Category: Comments

  • Leveraging cooperatives for national development

    Leveraging cooperatives for national development

    By Nurudeen Aderinto

    In November 2023, the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA), declared 2025 as the International Year of Cooperatives, marking a significant recognition of the vital role cooperatives play in social and economic development. The resolution urged member states to provide necessary support to cooperatives in their respective domains in order to ensure that cooperative enterprises are more successful in their objectives.

    This decision follows the success of the first International Year of Cooperatives in 2012, which helped raise global awareness about the importance of cooperatives in promoting sustainable development.

    The objectives of the International Year of Cooperatives include promotion of cooperatives’ contribution to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), support for legislative environment and global awareness on collaboration, amongst others.

    The International Cooperative Alliance has posited that cooperative members represent 12% of humanity and the three million cooperative enterprises on earth act together to build a better world. According to the World Cooperative Monitor (WCM) in its 2023 report, the top 300 cooperative enterprises had a turnover of USD2.409 trillion in the year 2021. None of these top 300 cooperatives is in Nigeria; the only one in Africa is in Kenya. This speaks volumes to Nigeria’s acclaimed status as the Giant of Africa and the need for us to do things differently in order to tap into the humongous potentials of cooperatives in various aspects of our national life.

    Can we, as a people, leverage democratic economy, as it is done in the United Kingdom that made an income of £87.9billion from that economy in 2023 from 9,113 Independent Businesses, 411,634 people working in the economy and over 74 million members? Or in the Republic of Korea where Nonghyup (National Agricultural Cooperative Federation – NACF) had a turnover of $61.17 billion in 2021?

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    Why we need to go this route is that the significance of cooperative enterprises (aka democratic economy) has been established for economic empowerment through poverty alleviation, job creation, access to capital; social development through community development, education and training, equality and inclusion; agricultural advancement through improved agricultural practices, market access; governance and sustainability through democratic governance, sustainability; infrastructure development through rural development, energy and utility; policy and advocacy through policy influence and capacity building.

    Thus, the Cooperative Movement can play crucial roles in Nigeria’s development by empowering individuals economically, fostering social inclusion, advancing agriculture, ensuring good governance, developing infrastructure, and influencing policy. This collective approach to addressing common needs and goals can significantly contribute to the nation’s sustainable development and socio-economic progress.

    Recognizing the importance of the Cooperative Movement to the attainment of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), the Renewed Hope administration is, therefore, urged to take advantage of the UNGA resolution declaring the year 2025 as the International Year of Cooperative to use the various apparatus of the state to support far-reaching sustainable reforms of Cooperative Movement in Nigeria. This could include, but not limited to, overarching legislative framework for effective and sustainable regulation of the cooperative enterprises in Nigeria; appropriate positioning of various executive departments/agencies charged with the development of the Cooperative Movement in Nigeria; robustly reliable identity management system and analytics for the cooperative enterprises and the co-operators; development of a fit-for-purpose, home-grown, National Cooperative Development Fund (NCDF) that will enhance access to capital for the co-operators; sustainable inclusion of the underserved communities, such as differently-abled people, women and young people into the Cooperative Movement for economic and social development.

    These communities of people should be encouraged to leverage Cooperative Movement to build self-help groups with the philosophy of “One for All” and “All for One”. The philosophy of “One for All and All for One” is a timeless principle that advocates for unity, mutual support, and shared responsibility. This emphasizes the importance of working together and looking out for one another, creating a foundation for strong and resilient communities. This will further entrench inclusive communities where peace and harmony prevail. There is no gainsaying the fact that many of our compatriots are going through trying times at the moment. The philosophy of “One for All” and “One for All”, if properly leveraged, will provide the required succour to our people. So, the philosophy is advised to be sustainably leveraged by keying into the program of the International Year of Cooperative.

    As the UN launches a-year-long International Year of Cooperatives under the theme “Cooperatives Build A Better World” at the International Cooperative Alliance (ICA) Conference in New Delhi on November 25, the Renewed Hope administration is respectfully urged to activate various responsible organs of the administration to key into this initiative and comply with UNGA resolution on the declaration of the year 2025 as the International Year of Cooperative.

    The Federal Ministry of Youth Development has a huge role to play in this in organizing the young people into sustainably picking interest in leveraging the Cooperative Movement for their development as well as the growth of their communities. There is a need to organize various targeted programs that will address the various interest groups of the young people.

    There is also a need to put the necessary legislative machinery in motion to provide the necessary legislative support for the Cooperative Movement in Nigeria. One of these is the possibility of upgrading the Federal Department of Cooperatives (FDC) into a stand-alone commission, or at least, reassigning it, so that it will come under the supervision of the federal ministry in charge of industries, trade and investment.

    Reassigning the FDC to the Federal Ministry of Industry, Trade, and Investment would be a strategic decision that aligns with Nigeria’s economic development goals. It will provide the opportunity to leverage the full potential of cooperatives across all sectors, enhance access to markets and investments, and provide the necessary support for sustainable growth. This move will drive economic diversification, job creation, and overall national prosperity, ensuring that cooperatives contribute more effectively to Nigeria’s economic transformation in the Renewed Hope Agenda of this administration.

    This strategic move should be made during the UNGA-declared International Year of Cooperative in 2025. Doing this will make Nigeria join the league of nations on this best practice because, globally, many countries have recognized the benefits of aligning cooperative development with industry, trade, and investment ministries. Examples of these countries include Canada, Germany, India,  Kenya, South Africa, United Kingdom, just to name a few. In these countries, cooperative development is often supported by the Ministry of Commerce and Industry, particularly through initiatives aimed at small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) and the broader industrial sector.

    Earlier, UNGA had adopted resolution 76/135 on “Cooperatives in Social Development” through which the Assembly drew the attention of governments to “the recommendations contained in the report of the Secretary-General to focus support on cooperatives as sustainable and successful business enterprises that contribute directly to decent employment generation, poverty and hunger eradication, education, social protection, including universal health coverage, financial inclusion and the creation of affordable housing options across a variety of economic sectors in urban and rural areas and to review existing legislation and regulations to make the national legal and regulatory environment more conducive to the creation and growth of cooperatives by improving existing laws and regulations and/or by establishing new ones, especially in the areas of access to capital, autonomy, competitiveness and fair taxation.”

    It further invites “Governments, in collaboration with the cooperative movement, to develop programmes aimed at enhancing the capacity-building of cooperatives, including by strengthening the organizational, management and financial skills of their members, while respecting the principles of gender equality and the empowerment of women and girls, and to introduce and support programmes to improve the access of cooperatives to new technologies.”

    Let us leverage the Cooperative Movement to build a better world.

    •Aderinto a social technologist writes from Abuja.

  • Joe Ajaero, DSS and Fuel Price Hike

    Joe Ajaero, DSS and Fuel Price Hike

    Tunde Rahman

    By the time the Department of State Services released Nigeria Labour Congress President, Comrade Joe Ajaero, last Monday evening September 9, he had become contrite, remorseful and perhaps ashamed of his uninformed action. The labour leader was invited twice by the secret police and twice he failed to honour the invitation. As I learnt, during the second invitation, Ajaero even told the new DSS boss who telephoned him that he was traveling out of the country and could only honour the invitation on his return. What an insufferable arrogance! However, unbeknownst to him, at the behest of the police and Office of the National Security Adviser, which have been investigating him, the DSS had placed him on a ‘Watch list.’

    For failing to honour the invitation, the SSS operatives promptly arrested him at the Nnamdi Azikwe International Airport, Abuja on Monday morning as he arrived to board his flight to London. He was whisked to DSS office in Abuja where the police interrogated him for his alleged infractions, which remain yet unstated. It is instructive to state that the DSS, according to official sources, has nothing against Ajaero. However, the service arrested him so he can respond to the allegations levelled against him by the police. That interrogation was said to have been conducted within the DSS premises with his lawyer in attendance.

    When the interrogation was over and Ajaero was released on bail, the DSS took him home in a well-fortified security vehicle early enough on Monday night. He was then asked to break the news of his release to his associates by himself. Unknown to many, the NLC president himself delayed the announcement of his release till almost midnight that same Monday for reasons known to him.

     I have gone to this length to narrate Ajaero’s encounter with the DSS based on the information I garnered from sources close to the service in order to demonstrate that the NLC president was not picked up at the airport for no unjustifiable reason, as many may want us to believe and that he was not in any way manhandled by the service during the period of the arrest.

    On the contrary, he was reportedly treated with respect and decorum, and his rights fully respected. The DSS explained to him that not honouring the invitation extended to him was a grave error on his part, which he allegedly admitted and reportedly apologised.

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     With that background, it is evident that the United Kingdom Trade Union Congress, which intervened in the matter and attacked the present administration for alleged intolerance and violation of Ajaero’s fundamental human rights without justification, did not understand the issues involved and what actually transpired. The TUC-UK is one organisation lawyers would label a meddlesome interloper in this matter. And it was just fit and appropriate that the Presidency had given the association the response it rightly deserved.

    For crying out loud, why would a labour leader deserving of that name or more precisely, why would an Ajaero who is the NLC president not honour a lawful invitation by a legal entity like the Nigeria Police?

    It would appear Ajaero deliberately acted the way he did in order to further heat up the polity that has already become tense over the fuel situation or to befuddle the matter of his arrest in a bid to embarrass the government.

    I will return to the matter of Premium Motor Spirit shortly.

    Just like Ajaero would want it to act, the NLC behaved in a way typical of the union. Without interrogating what actually happened, the Congress slammed the Federal Government with a midnight deadline to order Ajaero’s release, otherwise government should be ready for a showdown.

    Affiliate organisations of the Labour Union were placed on Red Alert, following an emergency meeting of the National Administrative Council of the NLC in Abuja in reaction to the arrest. They were directed to mobilise for a confrontation with the government if the NLC president was not released by midnight.

    Why is labour so recalcitrant and inflexible, why does the union always resort to protest, in spite of the present government’s demonstration of good faith with them? Why is labour always dangling the strike option at the snap of their fingers?

    The other day and despite the then-ongoing negotiations with the government and Organised Private Sector, labour still called for a strike over the National Minimum Wage, disrupting business activities in some parts of the country, particularly aviation operations in Lagos and Abuja. In the end, after its ineffective industrial action, labour returned to the negotiation table with the government and OPS during which a new N70,000 National Minimum Wage was agreed upon. The two unions even got an icing on the cake, as President Bola Tinubu directed a three-yearly review of the NMW as opposed to the existing every five years review.

    The President Tinubu administration has shown good faith, trust in labour, and belief in what a harmonious relationship the government and labour unions can contribute to nation building and a stable polity. It is high time labour reciprocated this appropriately.

    On the matter of the fuel situation, I mean the recent increase in pump price of PMS, which Ajaero obviously wanted to load up with his arrest to create another confusion, there is also a need for some clarifications. In the wake of the hike in the pump price of petrol from N617 to N897 per litre, while calling for an immediate reversal of the increase, the NLC had claimed the hike was a breach of the agreement it reached with the government during the minimum wage negotiations where it came down from its demand of N250,000 to N70,000. In a statement signed by Comrade Ajaero, Labour claimed it had an understanding with the government that there would be no further increase based on which it agreed to the N70,000 NMW. However, those who attended the negotiations and witnessed as the negotiating parties reached an agreement said there was no such understanding. I believe Ajaero and the other labour leaders know the true position of things and are merely engaging in subterfuge.

    Truth is the recent hike was a difficult pill for government to swallow. President Bola Tinubu recently said In Beijing, China while addressing the Nigerian Community there that if there was a better option, the government would have taken it. The Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation Limited had long informed the government it was not covering its cost, arguing that with the unification of the multiple exchange rates that earlier existed, the company now required more money for the foreign exchange it would need for fuel importation. NNPCL argued that the matter was not helped by the high debt it owed suppliers. According to the corporation, in order to guarantee fuel availability, there is a need for an increase that would be close to the cost of making the products available. And because the PMS price in Nigeria is about the lowest within the sub-region, smuggling walked on all fours as the products is being smuggled across the border.

    We can argue that government needs to double up its efforts in checking smuggling, and that would be right. However, fuel availability must be guaranteed in the interim while efforts are being made to drive down the cost including warding off smuggling.

    Availability is expected to be further assured with Dangote Refinery now coming on stream.

    Indeed, the announcement on Friday that the Federal Government had finally reached an agreement with Dangote Refinery on the commercial terms for the supply of crude oil to the refinery and the off-take of its PMS is heart-warming. Following the agreement, the government announced that the distribution of petrol from the refinery would commence on Monday September 16 with an initial 25 million litres per day. Under the agreement, NNPCL will be the sole off-taker of petrol from Dangote Refinery while diesel from the facility will be sold directly to any interested marketer.

    And as a buffer for the gradual reduction in the demand for PMS, the government is also speeding up efforts on the Compressed Natural Gas Initiative. Already, the government has commenced the distribution of CNG conversion kits and cylinders to transport unions in the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, Kogi, Nasarawa and Niger states under a plan aimed at converting one million commercial vehicles free across the country in the next two years. As opposed to PMS that is around N897 or N900 per litre, CNG costs between N230 and N300 per kilogram.

    In my view, the Federal Government must now begin the implementation of the NMW and get the Organised Private Sector to also toe the same line to stem labour’s seeming uneasiness. Arrears on the NMW must also be paid to win over the hearts of workers. This is also where the governors must immediately come in as well. The increasing revenue now going to them should come handy in implementing the new minimum wage.

    •Rahman is a Senior Presidential Aide.

  • How Harris won the debate

    How Harris won the debate

    United States Vice President Kamala Harris is making a strong bid to enter into history books as her country’s first ever female commander-in-chief, and she’s having a roll. She dramatically reshaped the presidential race after she was tapped for the Democratic ticket less than five months to election day when President Joe Biden abruptly pulled his stalled re-election bid in July. Now, she’s further paved her path towards the White House with a commanding performance in her first match-up against Republican nominee and former president, Donald Trump. She’s aced her moments so far and the tides are swaying in her favour.

    The presidential debate in Philadelphia last Tuesday night – exactly eight weeks before election day – was the first face-to-face encounter between Harris and Trump who are locked in a tight race. The Democratic and Republican nominees went head-to-head at the event hosted by ABC news network that was advertised to run for 90 minutes with two commercial breaks, but which lasted for about an hour and 45 minutes. There was no live audience on hand, only debate moderators at the venue where the candidates stood behind short podiums some six to eight feet apart in a small, blue-lit amphitheater. But you could see the beauty of democracy as they submitted to grilling in their quest to make their arguments to American voters.

    Trump won the virtual coin toss before the start of the presidential debate, but that’s about all he won at the event. From the opening moments when Harris strode over to his podium and wringed a handshake out of him, she dictated the terms and tenor of their clash and from her general perception couldn’t have had a better night. She brimmed with positive vibes, swaggered with charming smiles, skirted tricky issues and needled her opponent repeatedly. Trump, on the other hand, scowled much of the time, strained at restraining his famous ill-temper, blasted America as failing and was repeatedly thrown off his game. The ex-president, who had gone into the debate promising he would prove the maxim by boxing champ Mike Tyson that “everyone has a plan until they get punched in the mouth,” was thrown multiple jabs by Harris but landed few in return.

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    For a debate that polling had showed some 28 percent of likely American voters saying they felt the need to learn more about Harris while just nine percent said same about Trump, the vice president’s performance fed into that room for potential expansion in her support base. That effect was amply illustrated by one of music industry’s biggest stars, Taylor Swift, who barely as the debate closed endorsed Harris and her running mate, Minnesota Governor Tim Walz, in an Instagram post. “I will be casting my vote for Kamala Harris and Tim Walz in the 2024 presidential election. I’m voting for @kamalaharris because she fights for the rights and causes I believe need a warrior to champion them,” she wrote in the post. Trump, for his part, did not seem eager to change perceptions about his dystopian objectives for the American presidency and often appeared as if he wished he was yet debating Biden who he had mincemeated in their encounter last June, leading to Biden’s campaign tanking and forcing his withdrawal from the race.

    The debate was mainly issue-based but plied by both Harris and Trump with arguments targeted at exposing each other’s personality failings. Although the two candidates shook hands to begin their encounter, it was clear enough they had not hit it off as the debate moderators grilled then on their perspectives about the economy, abortion, climate change and foreign policy issues like the raging Russia-Ukraine conflict, China and the Israel-Hamas war among others. If debates are won and lost on which candidate best took advantage of issues on which they are strong and deflected in areas that hobbles them, Harris got an edge over Trump. And if debates were to decide electoral wins, the vice president would be home and dry for the Democrats even ahead of election day on 5th November. But U.S. electoral history shows debates don’t determine election wins and candidates who triumph on the debate stage don’t always come out tops at the ballot box. Both Trump in 2016 in a match with former First Lady Hillary Clinton, and former President George W. Bush in 2004 against current climate envoy, Senator John Kerry, were adjudged to have lost debates to their rivals but went on to win the White House.

    In last Tuesday’s derby, Harris repeatedly rattled the former president with personal attacks that threw him off his message. Her digs about the size of his rally crowds, his conduct during the 2000 Capitol riot and officials who served in his administration but have turned fierce critics of his campaign repeatedly forced Trump onto the back foot. The vice president’s tack for much of the night was to goad her Republican rival into making extended defences of his past behaviour and comments, and in that process get thrown off attacks he could have plied against her own vulnerabilities. Ahead of the debate, Harris’s campaign had pushed for a review of the rule stipulating that the mike of the candidate whose turn it wasn’t to speak be muted. But even though she didn’t get her way, the vice president deployed her skills as a career prosecutor to repeatedly bait Trump; and he swallowed the bait most of the time, raised his voice sometimes and scowled at viewers at other times.

    Time and time again during the debate, Harris backed Trump against the wall with jabs and barbs he should have ignored but couldn’t resist responding to. Her playbook apparently was to challenge his hegemonic masculinity, like when she needled the ex-president about his rally crowds and his capacity to engage them. “People start leaving the rallies early out of exhaustion and boredom,” she said. That claim unsettled Trump sufficiently to throw him off spending his speaking time on his main areas of strength like the economy and immigration, and rather to defend his rally sizes and belittle hers. The ex-president went from there to an extended riff on an already debunked rumour that Haitian immigrants in Springfield, Ohio were abducting and eating their neighbour’s pets. Against repeated boasts by Trump that world leaders dread him, Harris said those leaders were rather laughing at him.

    While the candidates’ respective gender was not expressly at issue during the debate, there was an undercurrent of gender dynamics in the encounter that Harris exploited to her advantage. She got the upper hand easily over Trump in the conversation about abortion rights, for instance. Besides, she postured as the underdog faced up against irrational masculine aggression by Trump whose Achilles heel had always included a misogynistic air he carries around. Even after the debate, Harris claimed to still be the underdog. At a debate watch-party by supporters where she headed from the encounter with the ex-president, she said she and Walz were “still the underdogs” but projected positivity for the remainder of the electioneering. Trump, on the other hand, headed to a media spin room where he insisted he won the debate and, like all match losers who blame their loss on bad refereeing, alleged a gang-up with Harris by the debate moderators. “I was very happy with the result… I thought this was my best debate,” he told Fox News host Sean Hannity, arguing that he thought Harris didn’t do very well. “It was obviously 3-on-1,” he added, referencing an emergent narrative among his supporters that the moderators treated him unfairly.

    Harris won the debate because she had a strategy drawn up from painstaking preparation. Reports said she hired a sparring partner always dressed in Trump’s signature red tie, studied recordings of Trump’s past debate encounters, and took detailed briefings from Hillary and Biden who had debated Trump before. Trump rather had informal policy briefing sessions for his preparation.

    There are useful lessons for Nigeria in the encounter. Debate by candidates enriches the democracy experience and compels political actors seeking votes in an election to present themselves for simultaneous assessment by the electorate. This should become a requirement in our electoral system because respective campaign events do not offer opportunity for such simultaneous assessment. Such events get attended only by supporters of the different candidates. Debates also compel candidates to focus on issues and articulate these in a manner that can be interrogated, not the wild claims that get made on the hustings where attendees are drooling supporters and no second guessers. Debates are no substitute for credible elections, but they go a long way in making elections credible.

    Harris had a good night in her match with Trump, but debates alone don’t win elections. She must push on for a good day on 5th November if she would keep her date with history.

    •Please join me on kayodeidowu.blogspot.be for conversation.     

  • Why Nigeria Air must fly

    Why Nigeria Air must fly

    By Chike Okolocha

     The recent ruling by Justice Ambrose Lewis-Alagoa of a Lagos High Court has finally put Nigeria Air in perfect perspective. The learned judge granted that the agreement between the federal government and Ethiopian Airlines which ceded a majority shareholding in the suspended Nigeria Air to Ethiopian Airlines was exclusionary. He duly declared it null and void and of no effect. Although the judge granted most of the reliefs sought by the plaintiffs, it is instructive that he held that they did not suffer any injury from the nullified transaction and duly dismissed the N2 billion damages they claimed as recompense.

    So, who are these traducers? They are the Registered Trustees of the Airline Operators of Nigeria (AON), Azman Air Services, Air Peace, Max Air, United Nigeria Airline and Topbrass Aviation. These are the self-same entities that have held the Nigerian civil aviation sector by the jugular, keeping it from rising above utter mediocrity. In spite of all their grandstanding, air travel has recessed into infantilism since the ill-advised liquidation of Nigeria Airways, an action that marked the surrender of the Nigerian civil aviation airspace to local operators. No less a body as IATA has rebuked them for poor services and sustainability issues and, accordingly, supported the popular call for the establishment a Full-Service Carrier (FSC) in the country.

    Whereas it is incontrovertible that the former Aviation Minister, Hadi Sirika, was woeful in his birthing of Nigeria Air, he confessed that no Nigerian airline showed interest in the project before he concluded the ill-fated alliance with Ethiopian Airlines. These local airlines are the main agonists who trenchantly declaim that government has no business in airline business (and, probably, all other businesses). It is unfortunate that the golden opportunity offered them through the liquidation of Nigeria Airways has been abused and wasted. If you ask them, they are mute and cannot explain why Ethiopian Airlines, a wholly government-owned business is very successful even without government subsidies. They are also lost with respect to the success of Egypt Air, Royal Air Maroc and many other government-owned airlines including the almighty Emirates, Etihad and Qatar Airlines.

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    If Nigerian government truly has no business in aviation business, why did the Minister of Aviation travel to faraway Seattle in the United States to negotiate a concessional deal for the perennially defaulting Nigerian private airlines with Boeing, the mammoth American aircraft manufacturer?

    Having vigorously campaigned for foreign investment, we are now told by Festus Keyamo, the Aviation Minister, that the deal with Ethiopian Airlines was unfavourable because it would have facilitated foreign domination of the aviation industry. So, what manner of foreign investment do we want in the civil aviation sector? How is the 49% equity in Nigeria Air offered to Ethiopian Airlines different from the 49% equity in Virgin Nigeria offered to Virgin Atlantic Airlines by the same federal government of Nigeria?

    You may recall that government unveiled Nigeria Air with fanfare at the Farnborough Air Show in England on July 18, 2018, a bold step taken to replace Nigeria Airways which was liquidated in 2003 ostensibly because of corruption and mismanagement. Why was liquidation the preferred option of the federal government? It is public knowledge that American and European airlines that were troubled by incompetent management and malevolent market forces at the time were rescued by governments, not liquidated. Without government bailouts, it is unlikely that most airlines would have survived the devastating effects of COVID-19.

    As you read these lines, Belgian authorities are deploying legal and political strategies to save the ailing Air Belgium, a private airline. By rescuing their troubled airlines, American and European governments saved thousands of jobs while we shunted employees of Nigeria Airways into unemployment, poverty and misery. It is most disquieting that the belated but welcome effort to replace Nigeria Airways is now being scuttled a few stakeholders to protect their narrow selfish interests.

    Assuming that the federal government was not inclined to bailing out Nigeria Airways because it was not interested in business, why did it also refuse to prosecute the shenanigans that crippled the airline even when two panels of enquiry which convened at public expense had publicly identified them? Why do we blame mis-mangers and corrupt administrators when government chose to let them off?

    The established norm of naming corrupt persons or suspects adopted by the EFCC is of no effect if the culprits are allowed to enjoy their booty in freedom. Without deterrent action against corrupt individuals, wars against corruption are invariably futile. In the midst of the current economic crunch, how are we going explain a budget provision of N85.6 billion between 2019 and 2023 for a failed airline? What about the preliminary costs of US$8.8 million and the projected take-off costs of US$300 million? Hopefully, these monies have not all been frittered and may still be available for the new airline.

    Rather than throw away the baby with the dirty bathwater as was the case with Nigeria Airways, we should not allow Nigeria Air to die. Even the blind can see that all our indigenous airline operators can never meet demands for local and international air travel. IATA has already determined that in the period 2019-2035, air passenger growth in Nigeria will surpass that in the rest of Africa. Nigeria Air is an insightful and timely intervention to cope with this foreseen trend. Further, it is a well-known fact that we are cheated in the matter of bilateral air services agreement (BASA) between Nigeria and other countries. Only a government-backed FSC can hope to hold up a candle in this area.

    Even more disconcerting is the idea being peddled by local airline operators that the “Nigerian factor” will not allow a Nigerian government-backed airline to fly. The “Nigerian factor” epitomises abject self-abnegation which sustains Nigeria’s wholesale dependence on Euro-American and Asian economies. It strangulates confidence and consigns us to our proverbial and historical subservience in the comity of nations. It also rationalises chicanery and incompetence in governance.

    How do you justify the idea that the government of the “giant of Africa” cannot find a few competent and altruistic persons to run an airline?  Nigerians and all others promoting this negative worldview are allowing their narrow self-absorption to override our national interest. If Ethiopians can find an Ethiopian, Mesfin Tasew Bekele, to run a profitable, world class Ethiopian Airlines from Addis Ababa, we can undoubtedly find a similar Nigerian to run Nigeria Air from Abuja!

    While the sleeping African giant has been on the drawing board to establish an airline since 2018, it took the tiny Kingdom of Eswatini only two years to put the government-owned airline, Eswatini Air, into service and the airline has been running profitably since 2023. It is also curious that while the naysayers are claiming that the federal government cannot and should not run an airline, Akwa Ibom State is successfully operating its own airline, Ibom Air.

    Those opposed to Nigeria Air on whatever grounds are willy-nilly in alliance with international hegemons currently in control of the status quo. To them, a viable Nigeria Air poses a potential threat to the lucrative Nigerian routes and should therefore not be allowed to fly. A similar argument has been made in the surprising doubletalk on Dangote Refinery. It is in the interest of Nigeria, her people and her economy to immediately reactivate Nigeria Air and put it into service.

    •Prof Okolocha is president, Social Science Academy of Nigeria (SSAN)

  • Local government or local administration: Which way?

    Local government or local administration: Which way?

    By ‘Gbade Ojo

    It is absurd that ever since 1954 Lyttleton constitution which laid the foundation of classical federation for the country, Nigerians are yet to make-up their minds which model of federalism in terms of tiers of government that should be adopted. In the First Republic, Nigeria operated British parliamentary system of government which crashed with the first military intervention in government and politics in 1966. In 1979, at the inauguration of the Second Republic, Nigeria opted for the American presidential system all-hog without taking into consideration the existential realities of the country.

    Whereas, ideal federal states are fragmented into several localities not only to enhance decentralization, which is the hallmark of federalism, but to enhance effective administration. For instance, in the United States of America, which is the model of federalism that Nigeria aped wrongly, according to one estimate, there are a total of over 83,000 local governments even without counting school districts; while Nigeria has a total of 774 local governments without counting the newly created Local Council Development Areas (LCDAs) that are not recognized by the 1999 constitution (as amended).

    It should be noted that federal government is a multiplicity of “locale” of development, all the 36 states, including Abuja the federal capital territory, constitutes another level of development, and that is still different from the 774 councils. As it were, developmental efforts are supposed to be expedited because very many issues are begging for attention more so at the grassroots level. But, presently in the country, there are a number of factors contributing to local government administrative inertia. Without gainsaying, development appears to have been “arrested” at the local level. Whereas, one of the dominant reasons for the existence of local governments is to facilitate the delivery of basic municipal services; those services are critical to the urban and rural residents, their prosperity as well as their ability to function optimally.

    An examination of urban and even rural service provisions in Nigeria reveals that it is very poor. This is particularly the case with the municipal services that fall within the traditional roles of local governments. It will be recalled that local councils were quite efficient in immediate post independent Nigeria. A typical example was the defunct Ibadan Municipal Government (IMG) in the Old Oyo State. That council was well-known for efficient service delivery in terms of maintenance of markets and maintenance of law and order by its local police – the Akodas – but its fragmentation into eleven smaller units, which curtailed its financial viability coupled with long years of military interregnum and brazen corruption, have changed the story to a sad one. This parlous state of local government is replicated in virtually all over the country. Even councils in commercial cities of the country making a lot of money through Internally Generated Revenue (IGR) are equally paralysed owing to managerial, administrative and financial incompetence, all of which are further worsened by lack of imagination. Why is the system so?

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    As rightly postulated by the Holy Writ, in Psalm 11:3 – “when foundations of law and order have collapsed, what can the righteous do?” – Nigeria’s third tier of government is beset with foundational problems. Ab initio we are still unable to distinguish between local government and local administration. For the former, it must be reasonably autonomous and members of the council elected. Without proper election which should not be a sham or a farce that our governors are known for, giving us local administration rather than a local government per se. No wonder, they are not in any way accountable to the electorate but the governors that selected them and got them imposed on the councils. For local government to operate per se, they must be properly elected.

    How does one explains a winner takes all syndrome whereby in virtually all the states of the federation, ruling parties have been dominating the local scene with the governors’ parties whether popular or unpopular, are winning all the councils including council areas where the governors may be unpopular during their electoral contests? Hence, the clamour in the land for now is: give us local government system with reasonable autonomy. To do otherwise, is to run a two- tier federal arrangement where states subsume local governments. With that arrangement, the constitution should not prescribe the number of local government areas. Each state should be allowed to create whatever number of councils they can carry. The fiscal implication would be that only federal and state governments begin to share revenue. Each state then gives whatever percentage to their local council areas which they created. Until that is one, before we can get away from the current delusion that we have local governments in existence.

    The extant warped federal arrangement vis-à-vis local government system is absurd for federal government to create local councils for states thereby bringing about asymmetric relationship. States with smaller population areas in the North were endowed with more local government areas than their counterparts in the South! The best way to wriggle out is to discard with the extant constitution which is more of a unitary system than a federal one. The confession of late Prof. Ben Nwabueze that they deliberately drafted a unitary constitution in disguise to enhance strong centre is enough to put into abeyance the unworkable ground norm the ongoing piecemeal amendments is nothing but mere tokenism.

    Aside from the problem of nomenclature which devils the third tier in Nigeria, corruption is a child’s play at the upper echelon of government when compared to what obtains at the grassroots level. The performance of the local government functionaries presumed to be closer to the people and thus, to be a catalyst to rural and urban development seems opposed to what they were either elected or handpicked to do. At a public function, former President Olusegun Obasanjo indicted the local government administrators for lack of focus and indifference to the socio-economic needs of their people. Their governing styles, he said, ‘had engendered so much cynicism that the federal government was being warned that this may be a particularly difficult front for the war against corruption’. Nigerians have since moved away from ‘cynicism’ to indignation and outrage. Corruption in Nigeria’s local government system has been pervasive, open and shameless!

    Be that as it may, to compound the situation one cannot lose sight of the overbearing influence of state governors who have been described as “emperors”. Their perception of autonomous local government councils, no doubt, is like a reduction in their power and influence this is why they are all in unison in terms of aversion to local council autonomy. They lack confidence in council administrators’ to be able to manage their affairs independently with little or no supervision. Governors know how best to manipulate state ministries of local governments and the local government service commissions, along with the Joint Accounts Allocation Committee (JAC) to achieve their nefarious ambitions. Local government funds are cornered to execute projects with the governors taking credit rather than the councils.

    Conclusively, the next thing is to consider how best to activate the local councils to make them fit to discharge their traditional and constitutional responsibilities effectively. Here, the all-time recommendations of Luther Gulick (1957) becomes apt some of them are: (i) the need to develop a fiscal system for the metropolitan governments in its own right, so that; (a) the wealth, power and credit of the area as a whole may be mobilized for the solution of the over-all problems of the area; (b) the sudden new wealth created through the activities of the metropolitan government may make a fair contribution towards the cost; and (c) the fortuitous tax resources of one lucky sub-region may contribute to support the basic community requirements of another small sub-unit which has no such metropolitan government with suitable arms for (a) analysis, comprehensive and balanced planning, and (b) policy decision-making and (c) execution amongst others. What a best way to keep both government and political decisions “closer to the people”.

    The earlier we re-invent the warped federal system the better for the over-all development of the country.

    •Prof. Ojo a one-time former Chief of Staff to late Gov. Ajimobi of Oyo State, teaches Political Science, at the University of Ilorin, Kwara State.

  • The NES Award and my reform journey with economists

    The NES Award and my reform journey with economists

    • By Tunji Olaopa

    At the just-concluded 65th annual conference of the Nigerian Economic Society (NES) in Abuja, one of the highlights of the yearly ritual was the conferment of the 2024 Distinguished Economic Service Award on seven eminent Nigerians. And yours sincerely is one of the awardees. This is one award that holds a fundamental significance among all the other ones I have been conferred with. And the singular reason is that this conferment articulates a significant plank in my institutional and governance reforms campaign in Nigeria. That plank insists that there is an intellectual component in the imperative of institutional reform that demands a collaborative engagement between professionals and academics/intellectuals. This is because a crucial part of the diagnosis of reform failure in Nigeria is the failure to understand that reform itself has an intellectual and theoretical basis that many reformers are not aware of. We deride theories as if they have no practical import. There is no one engaging with Nigeria and her development dynamics that would not get involved in conversation with economics and economists. This is why associations like NES and the National Economic Summit Group (NESG) are critical to the understanding of Nigeria’s governance and economic predicaments, and how we can find a way or ways out of the woods.

    I deeply appreciate Prof. Adeola Adenikinju, president of NES and the entire governing council for this unquantifiable honor. It is an honor I would never have expected, but one I am delighted about so much. That my essentially basic understanding of the economic and developmental component of institutional reform is noticed by an erudite association is no mean feat. My reflection on this critical award therefore enables me to connect my conversations and collaborations with economists and economic discourses with my institutional reform agenda. And all these come together around the trajectory of the mentoring experience I had with the late Prof. Ojetunji Aboyade, great economist, erudite scholar and president of the NES from 1973 to 1974, and indeed my townsman and a singular influence on my professional and intellectual maturation. Those who understand my relationship with Aboyade—the fact that I literally grew up in his formidable but mentoring shadows at Aáwé and in the presidency—would immediately understand why I had no choice in my reverence for economists.

    Under the tutelage of Aboyade, my entry point into the public administration scholarship was through public policy implementation research, which had the likes of Jeffrey Pressman and Aaron Wildavsky as the key pioneers. Their groundbreaking 1973 book, Implementation, grounds implementation studies as a subfield of public policy research. Indeed, from that book, I began to notice early in time the role that politics and policymaking play in facilitating a near-seamless implementation process in administrative reforms. Most significantly, the authors insisted that the evaluation of policies and their implementation are two different issues that must not be conflated. As a young researcher, I immediately saw the sense in seeing implementation, according to Pressman and Wildavsky, as “the ability to forge subsequent links in the causal chains so as to obtain the desired results.” Hence, once this causal chain involved in implementation is longer than necessary, the more complex the implementation becomes. Or, in the case of Nigeria—as I would eventually see, the longer the implementation chain, the more definite it becomes that bad politics has intervened.

    With this as my starting point, it was not too long for me to make a research entry into the discursive space of institutional economics, and the relationship between institutions and the capacities they generate in economic actors that lead to innovation, performance and productivity. The theoretical relationship and disagreements between the old and new institutionalism, especially on the compatibility of individual agency and social structure eventually would play a deep role in articulating the emergence of the managerial revolution that backstopped the new public management (NPM) movement around which the global public administration praxis was designed. The NPM is the managerial attempt to unseat the bureaucratic stasis that has kept the Weberian system ineffective, inefficient and unproductive. Indeed, within the Nigerian administrative context, it has made it quite difficult to birth a developmental state.

    The idea of the developmental state clearly serves as the focal point for an ongoing conversation between economists and institutional reformers. The idea of the developmental state tasks the public service system on the need to achieve the efficiency that will operationalize democratic governance to deliver infrastructural development for the citizens. Thus, to achieve economic development, such a state must first be oriented towards institutional reforms that bring the structures and institutions to capability readiness.

    From the vantage point of my research into institutional reforms and development policy management, it was so easy but unnerving to work out the historical trajectory as well as the administrative dynamics that facilitated the series of aborted transitions, policy somersaults, the conception-reality gap, the motion-without-movement development hiccups that translate into protracted state and governance failures in Nigeria. And we see the basis of these failures in the (non)performance of the Nigerian economy and the debilitating effects on Nigerians. It therefore should come as no surprise that the role of economists in the Nigerian predicament became all the more heightened. This is where I think my experience as the directing staff coordinating the public policy executive education component of the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS) remit for three years was so professionally fulfilling. That professional status brought me close to the economic and policy sides of understanding the Nigerian predicament as well as the connection with my expertise in institutional reform. I had the opportunity to facilitate at once policy conversations and discourses around critical issues of the fundamentals of public policy, the public policy design and formulation process, policy implementation and decision science, policy evaluation and tracking, the political undercurrent of policy decision making, as well as policy exploration and scenario projection that factor the VUCA (vulnerable, uncertain, complex and ambiguous) administrative environment into the urgency of building a twenty-first century policy architecture that the Nigerian state requires to achieve democratic service delivery.   

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    All the above therefore made the theme of the NES 65th annual conference—“Socio-Economic Development in Nigeria: Imperatives, Implications and Impacts”—all the more fundamental given the present state of the Nigerian economic change management challenges. The conference theme was ready-made as the instigating forum that could have served some brainstorming and learning context for the PBAT governance and economic teams. It was especially a grand tutorial for me as a member of that team in terms of the analyses, forecasting and incisive critiques around the implementation possibilities and prospects of delivering the Renewed Hope Agenda from the perspectives of Nigerian economists. There are two crucial takeovers that my attendance at the NES Conference brought out into very stark relief.

    One, it has now become imperative that government needs an ongoing and consummate engagement with Nigerian experienced economists and other intellectuals and experts. This becomes critical especially with regard to the near-absence of a political economy framework that could have served as the analytical and technical perspectives for articulating and sequencing the two major policies of the federal government, namely, the removal of fuel subsidy and the floating of the naira. While these two policies have a sound basis, they are flawed in terms of change management detailing and technical correctness, and their disruptive consequences could have been averted with the benefit of deep economic intelligence and the possible analytical frameworks and policy instruments that competent policy analysis could have been provided for risk analysis, mitigation and management. Here, we already begin to see how the implementation chain—and the possibility of success—is already compromised. Policy implementation and impact cannot just be the result of just policy correctness. On the contrary, it must reflect a dynamic and holistic and not a partial understanding of Nigeria’s economic structure and predicaments.

    Two, we have to deal with the critical disjuncture that is playing out between the Renewed Hope Agenda and the policy implementation detailing of the government. We cannot ever hope to make that agenda work if the policies that would empower it are out of joint in terms of implementation sequence. The implementation of policies raises the crucial issue of those for whom the policies are meant in the first place. Thus, if, as democratic governance demands, these policies are meant to be people-oriented, then it implies that the change management strategy must be fashioned in a way that puts the people at the centre without necessarily yielding to unreflective populism. For example, to achieve a reasonable buy-in by Nigerians, the change vision and objectives must embed much more inclusive instruments which are however strategically communicated to Nigerians.

    While receiving the award, it dawned on me that I have been drawn into the circle of a wider reform cohort that would further challenge my understanding of what it takes to articulate, track and evaluate institutional reforms in Nigeria. I am very glad for this incorporation, and the opportunity it affords me to sharpen my learning capacity and keep the discussion on the future of the Nigerian state in the right direction.     

    • Olaopa,  a Professor of Public Administration, and  a former Federal Permanent Secretary, is the Chairman, Federal Civil Service Commission, Abuja.
  • Beyond the barrel: The tourism imperative (2)

    Beyond the barrel: The tourism imperative (2)

    According to the World Tourism Organization, tourism generates over $1 trillion in exports annually, creating millions of jobs and stimulating local economies. Be that as it may, it is important to note that Nigeria’s vast growth and development opportunities are being overlooked due to a lack of vision and self-centeredness on the part of its successive leaders, ultimately hindering the greater good and benefiting only a privileged few. This issue pervades all levels of government, from state to local, with authorities neglecting their duties to harness the potential of natural attractions for promotion and development. The plight of Erin Ijesa Waterfall in Osun State is a story for another day!

    For now, let’s delve into the essence of tourism in Ekiti State where, beyond the superficial allure of spectacle and entertainment, lies a profound narrative that whispers secrets of the human experience. As the world surrenders to its beauty, let us embark on a transformative odyssey that transcends borders, fosters empathy and understanding, and kindles the flame of economic prosperity for the communities that call the state home.

    For Ekiti, Geographical Tourism showcases a diverse range of landscapes, including hills, waterfalls, caves, springs, valleys and mountains while Water-based Tourism attractions feature attractions like Ikogosi Warm Springs and Ureje Dam. Its diverse Spiritual Heritage is also reflected in its various religious sites, including Sacred Hills and Ancient Shrines.

    Ecotourism in Ekiti showcases unspoiled natural attractions, rich cultural heritage and community-based initiatives while Environmental Tourism features natural wonders and its unique biodiversity, scenic landscapes and cultural heritage. The state is also a hub for Education Tourism, boasting an impressive array of institutions, including 6 universities, 3 polytechnics and other higher learning centers, catering for a population of 3.9 million.

    Let’s begin with Usi-Ekiti which holds a significant place in Nigeria’s history as the site of the first Catholic Mass in 1884, led by Father Julien   Mourneau and his team of missionaries. This pivotal event not only marks the birthplace of Catholicism in Nigeria but also makes Usi-Ekiti the cradle of Catholicism in the country and a landmark in the spread of the faith.

    Ori  Oke  Erio and Ori  Oke  Ido Ajinare, two sacred hills in Ekiti State, are culturally significant attractions offering stunning views, spiritual importance and a connection to God. These hills draw tourists for their historical values, panoramic vistas and eco-tourism opportunities, making them unique destinations for cultural and nature enthusiasts.

    In Efon-Alaaye lies the final resting place of Apostle Joseph Ayo Babalola, founder of the Christ Apostolic Church (CAC). He died on Ori  Oke Baba Abiye, Ede in Osun State on July 26, 1959 and his mortal remains were transported to Efon  Alaaye for burial. Babalola’s tomb has become a venerated pilgrimage site, attracting devotees seeking spiritual connection and inspiration.

    In terms of traditional worship, Igede-Ekiti, for example, is the source of the Osun River. As such, it is sacred to the goddess Osun. To this end, devotees of Osun Osogbo must first visit this ancient town to pay homage and make offerings to the goddess before proceeding to Osogbo for the main celebration. This highlights the significance of Igede-Ekiti in the Osun Osogbo worship tradition.

    Similarly, Eshu, or Esu, a respected Yoruba deity, has Ijelu-Ekiti as his ancestral home. As the guardian of crossroads, communication, and chaos, he maintains balance in nature and human affairs and protects the natural world – a vital aspect of Yoruba spirituality and culture.

    Osanyin, the deity of herbalism, healing and fertility, is from Ikole-Ekiti. As god of medicine and divination, Osanyin embodies nature’s power, guiding traditional healers and herbalists. His shrine in Ikole-Ekiti symbolizes the connection between nature, culture and spirituality.

    In Yoruba mythology, Ogun, the god of iron and the patron of artisans, originated from Ire-Ekiti. His legacy inspires innovation, expertise and recognition of knowledge’s transformative power, influencing contemporary thought and human progress. The convergence of seven roads at Ire-Ekiti represents Ogun’s significance and his role in fostering connection and progress.

    Ifa   Agboniregun Shrine, dedicated to Ifa, the revered Yoruba deity of wisdom, divination and knowledge, is nestled in Oke   Igeti, Ado-Ekiti. As a premier hub of Ifa practice, it has continued to inspire and guide generations, shaping the identity and traditions of the Ekiti people and the Yoruba race worldwide.

    For vacationers and adventure seekers who care to know, Ikogosi  Warm Springs is a unique natural wonder where warm and cold water flow together, yet maintain their distinct identities. Currently managed by a private firm, the resort is thriving, with over 17,000 tourists visiting in just the past three months alone, according to available data.

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    Not only that, Arinta Waterfalls in Ipole-Iloro is also a natural wonder with crystal-clear water cascading down a seven-step rocky terrain, creating scenic views and a cool ambiance. Its unique rock formations and cave are sources of cultural heritage and local economic growth, while preserving traditional practices and cultural identity.  Another unique feature of this ancient site is that the more one shouts, the more the sound increases.

    What about the Ero Dam in Ikun-Ekiti? Built in the 1940s, it is the 3rd largest dam in Nigeria, spanning 16 kilometers across 9 Local Governments. There are also Egbe Dam, formerly known as ‘Little Ose’, in Egbe-Ekiti; and Ureje Dam in Ado-Ekiti, with its unique 7 falls and a cave.

    Like it or hate it, Afe  Babalola University, Ado-Ekiti (ABUAD) stands out, featuring the largest planetarium in Africa and a state-of-the-art Teaching Hospital, which not only enhances Ekiti’s reputation as a hub for intellectual and scientific inquiry but also fosters social mobility, empowers local communities and contributes to the region’s socio-economic development, making Ekiti an attractive destination for students, researchers and academics seeking world-class educational experiences.

    Abanijorin Rock on Old Iyin-Ekiti Road is a majestic natural wonder, embodying nature’s splendor and human spirituality. This ancient monolith features a massive size, unique shape and sacred significance, with a natural amphitheater, seven caves and an under-rock tunnel.   History also has it that those warriors who fought for Ekitiparapo always converged on it for security meetings.

    Ekiti State is a unique biodiversity hotspot, boasting 660 species of butterflies, the highest in Nigeria. It’s also home to the Monkey Colony in Ise-Ekiti, and serves as a refugee camp for chimpanzees in the Ise-Ekiti Forest. But that’s not all – Ekiti is also the only place in the world with a remarkable 42-headed palm tree, and that’s located in Iloro-Ekiti.

    Golgotha is also a revered sacred hill and cultural monument in Efon-Alaaye. Interestingly, it is one of two spots in Nigeria and the only one in the Southwest where one can walk in the cloud. Golgotha also houses the largest plantation in Southwest Nigeria.

    Okorobo Festival in Ifaki-Ekiti celebrates fertility, prosperity and communal harmony. It exemplifies the connection between nature’s cycles and human existence. The festival showcases the town’s rich heritage while promoting cultural identity and pride through rituals, masquerades and merriment.

    Lots more! There’s still much to explore and discover!

    From the foregoing, one can safely say that Ekiti State’s enigmatic landscape weaves a rich tapestry of identity and community, inviting exploration. And as Governor Biodun Oyebanji is reportedly striving to secure the future of the sector, a critical question lingers: can tourism balance preservation and progress, or will growth sacrifice Ekiti’s mystique? Again, only time will tell!

    May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

    •Concluded.

  • Towards school safety in Kaduna

    Towards school safety in Kaduna

    • By Innocent Bako

    The long holidays are over and it’s another season of school resumptions. Many parents are saddled with the responsibilities of paying school fees, buying new school uniforms, new textbooks as well as other school paraphernalias. In the past, those were the only worries that confronted them as their children and wards resumed school. Not anymore.

    In recent years, the advent of banditry and kidnapping in the country has brought another worry. That is, the targeting of school children by criminals. There have been more than a few instances when innocent children have been kidnapped, one of the latest crimes that seem to defy solutions. However, the government is not resting on its oars.

    In 2022, the federal government launched the Safe Schools Financing Plan with the N144.8b. Agencies involved are the Federal Ministry of Education, Nigeria Police, Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC), Department of State Security (DSS) and Defense Headquarters. And thankfully, the Kaduna State government led by Senator Uba Sani has not only keyed into the programme but is expanding on it, ensuring parents’ minds can be at rest as their children and wards resume a new academic year.

    Earlier in the year, February to be precise, Governor Sani initiated the Safe-School-Initiative. Also in May, at a stakeholders forum and training session for the newly established Schools’ Protection Squad (SPS), Governor Sani lamented how insecurity caused low school attendance and raised the number of out-of-school children. Speaking at the training, he cited how events like the kidnapping of 135 students from the LEA Primary and Junior Secondary School, Kuriga, Chikun LGA eroded confidence in accessing basic education.

    “Kaduna is one of the states that has been waging a sustained battle against banditry, terrorism, kidnapping and other forms of criminality” the governor said, of the crisis the state’s educational sector is facing.

    “These non – state actors have disrupted socio – economic activities in the affected communities and are threatening our educational revitalization programme. Kaduna State’s educational system is facing a crisis of declining enrolment, with over 200,000 fewer primary school pupils recorded in the 2022/2023 academic session compared to the previous year. This dramatic drop (from 2,111,969 in 2021/2022 to 1,734,704 in 2022/2023) is largely attributed to insecurity. In several Local Government Areas (LGAs) particularly Chikun, Birnin Gwari, Kajuru, Giwa, and Igabi insecurity has forced school consolidation, further pushing up the number of out-of-school children.

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    But the government would not fold its arms and just lament. And what solutions are the administration pursuing?

    “To ensure that the education of our children in conflict-prone and terrorist-infested areas is not interrupted, we have commenced the merging of 359 schools with those in safe locations,” Sani proffered.

    “We are also implementing our ‘Safe School Program’ to strengthen the security in our primary and secondary schools. We are collaborating with the Nigeria Police Force which is currently training a Schools Protection Squad (SPS).”

    That happened in May 2024. Figures of the 2022/2023 academic session show that primary school enrolment in the state dropped by over 200, 000 pupils. A worried Governor attributed this drop to insecurity, particularly in areas such as Chikun, Birnin Gwari, Kajuru, Giwa and Igabi. However, the state government has adopted security measures to protect educational institutions, students and teachers from attacks orchestrated by bandits and terrorists.

    According to the Governor Sani, part of the measures the state government adopted to ensure safety of school children included constructing perimeter fencing around schools, establishing Security and Safety Response Committees with membership drawn from schools and communities. Others are deploying Kaduna Vigilance Service (KADVS) to schools, provision of emergency line to schools and security management training for School Managers among others. It is commendable that the KADVS is being encouraged and equipped to protect schools in the state. As it is now, over 5, 000 personnels are engaged School Protection Guards for the purpose of safety in Kaduna schools.

    Also, speaking earlier in the year, the Commander of KADVS,  Brig Gen. Umar Ibrahim (Rtd) praised the state government for its support. He also said that the corps is not only involved in protecting schools but also primary healthcare facilities and Ministries, Departments and Agencies in the state. He said that within one month of assuming office, Governor Sani recruited 7, 500 personnel into KADVS to join the existing 7, 000 personnel, bringing the current strength of personnel to 14, 500. According to Ibrahim, it is only in Kaduna State that such a huge number exists.

    Another proactive measure that the governor has put in place is movement of schools from high risk areas to safer areas. This way, more schools are concentrated in safer areas, out of the easy reach of terrorists.

    “To ensure uninterrupted education for children residing in conflict-prone and terrorist-infested areas, this administration has commenced the merging of 359 schools with those situated in safer locations,” Governor Sani said.

    Surely, Governor Sani demonstrated visionary thinking by the strategy of merging the schools. Also, by strengthening the local vigilance group like the Amotekun Corps in the southwest, the state has shown it is ready to confront the menace of insecurity squarely. The locals know the terrain as well as or maybe even better than the bandits. They, collaborating with other federal forces, are better positioned to tackle the menace. It is good that the state government is fully supporting KADVS in terms of providing equipment and logistics.

    The Kaduna State government knows that investing in basic education is a sine qua non for future growth and development. Within the first year of the Sani-led administration, it built 2,326 new  primary school classrooms, accommodating 93,040 pupils and built 62 secondary schools across the state. In May 2024, the state inaugurated two blocks of 24 classrooms at Basic Education Primary School, Rafin Guza, in Kaduna North Local Government Area. The school has 7,326 pupils, the second most populated school in the state, second to Basic Education Primary School, Lokoja Road, Rigasa in Igabi Local Government Area. A two-storey block of 12 classrooms at Basic Education School, Maraban Jos, Igabi Local Government Area was commissioned. The state government also provided 30,742 two-seater desks to sit 61,484 pupils in schools equipped with hygienic toilets and hand pumps for potable drinking water. Through this, the state was able to attract more children to school in the 2023/2024 academic session and reduced the number of out-of-school children from an estimated 680, 000 by over 300, 000.

    The Sani-led administration also understands that to ensure all children get access to education, it must think and act beyond the optics of just providing school buildings, equipment and even producing qualitative teaching personnel. It has to primarily ensure safety of lives and property. Hence, the state government’s partnership with federal security forces to ensure students can learn in peace while parents are also free from worry, is highly commendable.

    It is gladdening that as schools resume now, the security architecture is more solid than it was, thanks to Kaduna’s seriousness to addressing insecurity. Other governors, particularly those in northern Nigeria can do well to emulate Governor Sani on this.

    •Bako is a public affairs commentator

  • Matawalle’s working visit to Sokoto yielding positive results in the zone

    Matawalle’s working visit to Sokoto yielding positive results in the zone

    • By Idris Nasir

    In a major victory for security in Northwest Nigeria, the Nigerian military has successfully neutralized one of the most dangerous bandit kingpins, Halilu Buzu Sububu, marking a significant achievement in the ongoing fight against banditry in the region. This success comes shortly after the Honourable Minister of State for Defence, Dr. Bello Muhammed Matawalle MON, relocated the Command and Control Centre to Sokoto under the directive of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu GCFR.

    The move is part of President Tinubu’s broader strategy to restore peace and stability in the Northwest. Dr. Matawalle, alongside the service chiefs, has been working tirelessly to ensure that the president’s commitment to securing the region is fulfilled. The elimination of Halilu Sububu represents a major breakthrough in this mission.

    “President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is fulfilling his promise to the people of the Northwest. The elimination of this notorious bandit kingpin is a proof that we are making significant progress,” Dr. Matawalle stated.

    The Minister expressed his gratitude to the Nigerian Army and all security agencies involved in the operation, noting that their determination and dedication are key to the ongoing success. He further assured that the fight to rid the region of banditry is far from over, but the government remains resolute.

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    “We will not rest until every corner of the Northwest is free from the threat of banditry. The military, under the directive of President Tinubu, is now on a fight-to-finish mission, and we will continue to intensify our operations,” Dr. Matawalle said.

    The success of the military operations is being widely celebrated by citizens of zone especially Zamfara, Katsina and Sokoto states. This has brought a sense of relief to communities that have long suffered under the threat of banditry. Farmers, traders, and businesspeople, who have been among the worst hit, have expressed their appreciation to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu GCFR, Dr. Matawalle, and the Nigerian military for their efforts.

    “The joy and relief in these communities are palpable. This victory is a turning point, and it sends a strong message to the likes of Bello Turji and those who seek to destabilize our region – they will be brought to justice,” Dr. Matawalle added.

    The Nigerian military remains committed to continuing operations in the region until all bandit leaders and their groups are neutralized, ensuring lasting peace and security for the people of the Northwest.

     • Nasir is a public analyst

  • Cartels as common enemy

    Cartels as common enemy

    By Tunji Bello

    The Federal Competition and Consumers Protection Commission (FCCPC) decided to host this town hall meeting in Lagos as part of a broader initiative to foster a national conversation around the sanity of the marketplace.

    Let me seize this opportunity to debunk a gross misrepresentation of the position of the commission at the Abuja edition of the town hall series by a section of the media, particularly some of the online platforms. Contrary to the impression they created, at no time did we say we were giving traders ultimatum to crash prices across the country by fiat. That is quite ridiculous. The commission would have required an army to enforce that. Certainly, our statutory mandate does not include price control. We are not here to fix prices or dictate to any law-abiding trader or manufacturer how to relate to the market. Rather, ours is to ensure there is no price fixing or gang-up in trade transactions.

    As a commission, we are not acting out of a brainwave. Indeed, we had carried out extensive discreet market survey across the country and our findings were quite disturbing. We identified patterns of price fixing perpetrated by some market associations, price gouging, and other anti-consumer practices. We noticed that the margins in the prices of imported goods are very disproportionate in many cases; and in the case of locally produced goods, excessively inflated.

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    In some areas, we discovered that some players are engaged in hoarding of grains, to create artificial scarcity, thereby distorting the market, resulting in unduly high prices of such food items.

    To be sure, we cannot deny that the removal of fuel subsidy has brought some discomfort, just as we quite recognize that an unfavourable exchange rate has negatively impacted the cost of production in local currency. But nothing justifies selling a blender sold N140,000 in the United States for N950,000 in Nigeria, for instance, representing more than 500 percent inflation of the cost.

    Perhaps, the case of BUA cement best illustrates how the middlemen collide sometimes to distort the market and make life more miserable for the consumers at a time when people are already facing economic challenges. You will recall that after a meeting with President Bola Tinubu last year, the chairman of BUA cement, Alhaji Abdul Samad Rabiu, agreed to bring down the price of cement to N3,500 ex depot as his own way of helping to bring succour to Nigerians passing through economic difficulty. But Alhaji Rabiu’s commendable gesture was frustrated by unscrupulous middlemen who bought cement from BUA at N3,500 and ensured that prices remained at N7,000.

    In our investigation, we also discovered that some traders form a cartel in the market and put barriers in form of ridiculous membership fees intended to ensure price fixing in the market. Without joining them, they won’t allow anyone to sell goods in the market or provide services.

    Such practices are against the law and constitute some of the offenses the commission is against. To be clear, price gouging and price fixing are not only unethical, but patently illegal also under the FCCPA. Section 17 of the Act empowers the commission to eliminate anti-competitive practices, misleading, unfair, deceptive, or unconscionable marketing, trading, and business practices. Sanctions include fine of up to N10m and a jail term for anyone found guilty by the court.

    But rather than applying the full weight of the law in the first instance, the commission is deliberately adopting the option of dialogue with the stakeholders to collaborate with us to help check unfair pricing in the market.

    To galvanize a more efficient process nationwide, I am pleased to announce that the commission is upgrading its consumer engagement portal to make it more inclusive and interactive and in real time. In simple terms, it means that, when fully calibrated, it will be possible for any consumer who feels aggrieved to lodge a complaint and upload the receipt of the transaction as evidence and such complaint will be processed promptly free of charge with a view to ensuring that justice is done without fear or favour.

    At our engagement with stakeholders in Abuja two weeks ago, we heard their own stories. They listed factors like insecurity, high costs of transportation and extortion on the road by both state and non-state actors as part of the reasons for prevailing high costs of consumer goods. As a government agency, our responsibility is to get feedback to help policymakers. At Abuja, we heard the stakeholders loud and clear and shall take the message back to the government.

    At this juncture, let me acknowledge and thank the Lagos State government for a good step already initiated in this direction. According to a media report few days ago, the Lagos State government said it would henceforth track the movement produce from the farms to the markets with a view to checkmating those in the habit of hijacking the produce and manipulating the prices at the expense of consumers. Having supported farmers with free inputs and processors, the Lagos State government is, of course, justified to track the produce to the markets to ensure that the prices at which those produces are being sold are reasonable for average Nigerians. We welcome such a step and encourage other states to emulate this to ensure fair pricing for the benefit of Nigerian consumers.

    I think it is also important to report that the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is not unaware of the pains caused by the economic reforms being implemented to reposition our economy. As a responsive and sensitive leader, President Tinubu has taken some extraordinary steps by removing taxes on food items, pharmaceutical products, and public transportation. Such laudable initiatives would however be in vain if the benefits are not passed down to the consumers by way of reduced prices of goods and services in the times ahead.

    In Abuja, I had enjoined stakeholders to embrace the spirit of patriotism and cooperation at this challenging moment. Here in Lagos, I am echoing that statement. Please, let us talk to ourselves and say no to the exploitation of one another.

    •Excerpts from the keynote address by executive vice chairman/ chief executive officer (FCCPC), Tunji Bello, at a stakeholders meeting held in Lagos On Wednesday, September 11.