attracting investments that will strengthen the country’s economic base.

    He said: “Nigeria first policy gives us the memories of the American administration of America first. I believe it’s something that is not just necessary. It’s long overdue. It’s because Nigeria’s been a very much of an import country. We import a lot of our products, processed and in many ways, refined.

    “Of course, the market people still compete and bring refined products in. But Nigeria is moving away from that imported culture. So, we have self-reliance that the Nigeria first policy thinks about is way overdue.

     “We have a tremendous amount of human resources, natural resources, and we have a lot of investments coming in, a lot of investments being attracted by the president. But to his foreign travels and attracting people bringing in money for livestock, issues of finance, we’re getting loans. We have an infrastructure fund coming in.

    “So, it’s a great time to think more about what we can produce rather than what we can import, which, in many ways, when we import these, it exacerbates our foreign exchange issues. So, we have more pressure to get dollars, which in many ways affects our currency.

    He acknowledged that past efforts, such as Executive Order 5 by former President Muhammadu Buhari, laid the groundwork, but argued that what differentiates Tinubu’s administration is leadership and the will to implement.

    “The difference is leadership. President Tinubu is determined to build a $1 trillion economy. We now have a leader who is focused on making existing laws and policies actually work,” Oshodi stated.

    He added, “Well, the difference is the leadership of the country. We have a new president who is very determined to ensure the Nigerian economy is structured to a more reliable and self-sufficient, and sustainable economic base, something that we can build on to have an economy that would give us about $1 trillion, worth over $1 trillion. So, leadership is different now.

    Read Also: Nigeria’s roads and economy need more than one fuel giant

     “We also have acts, legislation has been put in place, local content, which is also ensuring that Nigerians take the helm, and many of these companies, these foreign companies that come to Nigeria. It’s not just having those acts, but having somebody who can drive it, somebody who is determined to make those laws alive, to keep them alive. It’s one thing to create laws and acts, it’s one thing to ensure that it’s purposeful.

    “And we’ve seen with this president, he’s very determined. He’s very determined to ensure the right things are done. Regardless, I mean, though we go through short-term pain, the medium and long-term gain is something that is well in his sight and is focused on. So, this is not business as usual, I should say. And I think we should give him the benefit of the doubt.”

    Touching on global trade dynamics, Oshodi noted that rising protectionism, especially the U.S. raising tariffs under President Donald Trump, should push Nigeria to rethink its dependency on Western markets.

    He urged Nigeria to explore trade opportunities with the East, citing China, India, Indonesia, Japan, and South Africa as key targets.

    He also warned that with the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) expiring in September 2025 and unlikely to be renewed, Nigeria must open new markets for its products.

    On foreign policy, Oshodi highlighted the administration’s “4D” approach—Democracy, Demography, Development, and Diaspora, saying that Tinubu’s global engagement is focused on security, investment, and multilateral partnerships such as with BRICS, G20, and ECOWAS.

    He emphasised the need to secure Nigeria’s borders, combat piracy, and ensure that trade agreements like the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA) are maximally leveraged.

    “This is not business as usual. The president’s reforms are about building a sustainable and secure future. We’re putting Nigeria first—not just as a slogan, but as an economic and diplomatic reality,” Oshodi concluded.

  • Tinubu’s economic agenda and Customs Act 2023

    Tinubu’s economic agenda and Customs Act 2023

    By Okey Ibeke

    On Wednesday, April 9, 2025, the Chairman, House of Representatives Committee on Customs and Excise, Hon. Leke Abejide, led his committee to the Apapa Area Command of the Nigeria Customs Service on an oversight visit. While addressing the  officers, he hinted that the House was planning an amendment of the Nigeria Customs Service Act 2023 in order to ensure a four-year statutory tenure for the Comptroller-General of Customs (CGC).

    Hon. Abejide said the tenure of the CGC would have been stipulated in the law when it was promulgated, but for the legal adviser of the House who opposed it on the grounds that the civil service rule supersedes it.

    Alluding to how such an amendment has been working in the Nigeria Police Force, he regretted that the House could not do the right thing when the occasion presented itself because of the legal adviser’s advice. He gave the assurance that the House is ready to implement the amendment now.

    As a matter of fact, the House Committee deserves commendation for this introspection and recognition of the disadvantage of keeping the tenure of CGC tied to the Civil Service rules. The House deserves commendation for promptly recognizing the damage this omission will cause for the Service now and in the future as well as the economy of the nation, should the Act and the government continue to remain silent on CGC’s tenure. 

    It should be noted that President Tinubu inherited a totally dysfunctional Nigeria Customs Service that was for eight years headed by a retired army colonel, Hameed Ali. Ali was drafted out of retirement by former President Muhamadu Buhari, after more than 16 years in retirement, to head a highly technical organization like Customs.

    The eight years the retired army colonel held sway in Customs took heavy toll on the technical skills, managerial and operational capabilities of the Customs. The Service became militarized as a serving army officer, one Colonel Buhari, brought to the Service as Principal Staff Officer by Ali, took over headship and control of key operations.

    So, when President Bola Ahmed Tinubu came on board, the Nigeria Customs Service was in dire need of a competent leader, a true professional to effectively drive and lead changes that would make immediate impact on the execution of the President’s economic policies.

    President Tinubu found such a personality in Bashiru Wale Adeniyi MFR, then a Deputy Comptroller-General, a thoroughbred, highly cerebral Customs officer, whom he appointed the Comptroller General of the Service, on June 19, 2023.

    Adeniyi, at the time of his appointment, had over 30 years-experience in Customs administration, especially in the areas of strategic and operational responsibilities. Apart from possessing a deep understanding of the complex and constantly evolving international trade landscape, Adeniyi among many other competencies, has a strong command of Customs regulations, laws, and procedures as well as the ability to navigate and adapt to changing policies and international trade complexities. These are the qualities needed for effective management of a modern Customs service.

    Before his appointment, Wale Adeniyi had coordinated engagements with International Organizations including: World Customs Organization (WCO), World Trade Organization (WTO), United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), World Bank (WB), International Monetary Fund (IMF).

    The Role of Nigeria Customs Service in the Nation’s Economy

    It is noteworthy that the role of Nigeria Customs Service has expanded from its core statutory mandate in keeping with the evolving national economic demands, changing fiscal policies and developments in global trade.

    Apart from discharging its core function of revenue collection, anti-smuggling and trade facilitation, Customs now plays a crucial role in the collection of statistics, which are essential for balance of payments and the formulation of fiscal and trade policies. It also ensures compliance with safety and security standards and contribute to the fight against terrorism and money laundering.

    The agency’s task also includes correct application of tariffs to the benefit and protection of local industry, ensuring that incentives aimed at attracting investment and building local capacity and providing employment are not abused, thus contributing to economic development.

    The Service is also the primary enforcer of the country’s trade policies, quota restrictions, anti-dumping measures, trade embargoes, intellectual property rights, environmental and wildlife conservation laws.

    In the light of all these, it becomes manifestly clear that realization of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s reform policies, largely depends, apart from other organizations, on a knowledgeable, skilled, resourceful, innovative and effective Customs Service. The present customs administration led by Adewale Adeniyi, it must be observed, embodies these qualities.

    Adeniyi’s Strategic Agenda, Policy Measures, Activities and Achievements

    On assumption of office, Adeniyi, in line with the President’s reform agenda and with the understanding of the country’s precarious economic situation, saw the need to initiate a transformation that was both courageous and result oriented.

    He, thus, hinged his policy direction and action plans on an agenda of “Collaboration, Consolidation and Innovative Solutions”. The agenda according to him, was born out of the need to:

    Adopt modern customs governance, strategic orientation, transparency and accountability.

    *Groom qualified human resources and embracing an integrity, knowledge and merit based promotions, staff deployment and management framework.

    *Foster a competitive domestic economy through fair revenue collection and risk-based border controls.

    *Adopt user-friendly procedures and collaboration with other agencies and stakeholders based on the four pillars of trade facilitation: transparency, simplification, harmonization and standardization.

    *Identify current challenges and risks posed by emerging complexities in international trade and optimize the use of data and integrated risk management to mitigate threats and facilitate trade.

    *Explore opportunities that abound in Information and Communication Technologies, and applications of other modern advanced technologies for data analytics and artificial intelligence.

    These needs were patterned along the three pillars of the World Customs Organization’s SAFE Frameworks of Standards, which are: Customs-to-Customs network arrangements, Customs-to-Business partnerships, and Customs-to-other government agencies cooperation.

    Read Also: Nigeria First, a safety valve

    In demonstration of his expertise in addressing the identified needs, Adeniyi immediately introduced series of short and long term measures, which were aimed at plugging revenue leakages, securing of the borders, streamlining the customs clearance process and addressing the eight years dysfunctional system that had existed in the Service. Some of the measures, include:

    -The immediate setting up of a Revenue Review Performance Recovery Team.

    -Dissolution of existing Strike Force Teams –a military legacy –that constituted the multiple layers of enforcement. This was done to dismantle the multiple checkpoints that had been constituting barriers to legitimate trades.

    -The introduction of the Advanced Ruling system which represents a notable stride targeted at aligning Customs operations with global best practices, in line with recommendations of the WTO TFA (World Trade Organization Trade Facilitation Agreement).

    -The inauguration of a Steering Committee on the Implementation of the Authorized Economic Operators for Compliant Traders, with a clear focus on transitioning from the existing Fastrack 2.0 to the Authorized Economic Operator (AEO)concept.

    -Interactions with the international community – WCO, JICA, Japan Customs among others on the implementation of the Customs Laboratory, adoption of geospatial, conduct of a Time Release Study to mention a few.

    -Engagements with the Customs Administration of the Republic of Benin to address the existing gaps that sustains the activities of smugglers and revenue leakage.

    -The constitution of a new management team, appointed strictly based on merit, upholding the principle of equitable geopolitical representation.

    -A strategic deployment of Customs Area Controllers and other strategic units, also rooted in merit and in adherence to the principle of equity.

    -The initiation of the development of a Corporate Social Responsibility Strategy for the Nigeria Customs Service, harmonized with the goal of contributing to the government’s development agenda.

    -Finalizing arrangements with the Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC) to integrate operational systems and eradicate registration of smuggled vehicles.

    -Engagement with several stakeholders including government agencies, non-governmental agencies and the private sector.

    The effects of bold, diligent and effective implementation of these initiatives were felt immediately, not only in the ease of doing business, but mostly on revenue generation and quantity of seizures recorded by the Service in 2023.

    That year, a remarkable amount of N3.2 trillion was collected into the Federation Account by the Service, representing 21.4 per cent increase compared to N2.64 trillion recorded in the preceding year, 2022. This impressive revenue performance came in the midst of anxiety and CBN’s currency redesign policy associated with 2023 election.

    The Service would have collected about N5.2 trillion, if N2 trillion was not lost to waivers and concessions granted investors by the government.

    Notably, about sixty nine per cent of achievements for that year were made in the second half of the year –the period Adeniyi took charge of the Service.

    The meteoric rise in performance of the Service continued as it generated a total sum of N6.105 trillion in 2024, surpassing the target of N5.079 trillion by N1.026 trillion, representing a 20.2% increase above the target given by the government. This is apart from about N1.2 trillion lost to local manufacturers in industrial incentives, through import duty waivers and concessions.

    In pursuit of balancing revenue collection with trade facilitation, the Service did not lose focus on the need to protect Nigerians from the entry of harmful substances, import/export of restricted and prohibited goods. It made 3,555 seizures with a Duty Paid Value (DPV) of N35.29 billion in 2024. These seizures, with a Cost, Insurance, and Freight (CIF) value of N28.46 billion and total duty of N6.83 billion, highlights the scale of attempted economic sabotage prevented by the Service.

    The seizures of arms and ammunition, including 900 arms and 113,472 rounds of ammunition and the interception of narcotics and other illicit drugs, resulting in 105 seizures across various forms, was aided by the declaration of a state of emergency at our major entry points. The Service also intercepted unauthorized pharmaceutical products, with 40 seizures including 175,676 pieces and 6,271 cartons of various medicaments valued at N3.04 billion, protecting public health from potentially dangerous counterfeit drugs. The Service’s enforcement activities also revealed evolving patterns in environmental and wildlife crimes, with 76 seizures of animal/wildlife products valued at N5.93 billion.

    The Service has predictably maintained its performance trajectory as it has recorded a revenue collection of N1.751 trillion in the first quarter of this year, 2025. This revenue is about N106.5 billion above the quarterly target.

    The Service also maintained robust anti-smuggling operations during the quarter, recording 298 seizures with a total Duty Paid Value (DPV) of N7,698,557,347.67. This represents a significant 78.41% increase compared to the N4,315,162,568.35 recorded in Q4 2024, demonstrating heightened operational effectiveness. These seizures include rice, used tires, pharmaceuticals, wildlife products, pirated intellectual properties, petroleum products and textiles, etc.

    With these remarkable achievements, there is no gainsaying that the Service, under the leadership of the Comptroller-General, Bashiru Adewale Adeniyi has been playing a critical role in making the Renewed Hope Agenda of the President a reality. This much has been acknowledged by the President himself, Nigeria Customs Board, policy makers, organized private sector, local and international organizations. Adeniyi has also garnered multiple commendations, honours and awards from diverse organizations.

    Challenges

    Apart from the persistent, age-long issue of smuggling; breach of fiscal policies by importers and their agents; abuse of government industrial incentives; some activities of other government agencies, shipping companies, terminal operators, maritime workers unions, state and local governments operatives and touts operating along ports access roads and transport unions; other challenges that pose a threat to the continued good performance of the Service, are impending knowledge/leadership gaps facing it and the failure of the NCS Act, 2023 to specify the tenure of Comptroller-General.

    The Impending Knowledge/Leadership Gaps

    The very impressive achievements by the Nigeria Customs Service under the present Customs management may not be sustained, unless a strong decision is taken to avert the impending knowledge and skill gaps facing the Service. At the moment, there are no less than 791 senior officers of the Service, including three Deputy Comptrollers General (DCGs), seven Assistant Comptrollers General (ACGs), and 45 full Comptrollers of Customs that are to be statutorily discharged between January and September next year.

    In accordance with the Public Service Rule (PSR) No. 100238 and Federal Government circular No. 100238, and Federal government circular 63216/S.1/x/T; CR1/2001/5 of 20/03/2001, all affected officers due for retirement in 2026 are to disengage from active service and proceed on three months pre-retirement leave, three months prior to the effective date of retirement. This is apart from the same numbers of officers retiring this year, 2025.

    This development will, no doubt, create a yawning gap in human capacity at the highly strategic agency. The harm that will follow this retirement gale will be better imagined than experienced.

    The National Public Relations Officer of the Service, Assistant Comptroller Abdullahi Maiwada, though said that there is no need to panic as the current recruitment exercise and accelerated promotion examination in the month of May this year will fill the vacant positions. He noted that the agency’s current policy on promotion is strategic, explaining that retirements and filling of vacancies will be seamless.

    No doubt, the Comptroller-General may have designed strategies to redress and adhere strictly to this policy through the sustained yearly promotion exercise. But this cannot adequately address the situation. 

    It must be realized that there was no new recruitment into Customs for over 13 years.  The crop of officers who are in line for taking over the managerial, administrative and operational leadership, were enlisted in the service in 2009 and effectively started performing Customs duties in 2010, after six months of training. This means that officers receiving accelerated promotions to fill top positions in the management cadre, have not stayed long enough in the service to garner the requisite experience to fill the vacant positions that will be created by the gales of retirements. 

    Accelerated promotion does not translate to accelerated knowledge and experience. If the present crop of top officers leave, there will certainly be yawning skill, managerial, knowledge and leadership gaps that will impact negatively on the Service and its performance, especially with regards to implementation of most government’s fiscal policies. 

    The Imperative for Amendment of NCS ACT, 2023 and CGC’s Tenure Extension

    Following the Civil Service Rules, Adeniyi would have left the Service at the end of this year, with its obvious consequences. More importantly, the programmes he initiated and the efficiency that the Service has attained under his leadership must be sustained in view of what is currently going on in the global economy. With crude prices plummeting, and with obvious consequences on the country’s finances, revenue from Customs will be needed to cushion the effects of the oil revenue shortfall. Considering the giant leap in Customs revenue under Wale Adeniyi, the nation expects greater performance, not a sudden dip; hence the issue of tenure for the CGC must be settled for the good of the economy.

    Every Nigerian knows that for any chief executive officer in any government organization to make the expected impact, he needs at least four years in the position.  So, tying an organization like the Customs Service to the Civil Service with its bureaucracies and limitations is a hindrance to the efficient running of the Service.

    Telling a newly-appointed and performing CGC to go because he has served for 35 years or has reached the retirement age of 60 is a setback to the Service and quite detrimental to the economic well-being of the nation. This has been a source of immense concern to stakeholders and informed observers.

    Thus the decision of the House of Representatives Committee to bring up the issue of CGC’s tenure at this time is quite auspicious. Not effecting amendment in the Customs Act, and extending the working time of the present CGC means that all the giant strides he has made in driving the economic agenda of government, may not be sustained.

    Hence, the need to avert the impending crisis, and to address the over 13 years of non- recruitment in the Service and eight  years deficit of Colonel Hameed Ali’s management.

    Since the House has given the clue, the President needs to consider initiating a process of amendment of the Nigeria Customs Service Act, 2023 to address the tenure issue. The exigency of time and the peculiar situation in the agency demands that Adeniyi be allowed more time to complete the innovative tasks he has started, of which, most of are still in incubation periods.

    Since the President had before now in anticipation of the impending leadership gap, graciously extended the services of about six management cadre of the agency, Adeniyi’s tenure should also be extended. This is to give him enough time for the logical execution of several of his programmes, and to ensure adequate training and orientation of the young officers in preparation for their taking over the mantle of leadership.

    Retaining the CGC for additional period of time, will enable for proper training and mentoring of those that will take over reigns of leadership. This will also ensure that there will be little or no skill or knowledge gap by the time the CGC and those retained officers leave the Service as well as avert the challenges the situation poses to the President’s efforts at moving the country’s economy forward.

    Ibeke is the Principal Consultant, International Trade Advisory Services Ltd/Publisher, Business and Maritime West Africa