Category: Comments

  • Ex-Private Ogunleye versus Nigerian Army

    Ex-Private Ogunleye versus Nigerian Army

    • By Mike Kebonkwu

    The story of one ex- Pte Ruth Ogunleye formerly of the Nigerian Army will not go away soon; it is trending  all over the media space.  It is a tale of her travail and sojourn in the Nigerian Army.  Her story has elicited all manners of reaction; some out-rightly uninformed and emotional.  The ex-soldier has been waging a relentless media campaign against her former employers and superior officers.  It is moving story of gender based violence; sexual exploitation and abuse by a superior officer which the army should be worried about.   The ex-soldier was said to have been medically boarded and rewarded with life pension but she insists that she is medically fine.

    The case appeared not to have been properly disposed of because the applicable law was not followed. Right from the beginning, the ex-soldier set the agenda, choosing the forum and setting the pace.  The army has found itself reacting rather tardily, instead of being proactive with military despatch to save her image from being pummelled by the ex-soldier turned blogger. 

    The ex-soldier has consistently maintained that she is normal, and had no medical or psychiatric problem of any sort. At this point, nothing stops the military coming out with the said medical or investigative findings after all, the soldier had made it an issue.  So no argument of medical confidence should arise because the ex-solder herself had taken the matter to the court of public opinion.  One is afraid the campaign is damaging to the image and reputation of the Nigerian Army beyond what it may think about it.   Sadly, we are a people giving to too much emotions and sentiments appealing to religious morality rather than logic, common sense and the rule of law.

    The moment the story broke, the Minister of Women Affairs took it upon herself as a matter of gender issue affecting a female folk serving in the army.  She was full of bile and venom even before seeking audience with the Army Chief where she was told that there was going to be investigation into the matter. The soldier was taken to the National Hospital Abuja for investigation. Again, being an issue of public concern and subject of inquiry, the outcome of her medical investigation ought to be made known.  After all, the ex-soldier has also maintained that she is normal but the army said she is not.  Then, who is lying?

    It ought to be understood that service in the military is different from the main stream public service; and different rules and terms of service apply. Members of the armed forces are guided by the Armed Forces Act Cap A20 Laws of the federation of Nigeria 2004, and the Harmonized Terms and Conditions of Service for both officers and soldiers respectively.  What are the facts of the allegation, what is the outcome of the investigation?  Was the allegation of the ex-soldier substantiated?  Was justice done to the female soldier? Was justice done to the officers involved and if they were cleared, what was the sanction against the female soldier for the smear campaign and libellous publications against the officers? 

    Did she violate any service rule or law?  If yes, was she sanctioned for the infraction of the law?  The army whose reputation has been trashed by the smear campaign of the soldier also deserves justice. As famously held by Chukudifu Akunne Oputa (JSC) in the landmark case of Josiah V. the State, justice is not a one way traffic; it is not even two ways traffic.  It is three ways traffic.  Justice to the victim, justice to the accused person and justice to the society (Nigerian Army), whose laws have been violated. 

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    The continuous cyber bullying and campaign by the ex-soldier displaying photographs of senior officers is a deserving offence under our law and liable to be sanctioned. It has a serious negative implication on discipline and bad precedence given the way it was handled.  The army should be ready for deluge of this campaign in weeks, months and years to come from its rank especially given the apparent remarkable decline in discipline amongst its ranks.  The ex-soldier is consistent, furiously and relentlessly unleashing media borne ballistic missiles against the army and its command system.  When the army found its voice, it also bowed probably to political pressure and did not apply the law but seem to have chosen to reward the indiscipline of the ex-soldier with act of generosity supposedly playing to the gallery of uninformed commentators and gender activists who ignored the fact that the soldier was subject to service law.  

    From the press release of the army, it ignored to apply the Armed Forces Act and the Harmonized Terms and Condition of Service (Soldiers) (2017) by rewarding the soldier with pensionable discharge when she is not qualified for it having not put up to 10 years of service in the army.  She was said to have been discharged on medical ground and awarded pension for life.  However, in Chapter 14, Section 23 of the Harmonized Terms and Conditions of Service Soldiers/Ratings/Airmen (2017), provides thus: “Irrespective of length of service, any soldier/rating/airmen who discharges from service as a result of injury sustained during official duty shall be entitled to disability pension”.

    The pertinent question is, was the injury for which the ex-soldier was discharged caused in the course of official duty?  Information in the media space which is confirmed to be true is that she has served barely five years, and five years does not qualify her for life pension.  The rule is that she should be boarded and paid off; no emotions, no sentiments!  The Nigerian Army is not to be run like a missionary organization or Boys Scout; the rule must apply for effective discipline, good order and reputation of the military.

    In the press release, the army stated thus: “The medical evaluation confirmed that Ruth Ogunleye was suffering from a condition that made her medically vulnerable.  In light of this, the army, while fully capable of proceeding with disciplinary action for her acts of indiscipline and misconduct, opted to exercise compassion and leniency”.  Why can’t the army apply its own law in this case?  From the Code of Conduct and Ethics in Chapter 18 of HTACOS (Soldiers), “Soldiers/ratings/airmen are the driving force of the military profession.  A soldier/rating/airman is therefore, a personality with military bearing, discipline, integrity, knowledge properly turned out at all times…”   Applying any test, objective or subjective, does that ex-soldier in all good conscience have any military bearing?  The army certainly should look at its recruitment system to avoid bringing such elements into its ranks and file.  The army should consider purging itself and get rid of elements that will not project its image positively in the complex task of fighting insecurity.  Justice must be seen to be done to the ex-soldier, not compassion or leniency; just as justice must be done to the officers whose images and reputations have been tarnished.  Above all, justice must be done to the Nigerian Army.  The army should not accommodate social misfits in its rank and it must observe the rule of law at all times in dispensation of justice; not bowing to pressure of any kind, political or filial. 

    The case of this ex-female soldier, Ogunleye is a situation where not to bend the rules.  After all, there is no known law that says that someone with certain medical conditions cannot be tried in court unless there is infirmity that prevents her/him from being arraigned.  While insanity is a defence in law, the accused can still be tried but where the plea of insanity succeeds, will be sentenced at the pleasure of the president; that is the law.  The Nigerian Army is not completely helpless in the case of this ex-soldier if it wants to build a disciplined force.  Something has to be done indeed! 

    Justice is yet crying until there is justice for the ex-soldier, justice for the accused officers and justice for the Nigerian Army.  On issue of professional discipline of its personnel and the rule of law, the army should not bow to political pressure; leniency and compassion do not constitute part of military law or the Armed Forces Act.  

    •Kebonkwu Esq, an attorney writes via mikekebonkwu@yahoo.com

  • Abiodun: Putting smiles on the faces of the people 

    Abiodun: Putting smiles on the faces of the people 

    • By Abdulaziz Alli

    From the  inception of  the Prince Dapo Abiodun led-administration in Ogun State, the governor has been up and doing in  performing his statutory functions of securing the lives and property of residents and ensuring their welfare which of course is the core of responsible and responsive governance.

    To transform its vision into an enduring reality, the administration adopted the ISEYA mantra through which it has embarked on massive construction and rehabilitation of roads, provided affordable housing schemes, healthcare facilities, and other infrastructure that have been impacting positively on the welfare and wellbeing of the people across the State.

    The methodical and impactful manner through which it has continued to provide soothing palliatives and measures as response to ameliorate the current difficult times being experienced across the country show that indeed the administration is altruistic.

    One recalls that in February, Governor Abiodun announced a N5 billion intervention fund to provide food palliatives as well as other succour to meet the educational and health needs of the down trodden and generally cushion the effect of rising cost of living and inflation.

    “In this direction and through targeted interventions, we aim to address these challenges by implementing a series of phased initiatives aimed at alleviating these burdens on all our citizens. The state has taken the following steps: Education sector: Providing a minimum of five exercise books for all 850,000 students in our public primary and secondary schools. We are providing a one-time N10,000 education support grant for at least 100,000 pupils in our public primary and secondary schools in the state and providing all 27,600 indigent students in tertiary institutions nationwide with an education grant of N50,000 each.” Abiodun revealed these at the Press Conference he addressed on the plans at the Olusegun Osoba Press Centre.

    As at today, no fewer than 70,000 beneficiaries including pregnant women, children, the elderly, market women and other members of the informal sector were provided with health insurance cover just as pregnant women were provided free pre-natal care, as well as an additional N5,000 per birth and free post-natal care in the State Hospitals and Primary Health Care Centres under the Ibidero Scheme. 

    Under the edu-cash component of the scheme, about N245 million has been disbursed to indigent students in public primary and secondary schools while over N1.2 billion were disbursed to 24,004 students in tertiary institutions across the state. It is also on record that shortly after the removal of fuel subsidy, Governor Abiodun after consultation with the labour unions started paying the sum of N10,000 extra to all categories of workers and pensioners across the state.

    Not done, the administration embarked on the sale of rice to workers and pensioners across the state at subsidized prices such that 10kg was sold for N8,500, 20 kg for N17, 000 and 50 kg for N42,500 at a time when a 50 kg of rice in the open market  was sold for at least N75,000. One of the workers who benefitted, Ishola Sofoluwe of the Ministry of Works and Infrastructure told Ogun Update that the gesture was timely as it would go a long way in making living more abundant for members of his family particularly at this time that the prices of food stuffs have gone up.

    Still on keeping to his promise to make food palliative available to about 300,000 households across state, the administration of Abiodun embarked on distribution of food items to Muslims during the Ramadan period and churches during the Easter celebration across the three senatorial districts of the state.

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    Reacting to this, the Grand Chief Imam, Ijebu-Ode Central Mosque, Sheik  Miftaudeen  Ayanbadejo also in a chat with Ogun Update said “I thank His Excellency, Governor Abiodun for this palliative because there is hunger in the land and whatever the government can do to bring relief is welcome”

    Speaking in the same vein, the Bishop of Remo Diocese, Methodist Church Nigeria, The Rt. Rev. Bamidele Ibikunle, who spoke at the Rev. Mellor Methodist church, Agbowa, Sagamu, where  his members benefitted from the food palliative, said the gesture would go a long way in easing the suffering of the people particularly those who are not sure of where the food would come from during the Easter period.

    Another critical area where the administration has put smiles on the faces of the people at this difficult time is through the Free Surgery Intervention Scheme targeted at the indigents who needed to undergo surgery, but did not have the resources to do so. The exercise was carried out in the state hospitals across the state at the end of which over 1,500 people benefitted.

    Mrs. Arinola Adenuga, whose six-year-old son benefitted expressed happiness about the gesture saying that the burden of raising funds for the well-being of her son had been taken care of. Similarly, 20-year-old Okuwobi Ayomide, 18-year-old Onaleye Solomon, and 13-year-old Olusola Abdulquazeem, who underwent different surgical operations were full of praises for the governor.

    One other area where the governor has done very well to alleviate suffering of the people is the transportation intervention. It is on record that the governor had earlier procured some buses for his administration’s mass transit programme. Immediately after the fuel subsidy was removed, Abiodun took the bull by the horn by becoming the first governor to embrace the Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) initiative.

    The buses were converted to CNG and deployed to different routes, thereby making commuters pay relatively lower fare. For example, a CNG bus ride from the governor’s office in Oke-Mosan to Kuto, Sapon, Omida, Iyana Mortuary and Panseke in Abeokuta is N100 as against the N300 charged by public transporters. Apart from affordability, commuters enjoy free wi-fi in the air-conditioned buses. According to Mr. Olaifa Sofoluwe, a businessman who lives in Abeokuta but has his business at Mowe, the provision of CNG buses by the state government has made operations of his business seamless as he now commutes Mowe, Ibadan and Lagos Island with ease.

    Furthermore, the introduction of E-bikes recently by governor Abiodun as alternative to petrol bikes is a further demonstration that the government is concerned about the hardship people are going through. A civil servant who works with the Agro Service Corporation in Asero, Abeokuta and owns one of the e-bikes, Sulaimon Balogun, said he abandoned his car at home for the e-bike which only costs him N1,200 to charge the two batteries a day compared to the N2,500 he spent daily to fuel his car even before the recent increase in the price PMS.

    He thumbed up Abiodun for bringing the initiative down to Ogun State to help the people.

    On his part, the state chairman of the Articulate Motorcycle Owners and Riders Association of Nigeria (AMORAN), Otunba Taofeek Sokoya commended Governor Abiodun for introducing E-bikes into the transport sector of the state, as he puts it, “The e-bikes have brought about a new regime for transport fare for commercial motorcycle operators and passengers across the state”.

    All of these interventions notwithstanding, the governor has been unrelenting in road construction such that he commissioned three of such roads back to back for three days in the month of May. At this trying period when every kobo counts, good roads would ensure that vehicle owners do not spend much in maintenance. What about the silent but steady revolution going on in the agricultural sector,  one of which is the rice cluster he commissioned recently in Magboro that is capable of fetching N1billion in one tranche of harvest?

    •Alli writes from Onikolobo, Abeokuta, Ogun State.

  • Nigeria @ 64: National anthem as heritage of national unity

    Nigeria @ 64: National anthem as heritage of national unity

    By Patricia Adenike Balogun

    The day I learnt that Nigerians had returned to singing “Nigeria, We Hail Thee” as its National Anthem instead of “Arise, O Compatriots” was one of my favourite moments as a Nigerian.

    During my formative years, I recall reciting the National Anthem (“Nigeria, We Hail Thee”) at school assemblies until it was modified in 1978. Although I didn’t fully comprehend its meaning or intent at the time, the composition and wordings resonated with me in unanticipated ways. In 1978, Nigeria chose “Arise, O Compatriots” as its new national song, and society continued onwards.

    The reintroduction of the ancient hymn “Nigeria, We Hail Thee” on May 29 after President Bola Tinubu signed into law a motion passed by the National Assembly was a joyful déjà vu. I’ve sung the song to myself several times, declaring its words as a prayer for Nigeria long before it was readopted.

    With enthusiasm, I looked up the Nigerian Independence Day anthem.

    Nigeria, we hail thee, our own dear native land,

    Though tribes and tongues may differ, in brotherhood we stand

    Nigerians all, and proud to serve our sovereign Motherland.

    Our flag shall be a symbol that truth and justice reign,

    In peace or battle honoured, and this we count as gain,

    To hand on to our children a banner without stain.

    O God of all creation, grant this our one request:

    Help us to build a nation where no man is oppressed,

    And so with peace and plenty Nigerians may be blessed.

     According to Wikipedia’s definition, the National Anthem serves as a reminder of the country’s rich heritage and splendour, as well as an expression of its people’s patriotism and pride.

    Here is my perspective summarising Nigeria’s National Anthem.

    History: “Nigeria, we hail thee, our own dear native land” highlights Nigeria’s rich historical heritage, from before colonial times with powerful empires such as the Benin Kingdom, Oyo Empire and Kanem-Bornu Empire, to the era of colonisation under British administration. It represents our struggle for self-determination, which resulted in the emergence of an independent country free of colonialism.

    Culture: “Though tribe and tongue may differ, in brotherhood we stand” emphasises Nigeria’s own cultural identity, whereby diversity is valued. Nigeria has about 250 ethnic groups, each with its own language, traditions, and customs. The anthem’s reference to “tribes and tongues” refers to our diverse society, wherein the integration of many cultures strengthens our country’s social framework.

    Religion: “O God of all creation, grant this our one request” means that Nigeria is an extremely religious nation, with Islam, Christianity, and traditional African religions all significantly contributing to the country’s identity. Nigeria’s vibrant spiritual base is recognised in the anthem, which acknowledges God as the Creator. The influence of religion is apparent in every aspect of Nigerian life, including politics and daily interactions. The anthem’s appeal to divine guidance demonstrates the unifying power of religious faith among Nigerians, despite the country’s division into Muslim-majority North, Christian-majority South, and indigenous beliefs. This encourages Nigerians to seek divine support in our collective national journey, as the anthem carefully portrays religion as one of our binding forces.

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    Patriotism: “Help us to build a nation where no man is oppressed” is the section in which the anthem expresses our aspiration for a society that values freedom, justice, and equal opportunity for every citizen. This is a call to action for justice, equality, and an end to all injustices.

    Unity and National Identity: “And so with peace and plenty, Nigeria may be blessed.” Despite our struggles, our national identity is anchored in our desire for togetherness and growth. The National Anthem asks for unity among our people and echoes the idea of Nigeria as a light of hope and promise in Africa. Our National Anthem encapsulates the optimism and faith in Nigeria’s future, which can be translated into national prosperity through our abundant natural resources, human capital, and resilience. The vision of unity is indicative of our nation’s ongoing efforts to achieve progress and unity in the face of economic, political, and ethnic challenges.

    The complex nature of Nigeria as a country, with its rich tapestry of history, culture, and values, is exemplified by the now-former anthem, “Arise, O Compatriots, Nigeria’s call obey.” The people of Nigeria remain steadfast in their patriotism and optimism for a brighter future. It serves as a reminder that Nigeria’s history has been influenced by hard efforts for unity, sovereignty, and growth. It recognises the historical sacrifices made by our freedom struggle leaders, including Nnamdi Azikiwe, Ahmadu Bello, and Obafemi Awolowo, who advocated for Nigeria’s independence and growth. It also demonstrates Nigerians’ deeply religious character, as we seek divine guidance in our daily affairs and national aspirations.

    Readopting the anthem “Nigeria, we hail thee, Our own dear native land” demonstrates Nigerians’ deep bond with their country. The themes of togetherness, peace, fraternity, and service, with a prayerful ending, are critical components of reforming values and culture among people in our social, economic, and political environments. The concluding spiritual anthem represented the many religious beliefs of Nigerians, regardless of their ethnicity. Nigeria is a religiously diverse country, as seen by the anthem’s respectful tone towards all Nigerians. It expresses the concept of unity in variety, with the notion that, despite variations in ethnicity, language, and culture, we Nigerians value our nation and stand together in brotherhood.

    Despite the challenges presented by our complex diversity, we are filled with hope for unity and progress. Each ethnic group—whether it is the Yoruba’s rich cultural heritage, the Igbo’s artistry, the Hausa-Fulani’s agricultural roots, or the traditions of the minority groups—adds to the fabric of Nigerian culture. In this time of economic crisis and social instability, our anthem’s words, “Help us to build a nation where no man is oppressed,” convey a strong sense of belief in justice and equality, a cry for fairness and inclusion that is much needed in Nigeria today.

    As a religiously diverse nation, declaring our spiritual National Anthem on each day would assist in fostering hope for prosperity, peace, and unity in Nigeria, a virtue valued at this time of economic hardship and insecurity. The richness of our diversity is depicted through the lens of our national song “Nigeria, We Hail Thee,” as does our unified yearning for national unity and prosperity. Our national song celebrates our dynamic history, deep cultural roots, religious variety, and unwavering patriotism of our people. We value our diversity while calling for unity, justice, and a future in which Nigeria flourishes on its strengths to build a peaceful and prosperous nation for everyone.

    As we commemorate Nigeria’s 64th year of Independence, citizen reorientation and positive engagement are critical in our efforts to achieve our potential as a great and powerful country in the world. We must work together in unity and peace to make Nigeria’s future brighter for all citizens and future generations.

    •Balogun sent this piece from the UK.

  • Beyond age limit

    Beyond age limit

    A policy initiative by government has never been more knee-jerk. That, perhaps, is why government has found itself stuck in equivocation in the narrative being plied to justify the policy to Nigerians.

    Education Minister Tahir Mamman lately restated government’s resolve to bar pupils under 18 years from sitting the secondary school leaving certificate examinations, which are a prerequisite for proceeding to the tertiary level. He said pupils would henceforth not be permitted to sit the West African Senior School Certificate Examination organised by the West African Examination Council (WAEC) and the Senior School Certificate Examination organised by the National Examination Council (NECO) unless they attain that age. And since these are primary requirements for advancing to the tertiary level of education, it follows that any candidate sitting the Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination conducted by the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB) cannot be below 18.

    Speaking at a media briefing by top government officials preparatory to the October 1 Independence anniversary, the minister accused parents of rushing the education of their children and said government would enforce extant laws prescribing respective duration of primary and secondary education in this country. “Our laws, the Universal Basic Education Act and the Minimum Standards Policy Act established in 1993, prescribe specific age limits and provisions for every level of education: six years in primary school, three years in junior secondary school, three years in senior secondary school, and then five to six years before primary school. A child is expected to enter school at the age of six,” Mamman stated. “But what has been happening is that parents have been in a hurry. They frog-jump their children: get them into school at the age of four, skip level six at primary school and level six at secondary school. So, the children finish quite too young,” he added.

    But government, according to him, has introduced a new curriculum giving effect to applicable laws. He made clear, though, that the present administration isn’t the author of those laws. “This is an Act that was established in 1993. The 6-3-3-4 came into being around 1982. So, this is already a very, very old policy. All that the Minister of Education did is say: ‘Ok, we come back to implementing these policies so that students can remain in school and learn skills so that when they finish, they will be able to be engaged productively; even if they don’t go to college of education or universities, they will have skills that they can be employed with or be even self-employed’,” he said, stressing that the ministry was only implementing already existing laws and not introducing new ones as being speculated.

    Mamman’s latest pitch merely intensified the case he had been pushing since earlier this year. Sometime in July, at a meeting with JAMB and other education stakeholders, he notified the examination body of an immediate ban on under-18s from seeking admission into tertiary institutions. “It doesn’t require a statement from the minister… we are only restating what is in the law,” he had said. Following a slew of criticism that the policy elicited, as some 16 and 17-year-olds had already sat the 2024 cohort of UTME and had passed, the minister recalibrated his directive and permitted candidates from 16 years to be admitted into university until 2025. He returned in August on national television to restate the policy, insisting there is no going back. “It is 18 (years). What we did at the meeting that we had with JAMB (in July) was to allow this year and for it to serve as a kind of notice for parents that this year, JAMB will admit students who are below that age but from next year, JAMB is going to insist that anybody applying to go to university in Nigeria meets the required age, which is 18,” he said.

    The minister also left no room for doubt as to how the policy applies to candidates sitting the school certificate leaving examinations. “We are not coming up with a new policy, contrary to what some people are saying, we are simply reminding people of what is existing. In any case, NECO and WAEC, henceforth, will not be allowing underage children to write their examinations. In other words, if somebody has not spent the requisite number of years in that particular level of study, WAEC and NECO will not allow them to write the examination.”

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    Those were Mamman’s words in August. So, you wonder if there was some miscommunication when Minister of State for Education Yussuf Sununu, early in September, denied that government had imposed age restriction on candidates sitting the secondary school leaving certificate examinations and said he found it disappointing that the minister was misreported. Fielding questions from journalists at an event commemorating the International Literacy Day, Sununu said what Mamman spoke about  was widespread abuse of the 6-3-3-4 system as reflected in the ages at which some pupils get into the tertiary level of education. “We have agreed that we are going to consider it as work-in-progress. The National Assembly is working and we are also working,” he said inter alia, adding: “Nobody said no child will write WAEC, NECO or any other examination unless at age 18. This is a misconception and misrepresentation of what we have said.” Well, that is hoping he himself was not misreported, because Mamman’s latest outing gives the lie to his intended clarification of the policy.

    Never mind conflicting codes coming out of the Education house, the policy is for real and has its supporters and naysayers. Supporters argue that early education syndrome has seen secondary schools populated by pupils barely above kindergarten age and universities by mid-teenagers who are ill-equipped for the relatively independent life at that level, hence are easily susceptible to recruitment into vices like cults and cybercrimes. It is also argued that there might be a link between underage schooling and the poor standard of education in Nigeria today.

    Still, it appears government hasn’t thought through why parents rush the education of their children and what to do about it. That is besides negative implications of imposing an arbitrary delay on the age at which pupils can sit the school leaving certificate examination, which could be possible reasons why the extant laws were observed in breach in the first place. Experience has shown that many parents rush their children in their schooling because of the ecosystem of Nigerian education. Many pupils make the credits required to proceed to tertiary education level only after many attempts – true, only two of the results can be combined in seeking admission – and some parents apparently would want to make allowance for such eventuality as would enable their children to yet enter university in good time. Now that pupils can’t begin the attempts till they attain 18 years, some could be at it by age 20 and would be yet to get lucky. And it could be worse with the UTME where some pupils also make repeated attempts before they clinch admission. Unlike the school leaving certificate examinations that have multiple alternatives to be attempted within a single year, the matriculation examination is a yearly event and any failed attempt in a particular year automatically defers a candidate’s hope to another year. With repeated attempts from age 18 at secondary school leaving certificate examinations and the UTME, an unlucky pupil could be chasing admission into tertiary education until age 22 or 23.

    Meanwhile, tertiary education in Nigeria – especially in public institutions where the staff are unionised – is never a smooth-sailing experience where you can guarantee a four-year course to take no longer than four years. Hence, a student on a four-year course could last six to seven years in school without being responsible for the delay – what with repeated strikes by staff unions that government does little to avert or rein in after-the-fact. When you combine all the delays, a student could be notching 30 years of age before getting through first degree education. And to compound matters, the Nigerian labour market has become one where first degree qualification isn’t sufficient to enter without additional certifications. So, at what age can parents hope to see their children settled in the labour market and relieve them of dependence? For the female child, the matter is further complicated by societal values. An average parent would want to make room for all necessary certifications and career pursuit by their girls before they attain the age of full responsibility, like societal expectation that they get married within a certain age range.

    If the new curriculum is all about giving effect to age delineations, government needs be aware that it is not the years spent but what is learnt/learnable that defines education. In China, pupils learn artisanship and technical skills from kindergarten. Education is not just about the years, but about content.

    •Please join me on kayodeidowu.blogspot.be for conversation

  • Facility management as catalyst of economic development

    Facility management as catalyst of economic development

    • By Pius Evbuomwam

    Economic development is the process whereby traditional and primitive economies are transformed into modern, industrial and flourishing and prosperous economies, one in which, happiness will be distributed as equally as possible, or as the 18th century English philosopher and founder of modern utilitarianism, Jeremy Bentham puts it, where there is greatest happiness for the greater number of people.

    Economic development is crucial to generating and to enhancing employment and more job opportunities. It is a key driver of poverty reduction, determinant of qualitative and quantitative improvements in living standards, and roadmap to a brighter future for the citizens of a country.

    These make government deliberate policy intervention in the economy so important, because government must initiate policies to improve productivity, well-being and quality of life of the people. Government must put in place structures to reduce poverty reduction, and provide more jobs, higher incomes, improved productivity, improved goods and services, and above all, ensure the work environment is optimally conducive.

    When you consider our enormous resources, and level of development, you will agree that Nigerian economy has grossly under-performed, worsened by poor working environment and lack of maintenance culture. This is where facility management comes in as a crucial factor in national economic development.

    Facility Management (FM) incorporates multi-disciplinary activities within the built industry. The aim of the endeavour is to improve the quality of life of people and increase productivity in business and the workplace, by making sure that the support services and logistics of the work environment or the organization it serves are effectively delivered, and working efficiently.

    Facility management is critical to national economic development. In as much as peoples’ efforts and activities oil the structure and ensures that institutions work, and ultimately drives development and the economy, it follows therefore that the working place, working environment, tools, and facilities must function perfectly to enhance creativity and productivity. Good living and working environment produce the best in man.

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    Disturbed by the dilapidated state of public buildings and infrastructure across the country, former President Muhammadu Buhari in year 2022 signed into law the Executive Order 11. The Order focused essentially on the maintenance of public buildings and infrastructure. It is a policy framework for maintenance of national infrastructures, and it expects Ministries, Departments and Agencies of government (MDAs) to set up maintenance departments. The Order also gives legal backing to the country’s national maintenance policy and expects the office of the Head of Civil Service of the Federation to establish a department of federal public assets maintenance.

    The Executive Order is expected to strengthen and sustain the development and management of infrastructures in the country. This is because, the prospects for the Nigerian economy depend on the policies articulated to drive it, and the seriousness with which they are implemented.

    The role of facility management in national economic development cannot be over-emphasized. Building maintenance which is an important aspect of building management is often neglected, the Executive Order, if fully implemented would give a facelift to public buildings across the country.

    We only need to imbibe maintenance culture and, buildings would retain its economic life. There would be lower depreciation cost, and ultimately, there would be higher productivity and higher income and profits. In other words, proper maintenance would ensure lower expenditures on replacement, and would make more funds available for new productive ventures and investment.

    Proper facility management would ensure sustainability of buildings and infrastructure, as well as income. It would save government and organizations unnecessary expenditure on repairs, and would enhance the life span of properties and infrastructure. It would also enhance income. This is because facility management focuses more on preventive measures.

    Facility management also ensures proper and efficient waste management or disposal, thereby preventing diseases, which ultimately ensures good environment, healthy and productive population, healthy and prosperous economy.

    Wasted public assets or abandoned buildings litter the country, though some of the assets are under litigation. It is time to identify these assets, turn them around to prevent further wastage, enhance income and development through proper management. The buildings can be better or properly managed and maintained, using Public Private Partnerships (PPP). The arrangement would most certainly enhance the assets, the economy and development.

    •Evbuomwam is a Benin based Estate Surveyor and Valuer.

  • Let’s help America by sending election observers

    Let’s help America by sending election observers

    •  By Alade Fawole

    With over 60 countries across all continents, comprising half of global population, holding national elections in 2024, the largest ever in any single year, it is no exaggeration that Time magazine dubs it “The Ultimate Election Year.” By end of the year, these periodic rituals would have been enacted in countries that boast of being liberal democracies as well as in those classified rightly or wrongly as autocratic and authoritarian states.

    The United States set to hold its own presidential and legislative polls on November 5, and it is unquestionably the most important and most consequential for Americans and also for the whole world. As a global hegemon, wielding the dollar as global reserve to control international trade and with 800 military bases spread over 80 countries in all the continents on earth, the hubristic claim that when America sneezes that rest of the world catches cold has a ring of truth to it. Whichever way the elections go, whoever wins between incumbent female Vice President Kamala Harris and former President Donald Trump wins, the results are bound to excite opposite emotions domestically in a largely divided America but much more so across the globe. The world is waiting and watching with anticipation, possibly praying silently for either of the candidates for what their foreign policies would be.

    Since everyone is so concerned about the US elections, it is imperative in my view that the world should take more than casual interest in how they are conducted. America needs to be helped! And no better way than to constitute and deploy election observer teams from different countries and regional groupings, and interested civil society NGOs from across the globe to observe the processes and thereafter issue comprehensive and unbiased election reports. Unless America can convince the world that its own elections are free, fair and credible, its characteristic hubris and contempt for other countries’ elections would ring hollow.

    I confess that for reasons entirely personal, I have never been a fan of foreign election observation or monitoring. But elections observers from the US and EU in particular have always insinuated themselves into election observation with predetermined agenda and the worldview they want to project to the rest of the world, their reports often reflecting the biases and prejudices of their funders. For example, America has rejected the validity of the results of Venezuela’s recent election because Washington’s Trojan horse did not win. Had the opposite been the case, The White House would have promptly decked it with legitimacy, and his first foreign visit would have been to Washington D.C. to thank the enablers!

    We, here in Nigeria, are used to arrogant foreign election observer teams voicing conflicting views on our election processes and outcomes. For example, the EU election observer team which could only visit a very small number of polling units across the nation during the 2023 election, with little substantiation, proceeded to give a damning conclusion. The Nigerian Bar Association on the other hand which monitored the elections in all the polling units across the country gave a glowing report.

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    On its own part, US election observer missions, usually comprising officials from the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), the National Republican Institute (NRI), the National Democratic Institute (NDI) and United States Agency for International Development (USAID), are government-funded and with close ties to the US intelligence community, whose personnel are fully embedded. Any election that fails to satisfy their preconceived notions is promptly delegitimized, and the ensuing government de-marketed in the eyes of the world by the issuance of damning reports and made a candidate for punitive Western sanctions intended to induce its subservience to foreign will. Latest evidence of foreign intimidation is Washington’s daring act of international piracy, hijacking and impounding Venezuela’s presidential jet from the Dominican Republic, a sovereign national asset, to punish President Nicolas Maduro’s courageous refusal to hand over sovereign control over the country’s natural resources to Uncle Sam.

    It is high time African nations, particularly the African Union, ECOWAS and other regional organizations and civil society groups on the continent, constituted and sent election observer missions for the November 5 presidential and Congressional polls. I advocate this not because America frequently meddles in other nation’s business but because the coming election is bound to be the most consequential in history, one to which the world should pay close attention because of the implications it portends for world politics and global order. It is bound to be pivotal, being a transitional election regardless who wins. If Kamala Harris wins, it will be intra-party transition from the Joe Biden to Kamala Harris. If Trump on the other hand emerges the winner, it will be a transition from incumbent governing party to the opposition. The stakes are simply too high: it is a zero sum contest; the campaigns are already the most scurrilous, incendiary and toxic ever. It promises, in the Nigerian parlance, to be a do-or-die election!

    Jokes apart, there are lingering reasons the rest of the world should help America. In recent elections in the past decade or so, there has been widespread accusations regarding cynical gerrymandering and prejudicial redistricting in favour of parties and candidates in some states, intentional voter suppression, over-voting, voting by unregistered and ineligible immigrants, manipulation of mailed-in ballots, rigged vote counting, resurrection of age-old Jim Crow regulations, and even foreign meddling. Allegations that Russia plans to meddle in the 2024 elections have resurfaced.

    But much more importantly is the outcome of the election. Candidate Donald Trump has vowed post-election bloodbath if he loses, and his supporters have equally threatened a civil war as well. Will there be a peaceful handover of power on January 20, 2025 regardless who wins? The world will have to help America to not dissolve into a needless bloodbath, and one way is for credible international observers to ascertain the real and authentic outcomes of the polls, regardless the winner. If the election is even remotely thought to be not free and fair, the dangers to liberal democracy across the globe would be immense, giving autocracies and dictatorships the opportunity to gloat that America is a bad advertisement for liberal democracy.

    The rest of the world should go out there to ensure the US gets it right, so we can collectively legitimize or delegitimize the results as the case may be. We need to look closely to detect any electoral malfeasances, ensure the process is free, fair and in accordance with US law and international best practices. The stakes are so high and we must not be deluded that the US can be trusted to do things right. In my opinion, the European Union, that busy-body that insinuates itself into elections in Africa, should be in the forefront. The United Kingdom, though no longer an EU member, having recently ousted the Rishi Sunak government in an election, definitely has valuable lessons to teach their trans-Atlantic amigos about peaceful, credible and non-acrimonious elections. The African Union, ECOWAS and other groups should help America by sending observer teams. Experienced and knowledgeable election observers that readily come to mind are former presidents Olusegun Obasanjo and Goodluck Jonathan, Bishop Hassan Kukah and Professor Attahiru Jega.

    •Fawole, a retired professor of International Relations writes from Ikire, Osun State.

  • WS and the’bolekaja’critics

    WS and the’bolekaja’critics

    Sometime in the early 1980s when bookshops across the country were well stocked with quality books and classics in diverse spheres of knowledge, I procured at one of my favourite book haunts in Ilorin, the Kwara State capital, an explosive volume titled ‘Towards the Decolonization of African Literature’. Written by the trio of Chinweizu, Onwuchekwa Jamie and Ihechukwu Madubuike, the book vehemently challenged and denounced what they perceived as undesirable and unhealthy Eurocentric and colonial influences on diverse genres of African literature.

    It is not surprising that they dubbed themselves the ‘bolekaja’ critics. This was with reference to motor garage boys in many of Nigeria’s towns and cities who were ever all too ready to settle scores and resolve disputes through bare-knuckle fisticuffs and brutal brawling. Thus, the language of this trio of critics was irreverent, trenchant, provocative, unsparing, and contemptuous of views and perspectives they opposed.

    The most prominent of the three critics was Chinweizu, the polyvalent intellectual and author of the classic, ‘The West and the Rest of us’. One of the writers who came under the scathing fire of the bolekaja critics was Wole Soyinka whose poetry in particular came under scalding attack for what the critics considered its excessive euro-modernist referents and influences as well as its alleged alienation from traditional African values, mores and ethos in content and style. WS had not yet won the Nobel Prize for literature when this trio of critics launched their fusillades against his poetry and when he did about six years later, in 1986, those who belonged to the Chinweizu school of thought saw it as a vindication of their criticism of his alleged eurocentrism in thought, outlook and vocation.

    Although not a student of literature, I paid close attention to the fierce contestation of ideas between WS and the bolekaja critics which was an indication of the vibrant and virile intellectual firmament in the country at that time. I recall that episode in this piece as we continue to commemorate and celebrate the 90th birthday last month, September 13, of the legendary laureate.

    Soyinka’s career as a multifaceted creative writer and thinker has been no less controversy-laden than his frequent, often risky interventions in the country’s turbulent political life. In his piece titled ‘Wole Soyinka’s Nobel Prize’ published soon after the Laureate’s feat, the literary scholar, Reed Way Dasenbrock, undertook an exhaustive review of Soyinka’s engagements with his critics including the Marxist oriented scholars and especially the bolekaja critics. According to Dasenbrock, “Soyinka’s work, therefore, has been controversial in Africa for a long time now, and the controversy is about how “African” his works and values are and, more generally, about how “African” African literature in English is and can be”.

    Continuing, he writes “The troika’s attack on Soyinka focuses on poetry, and here they have chosen their ground well…The general line of their critique of Soyinka’s poetry as overly dense and enigmatic is sound, but that is merely the opening for their larger attack, which is that Soyinka’s poetry is “un-African” and neocolonialist. Chinweizu et Alia argue that traditional African poetry is not difficult and that the difficulty of Soyinka’s verse must therefore be borrowed from abroad, specifically from the difficult poetry characteristic of European modernism”

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    Dasenbrock documents Soyinka’s response to these critics in such seminal articles as “The Critic and Society: Barthes, Leftocracy and Other Mythologies” and “Neo-Tarzanism: The Poetics of Pseudo-Tradition”. In the former, “he repudiates the double standard by which “leftocratic” critics can attack writers for an elitist rejection of the popular or “African” in language that is itself the height of cultural and educational elitism”. And in the latter, “Soyinka’s response is far more direct. The troika’s presentation of traditional African poetry they admire as always simple and direct shows, according to Soyinka, that they do not understand the traditions they supposedly value so highly. Much traditional African verse is difficult, enigmatic, gnomic, and, as Soyinka says, “It would profit would-be champions of tradition to actually immerse themselves in recitals of traditional poetry…The stark linear simplicity of translation should never be permitted to obscure the allusive, the elliptical, the multi-textured fullness of what constitutes traditional poetry especially in recital”.

    Continuing, Dasenbrock writes that “Soyinka begins his counterattack on Chinweizu by quoting an earlier essay in which Chinweizu defines the African poetic landscape as “a landscape of elephants, beggars, calabashes, serpents, pumpkins, baskets, town criers, iron bells, slit drums, iron masks, hares, snakes, squirrels…a landscape portrayed with native eyes to which aeroplanes appear as iron birds”. Soyinka’s response to this: “My African world is a little more intricate and embraces precision machinery, oil rigs, hydro-electricity, my typewriter, railway trains (not iron snakes!), machine guns, bronze sculpture etc plus an ontological relationship with the universe including the above-listed pumpkins and iron bells”.

    Dasenbrock believes that Soyinka’s Ake: The Years of childhood’ offers a fitting response to the troika’s attacks on his African cultural authenticity despite his no less deep immersion in the diverse cultures of the world as “Ake shows how the young Soyinka was thoroughly engrossed both in Yoruba traditions and in the struggles against the British and belies any description of him as colonized in his values…In this respect, the troika are probably to be commended, for it may well have been their attack on him that stimulated the writing of ‘Ake: The Years of Childhood”.

  • FG, Tinubu and Daily Trust’s faux pas on Samoa Agreement

    FG, Tinubu and Daily Trust’s faux pas on Samoa Agreement

    By Abdulaziz Abdulaziz

    On Wednesday, October 2, the Daily Trust newspaper came out with the long overdue public apology to the Federal Government over its erroneous reporting of July 4, 2024, on the Samoa Agreement. It was a needful closure to a touchy controversy. It is a commendable gesture on part of the Media Trust management. It is not everyone that has the humility to admit wrongdoing. This has now settled the matter and brought to rubbles the scornful allegations contained in the story under reference.

    The watery lead story of July 4, 2024 alleged that the Samoa Agreement, signed by the Federal Government (among other nations that constitute the Organisation of African, Caribbean and Pacific States, also known as OACPS) with the European Union (EU) contained clauses that promote LGBTQ rights. To make it more salacious the story linked it to an imaginary $150 billion in benefits. Astonishingly, there is nowhere in the story evidence was provided to support both claims. There couldn’t have been as neither LGBTQ (or anything close to it) nor $150 billion was mentioned anywhere in the bulky multilateral document.

    In its apology, Daily Trust said it agreed wholly with the verdict passed by the independent panel constituted by the Nigerian Media Complaint Commission (NMCC). The panel’s report released on September 23, 2024, following interrogation of the Federal Government’s complaint, was unequivocal. “The NMCC finds that the 403-page Samoa Agreement does not contain any clause that compels underdeveloped and developing nations to support the agitations by the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Queer (LGBTQ) community for recognition as a condition for getting financial and other supports from advanced nations. Indeed, there is no reference whatsoever in the agreement to the issue of LGBTQ.”

    I was appalled by the story first as a professional, before anything else. My social media post on the day it was published harped on its lack of the rudimentary journalistic requirement, viz. evidence. It was a comment I could have made even if I were not in government. Frankly, it is still a wonder how that story passed the crucible of the Trust newsroom, where I had worked and knew the editorial rigour.

    Expectedly, the story whipped up tempers. Tongues were set wagging, mostly in one direction and, because the story came from a medium trusted for its journalism, everyone –except for discerning professionals–took it to be the gospel truth. Fortunately, or not, the story came out on Thursday. For its socio-religious sensitivity, it instantly became the main topic of discussion everywhere, especially in the Muslim North. Our dear imams were enraged. I don’t blame them because, again, the story came from Trust!

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    As if the anger wasn’t enough, some opposition figures followed the fire with more tinder. They went about mobilizing some religious leaders overnight to come out hard on the government. The next day most of the imams went to the minbar writhing with anger armed only with the wrong information. They poured out invectives at a government they supported but which was now “courting calamity greater than the economic hardship” on its people, as one of them put it. President Tinubu, the administration and all of us working with it were anathematised for “selling out the country to promoters of LGBTQ”. There was nothing the government couldn’t do for money, it was said. The congregants left the mosques angrier.

    In the ensuing days, professionals and media organisations, some of them known to be very critical of the current administration, came out to fault the reporting as lacking in merit. Those who gave outright verdicts against the Daily Trust story either through fact-checks or analyses include the BBC, PREMIUM TIMES, The Punch, Prof Farooq Kperogi, a Daily Trust columnist – Dr Suleiman A. Suleiman, the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), among others. The expectation was for a clear and immediate retraction, as it was clear that the paper got it wrong. Bouyed by the emotional sermons and partisan support from some quarters, the paper held on despite acknowledging “lapses in our reporting”.

    In the wake of the controversy, we went through great pains trying to explain why there was no wolf around the Samoa Agreement as the drafters of the Daily Trust story wanted Nigerians to believe. I asked: In what ways had the agreement altered provisions of the Nigerian laws on LGBTQ? What are the practical implications that indicate support? I got accursed, rather than answers. It was painful to see almost everyone, especially up North turn their back against reason choosing to go with the contorted story that failed to quote even a line from the agreement to support its claims.

    Exasperating as it was, I don’t blame the clergy and the larger public for the harsh judgement. The blame lies squarely on the doorstep of Trust. And this is the purpose of this post-mortem piece. Journalistic powers are akin to those of a soldier with a gun. Releasing the trigger in the wrong direction could kill or maim the innocent, and no amount of apology or even reprimand of the culprit could cure the loss suffered by the innocent. This is why the old principle that says “if you’re in doubt, leave it out” is evergreen for journalism practice. As professionals, we know pretty well that rebuttal or retraction can never attain the mileage of the original. There are still multitudes out there that will not change opinions formed from the first story.

    It is for this reason that responsible journalism is non-negotiable because as the great old Philip L. Graham, publisher of The Washington Post once said, “Journalism is the first rough draft of history.” That rough draft often has a way of sticking even if subsequent events invalidate its premise.

    Yes, accountability journalism is a sine qua non for healthy democracy. However, as the legal maxim goes, he who comes to equity must come with clean hands. Accountability journalism is not a byword for stone-throwing because when all you do is throw stones you end up causing more harm than good. We must, at all times, ensure the sanctity of truth, fairness, and public good. As the celebrated American war reporter, Edward R. Murrow said, “[T]o be credible we must be truthful.”

    As close with the bon mot from the grand Sardauna, Sir Ahmadu Bello, while admonishing the founding team of the New Nigerian Newspapers; “Tell the truth about us, tell us the truth about others”. We ask for no more.

    Abdulaziz is Senior Special Assistant to President Tinubu on Print Media @AbdulFagge

  • Unleashing transformative leadership for a prosperous future

    Unleashing transformative leadership for a prosperous future

    By Alim Abubakre

    Nigeria stands at the precipice of profound transformation. Endowed with immense natural resources, a dynamic youth population, and an entrepreneurial spirit that is palpable across every sector, the nation possesses unparalleled potential. Yet, Nigeria’s story—though rich in achievements—is still overshadowed by a persistent set of challenges that have stifled its progress. At this critical juncture, what Nigeria demands is not continuity or a repetition of old patterns, but a bold and radical commitment to transformative leadership. The type of leadership that does more than manage or mitigate problems but serves as a catalyst for meaningful and lasting change across government, the private sector, and civil society.

    The challenges facing Nigeria today are multifaceted and cut across every sector of society. These obstacles require not just innovative solutions but principled and adaptive leadership. In government, issues such as transparency, governance, and inefficiency continue to erode public trust, hindering the implementation of policies that could propel the nation forward. The private sector struggles under the weight of infrastructural deficits, restrictive regulatory frameworks, and limited access to financing, all of which stymie entrepreneurship and curtail economic diversification. Meanwhile, the third sector, which is crucial for social progress, often grapples with inadequate funding, poor coordination, and an inability to scale initiatives that could drive meaningful impact.

    Yet, the time for change is now. Nigeria is not the first country to grapple with these types of challenges. Nations across Africa, Asia, and beyond have faced similar hurdles, but some have emerged stronger by embracing leadership models rooted in innovation, adaptability, collaboration, and ethical governance. From South Korea’s meteoric rise from poverty to private sector success stories globally, valuable lessons abound. By applying these insights and strategies, Nigeria can not only overcome its current challenges but also lay the foundation for a more prosperous, equitable, and inclusive future.

    The case of South Korea

    South Korea’s dramatic transformation from one of the poorest nations in the 1960s to a global economic powerhouse by the 21st century is a testament to the power of strategic leadership, adaptability, and collaboration. At the heart of this transformation was a robust innovation ecosystem built through public-private partnerships and heavy government investment in infrastructure and research and development (R&D).

     For Nigeria, emulating South Korea’s approach could be a game-changer. Establishing innovation hubs that integrate government, academia, and the private sector could ignite an ecosystem that encourages entrepreneurship, technological advancement, and economic diversification. Already, Nigeria’s burgeoning fin-tech industry demonstrates the country’s entrepreneurial potential, but to truly thrive, this potential needs to be matched by supportive infrastructure. Leaders must eliminate the regulatory hurdles that hinder start-ups and provide the necessary mentorship, resources, and financing to spur innovation.

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    A prime example of this could be the tech industry in Lagos. By creating special economic zones for tech start-ups and offering tax incentives, Nigeria could foster an environment similar to Silicon Valley, where innovation thrives through collaboration between government bodies, universities, and private enterprises.

     Ethical leadership and governance: Role of private sector

    Nigeria’s governance challenges have often been attributed to the public sector, but the private sector also has a crucial role to play in promoting ethical leadership. Ethical leadership is not just about avoiding corruption; it is about instilling a culture of accountability, transparency, and fairness at every level of operation. Take, for instance, the example of Unilever, a global consumer goods company that has embraced ethical leadership as a central tenet of its business strategy. By prioritising sustainable sourcing, corporate transparency, and environmental stewardship, Unilever has built trust with both consumers and investors while delivering long-term profitability.

     Nigeria’s private sector can lead by adopting similar practices. By embedding ethics into their core operations—whether through sustainable business practices, fair labour conditions, or non-interest financial models—companies can attract not only customers but also investment from international markets that prioritise corporate social responsibility. In a country where many citizens are disenfranchised by both government and business, ethical leadership in the private sector has the power to restore trust and catalyse national progress.

     For instance, Nigeria can draw inspiration from the growing global movement towards ethical finance, particularly non-interest finance models. These finance systems, grounded in ethical principles, can provide alternatives to traditional interest-based lending. By promoting non-interest finance, Nigerian banks and financial institutions could help bridge the gap for individuals and businesses that are often excluded from traditional financial services. Not only does this promote financial inclusion, but it also aligns with the ethical governance principles that the country needs to adopt across the board.

     Insights from India

    Social entrepreneurship is another avenue through which Nigerian leaders can drive both social progress and economic development. India’s microfinance revolution offers a compelling example of how grassroots empowerment can lead to transformative change. Organisations like the Grameen Bank and India’s numerous microfinance institutions have brought millions of underserved individuals into the formal economy, providing them with access to credit, which in turn has allowed small businesses to thrive and entire communities to uplift themselves from poverty.

     Nigeria, with its vast rural population and significant socio-economic disparities, is ripe for a similar movement. Nigerian leaders—both in government and the private sector—must prioritise policies that facilitate access to microfinance for underserved communities. Training and development initiatives that equip local leaders with the skills needed to drive economic empowerment will be essential. By empowering communities to develop their own solutions—through access to education, capital, and entrepreneurial skills—Nigeria can foster a sustainable model of development that not only reduces dependence on government aid but also promotes inclusive economic growth.

     Learning from Singapore

    Singapore, a small island nation with virtually no natural resources, offers one of the most powerful case studies on the importance of collaboration and strategic partnerships. Under the visionary leadership of Lee Kuan Yew, Singapore transformed itself into a global financial and technological hub in a matter of decades. This transformation was made possible through the government’s strategic partnerships with multinational corporations, academic institutions, and civil society organisations. Singapore’s model underscores the importance of recognising human capital as the most valuable resource for any nation.

    In Nigeria, collaboration across sectors is not just important—it is essential. The government cannot single-handedly deliver development, and the private sector cannot flourish in isolation. Joint ventures between government, businesses, and civil society can drive progress in key areas such as infrastructure, technology, and education. A clear example of this would be addressing Nigeria’s energy crisis. A public-private partnership could leverage both government policy and private sector expertise to develop sustainable, long-term solutions to Nigeria’s persistent electricity shortage. This would not only boost the country’s industrial capabilities but also improve the quality of life for millions of Nigerians.

     Navigating Nigeria’s headwinds

    Crises, whether economic, political, or environmental, test the mettle of a nation’s leaders. Nigeria, like many other nations, faces numerous headwinds, from economic instability and political unrest to global shifts in trade and climate change. The COVID-19 pandemic revealed the vital importance of agile, responsive leadership during times of crisis. Leaders must not only make quick, informed decisions but also communicate effectively with stakeholders to ensure trust and cooperation during difficult times.

    Agility, decisiveness, and clear communication will be critical traits for Nigeria’s leaders as they navigate the complex challenges of the future. Leadership development programs must focus not just on strategic long-term thinking but on equipping leaders with the crisis management skills they will need to respond effectively to emerging challenges. Training leaders in these skills will build resilience at all levels of government, business, and civil society, ensuring that Nigeria is prepared not just to survive but to thrive in an increasingly unpredictable global landscape.

     A call to action

    To thrive amidst these challenges, Nigerian leaders must adopt a forward-looking, transformative leadership model that benefits everyone—from large corporations to small businesses, from individual citizens to entire communities. This leadership model should promote sustainable development, good governance, and inclusive growth.

    Nigeria stands at a pivotal moment in its history, with enormous opportunities for growth and transformation. By embracing a leadership model that prioritises innovation, ethical governance, collaboration, and grassroots empowerment, Nigeria can overcome its current challenges and become a beacon of progress in Africa. The journey ahead will undoubtedly be demanding, but with visionary leadership and a collective commitment to change, the dawn of a new era for Nigeria is within reach. Now, more than ever, leaders across government, business, and civil society must rise to the occasion and work together to create a future where every Nigerian has the opportunity to thrive.

  • Explainer: President Tinubu’s drive for foreign investments

    Explainer: President Tinubu’s drive for foreign investments

    By Temitope Ajayi

    In his independence anniversary broadcast on October 1, President Bola Tinubu enumerated his administration’s efforts to drive foreign direct investments into the country. He noted that within the first 16 months of his administration, the government had attracted over $30 billion in FDI.

    A section of the social media and television punditry that delights in criticising any announcement from the government has gone into overdrive since the broadcast. Led by a desire to put a dagger at any positive news, they have been trying to outdo themselves, all to prove that the president made false claims. Fact-checkers are racing to determine who can fact-check the most. I told a few friends who have harangued me that there is nothing absolute about any fact-checking, especially if the fact-checkers themselves do not know better. It is all a matter of perspectives and what is being checked.

    A distinction should be made between attracting and securing investments. Investments need to be attracted first. Many other processes are involved in the intervening period before they fully crystalise. Many critics are only focused on capital importation. That is a limited view of the investment process.

    It is important to emphasise that attracting local or foreign investments does not mean immediate cash inflow into the economy. Investments could come from new foreign or local investors seeking to establish new ventures in the country or existing investors who want to expand their investments and footprints.

    When President Tinubu attended the G20 Summit in India in August last year, he had the commitments of Indian businessmen who pledged to make a combined $14 billion additional investment in Nigeria. Some of the Indian businessmen have existing businesses in Nigeria. The chairmen of Indorama and Bharti Airtel were in the room with President Tinubu when these announcements were made. The president didn’t impose these commitments on them. They saw the need themselves because of their confidence in the new economic direction being championed by the current administration.

    At the meeting in New Delhi, Airtel chairman Sunil Bharti Mittal said his company planned a $800 million network expansion in Nigeria. In March this year, Airtel started construction of its $500m data centre at the Eko Atlantic City in Lagos.

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    President Tinubu was right in his broadcast speech when he said his administration had attracted more than $30 billion into the country to date. Some of these investments are in-country in the form of machinery and raw materials, some in cash, and some at various stages of final decisions.

    A few days ago, the Special Adviser to the President on Energy, Olu Verheijen, hinted at new investments in the oil sector at a global forum in the USA. We already see statements from key Oil and Gas players to back her up.

    ExxonMobil, during a meeting with Vice President Kashim Shettima in New York last week, revealed its plan to invest $10 billion in Nigeria’s deep waters to increase the nation’s crude oil output. Similarly, Total Energies announced a final decision on a $550 million investment in non-associated gas exploration and production. All these were based on President Tinubu’s Executive Orders for the Oil and Gas Sector.

    Based on pronouncements by various companies and investors since the Tinubu administration took office, the following represents a summary of the new round of investments that are committed to Nigeria:

     1. ExxonMobil – $10 billion: ExxonMobil commits to invest the announced sum in expanding Nigeria’s deep water oil production.

     2. India – $14 billion: During President Tinubu’s visit to India, a range of investments were announced, including, Indorama’s $8 billion plan to expand its petrochemical and fertiliser plant in Nigeria; Bharti Airtel’s $800 million for network expansion, and Jindal Steel’s $3 billion for steel production.

     3. Coca-Cola—$1 billion: Coca-Cola’s global leadership recently visited President Tinubu and re-committed to the $1 billion they announced in 2021 to expand its distribution network and product range. Coca-Cola paused the investment in 2021 and is now ready to continue because the government is currently addressing some of the fiscal policy issues that delayed the investment.

     4. APPL – €9.2 billion: Alternative Petroleum & Power Ltd (APPL) is developing the Hydrogen Polis project to produce green hydrogen derivatives like green methanol and ammonia in Akwa Ibom State. The project includes 1,650 MW of renewable energy and will create 25,000 direct and indirect jobs.

     5. Maersk—$600 million: Maersk is investing in Nigeria’s port infrastructure to increase cargo capacity and improve logistics.

     6. Arise – $3.5 billion: Arise Integrated Industrial Platform is focusing on revitalizing Nigeria’s cotton and textile industries. Afrexim Bank supports this investment.

     7. Afrexim – $5 billion: Afreximbank’s support includes a $5 billion country risk guarantee and funding mechanisms to support various projects, particularly in the manufacturing and energy sectors.

     8. Shell – More than $3 billion: Shell’s investment is mainly directed at expanding LNG production, renewable energy projects, and infrastructure development within Nigeria’s energy sector.

    9. Total Energies / NNPC Project Ubeta: $550m

    Taken together, these are positive signs of the impact that the administration’s policies are having on the investment landscape in Nigeria. They speak to faith in the government’s policies, the Nigerian economy, and the Nigerian people. That the president highlighted this success story should be celebrated and certainly not be a cause for needless criticism.

    The issues here remain that these commitments are real, and the president is working hard to create an economic and political environment that will make Nigeria a destination of choice for local and foreign investments. It is in our collective interest that these commitments fully mature. Our economy and people also benefit when businesses come here and do well.

    •Ajayi is Senior Special Assistant to the President on Media and Publicity.