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  • Zamfara: Again, the liars at work

    Zamfara: Again, the liars at work

    • By Musa Kabiru

    As they have always done, the unrepentant losers and unapologetic liars in Zamfara State are back at it again. In recent days, social media has gone into frenzy over a fraudulent and deep fake document suggesting that the Zamfara State Government was committing over ₦1.3 billion to appease notorious bandit kingpins, media organisations and consultants. This outrageous and baseless claim sparked outrage and confusion among concerned citizens and understandably so. It is certainly disheartening to imagine that anyone would attempt to funnel hundreds of millions to bandits in the name of negotiation considering how such negotiations have turned out in the past, and more given how the bandits always walked back on their words after collecting huge bounties from the states.

    Ordinarily, one would not have bothered to glorify the unscrupulous elements with a response or even attention but the quantum of such allegations and their consequences in manipulating the minds of the citizens makes it imperative to separate the chaff from the grains and to do the needful.

    Fortunately, the Zamfara State government has swiftly and unequivocally denied any such involvement or commitment to funding bandits, the media, media moguls or social media influencers. It is rather ridiculous to even imagine that anyone in his right senses would contemplate such an evil plot. It is therefore, heartening that the government of Zamfara has promptly denounced that document.

    In fact, while reiterating its position on the matter, the Dauda Lawal Dare-led government made its position clear: there will be no negotiation with bandits involving any exchange of the state’s scarce resources. Since inauguration, Governor Dauda Lawal Dare has emphasised his firm stance on eradicating banditry through force, not appeasement, and one wonders where such falsehoods which seek to undermine the progress being made in the fight against insecurity is emanating from. Could this be the opposition parties again diving deep into the abyss to fetch vile schemes?

    But, how could they have hoped to sell the lie that a Zamfara State government that has consistently maintained a zero-tolerance policy toward negotiations with bandits, especially when it involves draining the public coffers, is now willing to spend over N1 billion on same? The very idea that the state would resort to paying off criminals is not only contrary to the clear and deliberate policies of the current administration, but also its avowed stance on transparent state expenditure. This is evident in how the government has made significant strides in partnering with security agencies to tame the banditry scourge, including its founding of the Zamfara State Community Guards and the establishment of the Zamfara State Security Trust Fund—proactive efforts to bolster local security in collaboration with federal agencies.

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    Frankly, if anything, Governor Lawal’s body language continues to show that the focus remains on protecting citizens and ridding the state of the violent groups that have terrorised rural communities, and no money has been or will be exchanged for that purpose. Here then, is the reason why it becomes hard to figure out where or how such an uncharitable concoction came about.

    The plot became even more ridiculous when the fraudulent document attempted to rope in media moguls and outlets such as Sahara Reporters, led by Omoyele Sowore, and Shuaibu Mungadi, a respected name in the charge towards improved government communication. Sahara Reporters, which was named as part of this concocted scheme, has been an outspoken critic of government misdeeds and an advocate for justice.

    Sowore may be many things, but certainly not a terrorism apologist, making it hard to stomach claims of his involvement in such a scheme. It is no surprise then that his response to the allegations is that of vehement condemnations of the claims, labelling them a smear campaign. In fact, he made it clear that neither he nor his media organisation would ever accept funds in exchange for silence or complicity with criminal elements. Sowore believes, and perhaps correctly so, that roping him into this scheme is merely a tactic to discredit him and other respected media houses as they continue to expose the truth.

    Similarly, Shuaibu Mungadi—another respected media mogul mentioned in the bogus scheme—runs a platform known for its steadfast commitment towards encouraging open government communication through the capacity building of government functionaries in northern Nigeria. This is why associating his name with such a vile conspiracy is not only absurd but also a gross attempt to distract from the real issues facing the state. Mungadi’s media outfit has been at the forefront of advocating for improved crisis communication, making the idea of his involvement in this alleged scandal laughable to anyone familiar with his work.

    However one looks at it, it is clear that the document is nothing more than a concoction from the pit of hell, manufactured to deceive the public and stir up unnecessary outrage. It is a calculated attempt to shift focus away from the real progress being made by the Zamfara State government in its fight against banditry, and to smear reputable media organisations and individuals who have built their names on integrity.

    The last one year of the current government in Zamfara State has been one of prioritising the safety and security of the people and with every new policy thrust, one sees Governor Dauda’s demonstrable committment to collaborating with all security agencies to eliminate the criminal elements destabilising the region. The battle against banditry requires the full backing of citizens, media, and government which is why there is no place for such misleading and unpatriotic narratives designed to stoke fear and mistrust.

    As the government’s message has remained clear that Zamfara will not bow to banditry, and no amount of false propaganda will undermine its efforts to rid the state of criminals, it is critical that the source of that evil document be unearthed and the dangerous elements behind it brought to book. Nigeria’s secret police must as a matter of urgency fish out those behind this inciting document.

    It’s apparent those who have suffered a humiliating defeat in the last election together with the selfish individuals who have held the state to ransom are hell-bent on frustrating the progress made within the short stay of Dauda Lawal as governor of the state. It’s also on record that the major players in the opposition have accused themselves of complicity and culpability in the banditry that have ravaged the state and denied it progress on all indices of development and peaceful coexistence. To the extent that in class, those who failed will always accuse and envy the successful ones, this latest antic too, isn’t surprising!

    •Kabiru writes from Abuja.

  • Tinubu’s cocktail with Dangote and China in the mix

    Tinubu’s cocktail with Dangote and China in the mix

    • By Kunle Oyatomi

    Fast-moving events in Nigeria under the administration of Bola Ahmed Tinubu have reminded me of an editor who worked in a popular TV station in Lagos, the nation’s commercial hub. His experience was that as he and his editorial group processed a breaking story to package for the major evening bulletin, some bigger report would be wired to him, which would seem to displace the one receiving the attention of his team. The situation used to throw them into unending questions and confusion. Which story should give way for the other? Which should take the centre stage of the headline?

    Could one be discarded altogether, even when thorough preparation had already been made for analytical treatment, with a well-known commentator having been requested to be present in the studio during the live newscast? Sometimes such arrangements had to be cancelled if the report no longer deserved such Grade A attention, if a ‘hotter’ story broke. Indeed, most of these big events later became small as the day wore on drawing close to broadcast time.

    That was the dilemma I ran into as I undertook random musings on Tinubu’s presidency in recent weeks. It’s been a helluva time watching notable events fall over themselves to catch our attention. As you take note of some news announcing one huge achievement of the federal authorities, another crops up to distract you or abort your excitement. However, I haven’t allowed this to happen; you do so at the risk of not appreciating the steady socio-economic strides so far recorded by Tinubu. Of course, this is not to say we’re out of the woods. Not at all. But the president is leading the nation where it won’t experience again the conditions that brought upon us the dire straits in which we found ourselves before his advent. Let me show you some of these ground breaking developments.

    There was the good news that Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product, GDP, figures as released by the National Bureau of Statistics, NBS, had demonstrated a healthy economy under Tinubu. The stats speak of a ‘GDP figure of Q2 2024 showing a better year-on-year growth of 3.19% than the 2.51% figure of the same period in 2023’. A study of the specifics reveals that this turn of progress ‘was fuelled largely by the good performance of the services sector, which recorded a growth of 3.79% and contributed 58.76% to the aggregate GDP as well as the Industry sector which grew by 3.53%, (representing) a massive improvement from -1.94% in the second quarter of 2023’.

    Now, while we were celebrating this as a positive pointer to President Tinubu’s resolve to take our economy off oil and give us a modern, comprehensive and substantive one, there came reports that the government was taking the bull by the horns to crash the prices of staple foods. This matter of prices is a recurring sore point, given the fact that with inflation running into a scary double digit mode, the best news the authorities could give the people is a tough move to bring prices down and assure them that hunger would not compound the problems on the ground. So it was a thing of joy that Tinubus’s government was addressing this biting concern.

    But again while we were thanking God for this cheering news, we were told by the media that within one year of the rule of Tinubu, some four million out-of-school children have been returned to formal classroom education. This reduces the distressing figure of over 20 million school-age kids said to be aimlessly roaming our streets. They are easy recruits for anti-social activities at the hands of unscrupulous politicians. Therefore it’s big news for strategic reasons: dealing with what could constitute a time bomb in the future is a prudent approach to taming insecurity, now and in the years ahead.

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    And talking about national security, the Police uncovered a plot by local and international conspirators to subvert the integrity of our burgeoning democracy. The Force, through its spokesman, Assistant Commissioner of Police, Muyiwa Adejobi, said it had undertaken ‘a comprehensive investigation into the activities of a foreign national and subversive elements plotting to undermine the democratically government in Nigeria through unconstitutional regime change and orchestrating violence across the country’. There’s massive hunt for these haters of the Nigerian state and its citizens. A proactive administration begets a proactive Police Force to protect the gains of democracy.

    Still in the pleasant cocktail of events these past few weeks of the Tinubu Presidency is the comforting development in the oil sector: Aliko Dangote’s 650000-capacity oil refinery in Lagos has commenced petrol production. Dangote, the President of the group, says the supply of the local level is set to change the country‘s energy landscape and meet the demands of not just Nigeria, but the entire sub-Saharan region of Africa. Experts say this will bring much-needed relief to Nigerians currently experiencing grinding fuel scarcity nationwide. There is also the prospect of reducing the pressures on our foreign liquidity. This also saves us from continuing to bear the label of the oil-rich country that cannot give its people petrol and has to import it. Under Tinubu, we are casting off that embarrassing tag.

    Lastly in my random musings, I turn my attention to China. In the period I’m reviewing, Tinubu visited the Asian economic and military superpower, for a meeting of two giants. Among the achievements of the memorable trip was the elevation of Nigeria-China ties to that of a ‘comprehensive strategic partnership’. This, according to Tinubu, ‘should result in robust development, stability, and security in the West African sub-region…’ This is very crucial, the leader of Africa’s most populous nation adds.

    Analysts have opined that China being a member of the BRICS might persuade Tinubu to draw Nigeria into the group, giving our country’s growing international influence lately. This is not far-fetched. After all, it is claimed that international diplomacy is an extension of your domestic politics. If you’re doing well on the home front, you must also flex your muscles on the global scale.

    •Oyatomi Esq. is a member of Independent Media and Policy Initiative, IMPI, based in Abuja.

  • Ex-LG Chair Tajudeen Adetunji Alliu on Local Government autonomy

    Ex-LG Chair Tajudeen Adetunji Alliu on Local Government autonomy

    The Supreme Court judgement of 11 July, 2024 granting Nigeria’s local governments autonomy has continued to generate passionate reactions. This column has joined the debate in its articles of 21 July, 2024 titled “Federalism and the local government autonomy verdict”; that of 28 July, 2024 titled “Whose federalism, and for what purpose?”; and that of 1 September, 2024 which is titled “Elite cynicism and 2027”. Today, in the interview below, the column features the views, perspectives, personal experiences and projections of a Local Government Chairman, Alhaji Tajudeen Adetunji Alliu, who was in office from 1999 to 2002.

    Nuances: Honourable Alliu, could you tell us briefly about yourself?

    Alliu: Thanks so much, sir. I’m Alhaji Tajudeen Adetunji Alliu, former Executive Chairman of Saki East Local Government Area (LGA) of Oyo State, born on 2nd September, 1962 into the Oloje royal family of Olooko’s Compound, Oje Owode, in Saki East LGA. I obtained a B.Sc. degree in Social Administration from the University of Ilorin and a Master in Industrial and Labour Relations (MILR) degree from the University of Ibadan. I was elected as Chairman, Saki East LGA, in an election conducted by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), on 5 December, 1998, and ours were the last set of local government elections conducted by INEC in Nigeria, apart from those for the Area Councils in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja.

    Nuances: I believe you are aware of the recent judgement of the Supreme Court of Nigeria which has granted autonomy to local governments. What is your opinion about the judgement?

    Alliu: Yes, I’m fully aware of the judgement, and I’m very happy about it because my administration as a local government Chairman from May 1999 to May 2002 was a beneficiary of such a financial autonomy; and it worked wonderfully well especially for rural development, because the local government is the closest government to the people.

    Nuances: Some commentators claim that the State Joint Local Government Account was established because mismanagement of funds was rampant and led to problems like owing local government staff salaries for many months. What’s your reaction to this?

    Alliu: I don’t believe that. During our own time, everything was going well except for some local governments that were getting zero allocation from the federation account, and you cannot give what you don’t have. Before our tenure, during the military/civilian regimes, local governments were paying the primary school teachers in their respective areas directly from their allocations, but when the non-payment of primary school teachers was noticed, the federal government changed the module of payment to direct charge to the State Universal Basic Education Board (SUBEB) of each state that was charged with the responsibility for the payment of primary school teachers in the state. And this solved the problem. Corruption is everywhere and the local government is not an exception. All the same, financial autonomy at that level remains the best for grassroots development.

    Nuances: The citizens of a local government are entitled to good governance. During your tenure, how did you try to fulfill this responsibility to the citizens of Saki-East LGA?

    Alliu: Yes. It’s the responsibility of a good local government to carry along its people, and during our own time, apart from the monthly local government statutory security council meetings, we were holding meetings with all the major and relevant stakeholders in the council, such as the community development association leaders, religious leaders, traditional leaders, youth and women leaders, and so on. And we used to implement the resolutions from those meetings.

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    I thank God that I was a local government Chairman when the position was truly “executive”. I was a real Executive Chairman of my Council, like a Governor of a State and President of a country, who had freedom of action because my Council was getting monthly allocations directly from the federation account. Once I got to a place and a promise was made, the thing was considered done because I had the financial power to keep the promise. As Executive Chairman, I employed almost 300 workers, constructed roads, Primary Health Centres, school buildings, market shops, information centres, guests houses, electrification projects, drainages, culverts, bridges, awarded bursaries and scholarships to students of higher institutions, sponsored pilgrims to Mecca and Jerusalem, and did a lot more. To God be the glory for the infinite divine mercies; those things have become the enduring legacies that I left behind. There was a good and smooth working relationship at that time with Late Alhaji Lam Onaolapo Adesina who was Oyo State Governor from 1999 to 2003 and Chief Olusegun Obasanjo who was the President of Nigeria in his first term.

    Nuances: Thank you. Now, how do you rate the performance of your generation of local government Chairpersons with those who came after?

    Alliu: Objectively, our own performance was far, far better especially in my own local government Saki East LGA than any other local government administration, whether before or after my tenure. In fact, my tenure remains the ‘marking scheme’ or point of reference for others in Saki East LGA.

    Nuances: What is your expectation of the current and future local government administrations?

    Alliu: My expectation, if the autonomy is put to proper use, is for the current and future local government administrations to perform better than us, because they now have more money to execute laudable projects and carry out critical programmes and functions. Many things have decayed in our local communities and need serious local government attention. So, if this autonomy is fully exercised, I believe some reasonable things will be done for our development.

    Nuances: Moves are on to create the National Independent Local Government Electoral Commission to make local government elections freer and fairer, and more accommodating of political party diversity. From your experience as a one-time local government Chair, what do you think about this move?

    Alliu: Thanks so much, sir. In my own opinion, for local government autonomy to work, the National Independent Local Government Electoral Commission, like INEC, is required to conduct local government elections in Nigeria. As I mentioned earlier in this interview, the election for our set of local government officials was the last that INEC conducted in Nigeria, apart from those of the Council Areas in the FCT, Abuja. And I can tell you that our elections remain the only credible local government elections in Nigeria, where every political party was given a level playing ground to contest elections, won and was declared victorious by INEC without hesitation or compromise.

    In 1998 when I contested, there were three registered political parties – Alliance for Democracy (AD), All People’s Party (APP) and Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). In Oyo State, the three political parties fielded candidates for the 5 December, 1998 election, and the result was fantastic in the sense that all the three parties won elections in various local governments. For example, AD won chairmanship positions in 18 local governments, APP won in 6 local governments and PDP won in 9 local governments, making the total of 33 local governments in the state. At that time, it was not a matter of the party of the incumbent governor winning all the chairmanship elections. The three political parties won seats based on their popularity in different LGAs. So, it would be a welcome development if the National Local Government Electoral Commission could be established to conduct local government elections in Nigeria.

    Nuances: The Supreme Court also decided on 11 July, 2024 that it is illegal for governors to dissolve democratically-elected local government administrations or to fail to conduct elections into the offices, and then to undemocratically appoint caretaker committees. What is your opinion on this decision?

    Alliu:  Yes. It’s clearly stated in the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 as amended that the local governments will be governed only by democratically elected officers and not caretaker committees or what have you. It’s constitutionally wrong to have caretaker committees in our local governments. Before now, the Supreme Court had delivered judgements on the illegality of constituting these caretaker administrations or dissolving democratically elected local government administrations. But some state governments just ignored the judgements.

    Nuances: What are the measures you think the federal and state governments and different communities could put in place to ensure that current local government administrations do not abuse their enhanced autonomy?

    Alliu: To prevent abuse, there must be checks and balances. During our own time, despite the fact that we had financial autonomy, we were getting administrative directives from the State Executives and legislative control from the State Houses of Assembly. To control the excesses, both the state and federal authorities can put reasonable measures in place. In the state, there’s the Auditor-General for local governments that monitors the expenditure of the local governments. Like the National Assembly, the State Houses of Assembly or even community committees can perform non-intrusive oversight functions over the local governments. Although the local governments have their own legislative arms of government, external measures and regulations to control their excesses are essential, because to whom much is given much is expected.

    Nuances: What advice do you have for the current local government leadership?

    Alliu: My candid advice to the current set of local government officials is that they should endeavour to perform creditably well, for the sake of their future, because local government administration is a political training ground for higher political offices. For example, in Oyo State, Chief Kolapo Ishola was once a local government Chairman before he became Governor of the state and he performed well both as Chairman and as Governor; and Governor Adebayo Alao Akala, who was in my generation of Chairmen between 1999 and 2002, was later elected Deputy Governor in year 2003 and became Governor in year 2007. Ambassador Taofeek Arapaja and Otunba Moses Alake Adeyemo were also Council Chairmen in Oyo State before they later became Deputy Governors in the state. Even outside Oyo State, the current Minister of FCT, Abuja, Barrister Nyesom Ezenwo Wike, was a local government Chairman before rising to higher offices, including that of Governor.

    I further wish to advise our current Chairmen to remember always that the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC) and other anti-corruption outfits both at the federal and state levels are very much around. The Chairmen should therefore be more careful and prudent in their financial and administrative dealings, since they don’t have immunity. The Chairmen should also regularly consult with and harness the great and workable ideas of the opinion leaders and various experts in their local governments to facilitate noble and enduring achievements.

    Nuances: Thank you very much for your time and invaluable ideas.

    Alliu: Thank you, sir.

  • Ekiti International Cargo Airport: exemplar or eccentric?

    Ekiti International Cargo Airport: exemplar or eccentric?

    • By John Moyo Ekundayo

    Our interconnectedness on the planet is the dominating truth of the 21st century ….” – Jeffrey D. Sachs, in the treatise: “End of Poverty: Economic Possibilities of our time.”

    Ekiti State is located in the southwestern part of Nigeria. It is a unique homogenous entity with every town and village ending with Ekiti. Hence, as one traverses the length and breadth of Ekiti, one cannot but be seeing on signposts or hearing from residents such names as Ijero Ekiti, Aramoko Ekiti, Ido Ekiti, Ikole Ekiti, Iyin Ekiti, Ire Ekiti, Ikere Ekiti, Efon Alaaye Ekiti, Omuo Ekiti, Ikogosi Ekiti, Ilawe Ekiti, Otun Ekiti, Isan Ekiti, Oye Ekiti, etc. The population of Ekiti State, by projection, is estimated at 3,592, 200, by 2022, according a source; albeit the 2006 national population census attributed a figure of 2,384,212 to Ekiti. Ekiti is typically agrarian and most people live in semi-urban and rural areas. In essence, agriculture is the main occupation of the people. Ekiti is branded in local parlance: “Ile Iyi, Ile Eye”, meaning: Land of Honour. The state is tucked within Ondo, Osun, Kwara and Kogi. In essence, the beautiful hilly terrain interspersed with varying, undulating valleys, some laced with ponds, streams and rivers, is landlocked! Plainly stated, Ekiti has no rail line connecting it to other states, no seaport in vicinity and presently no functioning airport. Saliently and succinctly stated, Ekiti could only be accessed by road, unlike states such as Ondo, Ogun, Lagos, Rivers, Cross River, Oyo, Kano, Kaduna, etc.

    Ekiti International Cargo Airport: Displaying Eccentricity?

    It was not a cheering news of recent when the Managing Director of the Federal Airport Authority of Nigeria (FAAN), Mrs Olubunmi Kuku, stated that 19 out of the total of 22 airports in Nigeria are unviable. According to her, as we speak, some states in the north and south are still embarking on airport projects. Is it economically and/or politically in sync with reality for such states? Equally and seemingly irksome, is the recent declaration by the erstwhile Director General of the Lagos Chamber of Commerce and Industry (LCCI), Dr. Muda Yusuf, that only 4 of the nation’s airport are economically sustainable. Namely, according to him, are: Murtala Muhammed International Airport (MMIA), Lagos; Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport, Abuja; Mallam Aminu Kano International Airport, Kano; and Port Harcourt International Airport, Port Harcourt.

    On the heels of the foregoing, one curious or analytical mind may begin to inquire: does it really worth it for a state like Ekiti to want to commission for public use another airport in Ado Ekiti? There are myriads of questions that may be asked such as, but not limited to the following: Is Akure Airport not near enough for usage by willing air travellers in Ekiti? What is the present flying population of Ekiti to justify possessing an airport? Can a state government successfully and sustainably operate an airport? How many airlines will be willing to fly the route? What are the unique features of the airport in Ado Ekiti differentiating it from other acclaimed unviable airports? Can Ekiti State Government turn things around in the operation of the airport?

    Ekiti International Cargo Airport: Exemplar in the pack?

    “Economic development works. It can be successful. It tends to build on itself. But it must get started.” – Jeffrey D. Sachs, in the treatise: “End of Poverty: Economic Possibilities of our time.”

    This writer did his doctoral research in Malaysia and can attest to popularity and preference for air travel by citizens and residents; this is in spite of Malaysia, at a particular time, possessing the largest road network globally. What is the secret of Malaysia’s penchant for developing up to 63 airports (39 in East Malaysia and 24 in Peninsula Malaysia)? The Federal Civil Aviation Authority (FCAA), Federal Airport Authority of Nigeria (FAAN), and airlines operating in Nigeria need to glean and learn from Malaysia. It is possible to turn the existing 22 airports in Nigeria to profitable and sustainable ventures if the country’s operators are intentional, conscientious, adaptable, ambitious and audacious.

    Obviously, many commentators and analysts are ignorant of the factors culminating in courageous decision of the Ekiti State Government, under the leadership of the erstwhile Governor, His Excellency, Dr. John Kayode Fayemi, to initiate the audacious move of establishing an international cargo airport, and choosing that location, in the context of a state like Ekiti. Firstly, the Ekiti International Cargo Airport, about to be fully commissioned for operations, is strategically designed, constructed and tucked within the Special Agro-Industrial Processing Zone (SAPZ) and the Ekiti Knowledge Zone (EKZ). Apart from the stark and bitter reality of Ekiti being landlocked, possessing an airport will ensure and enhance connectivity to other parts of the country, continent and the world at large. Speculatively, 60% of the air traffic to and from Akure Airport originated from indigenes, residents and students of Ekiti State. Ekiti and Osun states air travellers will be adequately served, while some parts of Kwara, Ondo and Kogi will equally not be left out. Overall, the state is opened up globally to business opportunities engendering the interests of potential investors and partners. In the same vein the famous Afe Babalola University, Ado Ekiti (ABUAD), inarguably the most rated university in Nigeria, with students from all over Nigeria and other countries, will be adequately served. No wonder, the elder statesman, Aare Afe Babalola, SAN, proprietor of the university, has been a pillar of support in ensuring speedy completion of the airport.

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    Secondly, the airport will facilitate agribusiness and industrialization in real terms, and is tandem with the ‘share prosperity’ mantra of the incumbent Governor Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji’s (BAO) administration. The Special Agro-Industrial Processing Zone (SAPZ), not far from the airport, was conceived to aid agricultural production, processing and manufacturing; a great move in igniting and eliciting audacious foreign direct investment (FDI) drive towards Ekiti. The whole acreage of SAPZ encompasses a land mass of 55,000 hectares. Added benefits of fully development of the zone include: food security, job creation, boosting of the state GDP, foreign exchange earning, enhancing personal income and quality of life of the indigenes, etc.

    Thirdly, it would be recalled that the state helmsman, His Excellency, Governor Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji (BAO) recently commissioned the Ekiti Startup Garage, a start-up techno hub to promote digital innovation among gifted minds in Ekiti. It is on record that his government created the Ministry of Innovation, Science and Digital Economy (MISDE) headed by a vibrant and cerebral mind, Mr. Seun Fakuade. To a discerning mind, this is the incubating ground for our own ‘Silicon Valley’ in Ekiti. It would be recalled that at the commissioning, myriads of innovations were displayed. A big leap is that the Ekiti Knowledge Zone (EKZ) located within the precinct of the airport is the icing on the cake. EKZ is a tripartite arrangement of the Federal Government, Ekiti State Government and the African Development Bank (AfDB). Succinctly and saliently stated on its website:

    “EKZ is a federal government-backed and state-led Special Economic Zone focused on promoting digital innovation and entrepreneurship in Ekiti State and its neighbouring areas. The African Development Bank Group has approved an $80 million loan for the EKZ project, with the Ekiti State government providing $14.8 million in counterpart funding. EKZ aims to attract private investment into the digital and knowledge economy sectors, generate jobs, and contribute to economic benefits in the region. EKZ will have a 20-hectare green technology park and essential services infrastructure such as roads, electricity, internet connectivity, water supply, and wastewater treatment facilities.”

    The takeaway from here is with the initiation and implementation of SAPZ, EKZ, the Ring Road encompassing Ado Ekiti, the state capital, an unintended Aerotropolis (airport city) is emerging that seemingly will take modern development away from the traditionally archaic Ado Ekiti metropolis engendering, but not limited to, the following: aggressive real estate, hospitality, education, health-care, tourism, manufacturing, processing, exportation, packaging, freighting, storage, logistics and transportation businesses.

     Shout Out To The Ekiti State Government!

    In concluding this piece, it will be a disservice not to acknowledge the great input of the incumbent Governor Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji (BAO), working along the trajectory of continuity, in ensuring the completion and commissioning of the Ekiti International Cargo Airport. The runway of the airport is one of the widest and longest in Nigeria; can accommodate large aircraft, taking off and landing. However, getting the facility successfully and sustainably running should be the goal. In essence, eggheads within and outside the government should be engaged to come up with plans to make the airport uniquely functioning and sustainable. It should be added that such ad-hoc entity should holistically and objectively assess the content and context of the airport before making its submission. Moreover, it should operate with open mindset leveraging and learning from other sub-nationals and nations like Akwa Ibom State and Malaysia. The former owns and runs a profitable airline, Ibom Air, whilst the later, owns myriads of airports (63 in number), littered all over Malaysia – East Malaysia and Peninsula Malaysia. This writer opines that ideas rule the world, and Ekiti International Cargo Airport can stand out if there is strong will emanating from the incumbent government in this direction. This is imperative if the huge investments of both administrations of His Excellency, Dr. John Kayode Fayemi (erstwhile Governor) and the incumbent Governor Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji (BAO) will not go down the drain like others in other States of Nigeria.

    –       Engr. (Dr.) John Moyo Ekundayo, is the Special Adviser/Director General, Office of Transformation and Service Delivery (OTSD), Oke Bareke, Ado Ekiti; can be reached at: jekundayo@ekitistate.gov.ng, or via sms: 08155262360.

  • PDP faces litmus test in Plateau LG elections

    PDP faces litmus test in Plateau LG elections

    The ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP) in Plateau State faces a tough task going into the local government elections scheduled for next month. In this report, KOLADE ADEYEMI examines the fallout of the party primaries and the efforts so far made to mend the cracked walls of the ruling party.

    The ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP) in Plateau State is going back to the polls next month to test its popularity among the people. The last time it did was in the 2023 general election when the ruling party floored the then incumbent All Progressive Congress (APC) and took over the political affairs of the state.

    The 2023 electoral victory which transformed PDP from an opposition party to a ruling party is about to be tested in another poll on October 9 in the local government elections scheduled to hold across the 17 LGAs of the state.

    The scheduled council election is believed to be a factor that will determine the popularity of the ruling party since its massive victory at the 2023 polls. Questions are being asked in certain quarters around the state as to whether the ruling party has squandered the goodwill it earned at the 2023 polls or whether it is still as popular as it was before the 2023, or whether the incumbent administration in the state is demonstrating the true essence of people’s party as expected considering the policies and programmes of the governor, Barrister Caleb Mutfwang.

    The electoral processes that will culminate in the council elections have begun with the party primaries successfully and peacefully held by contending political parties in the state, especially the ruling PDP, the main opposition party APC and other opposition parties like ADC, LP, PRP and NNPP.

    However, the strategies of the ruling party to use the expected council polls to consolidate on its 2023 victory is not without challenges. The outcome of the party primaries alone is enough a challenge for the ruling party and the incumbent administration of Barrister Caleb Mutfwang. The primaries have revealed cracks in the party. The stakeholders are already in dispute among themselves with some already planning evil against their own party and government at the council polls.

    It is no exaggeration to say that all is not well within the ruling party as the state draw nearer to the council elections. The threats are obvious.

    But the state chairman of the party, Hon. Chris Hassan, says there is no cause for alarm even though he admitted that there are indeed cracks to be mended. 

    The State PDP Chairman, Hon. Chris Hassan, speaking through his Personal Assistant Media and Protocol Officer, Mr Kefas Simdi, said: “Normally, in an election, you must have issues. It is part of politics. If there are no issues, it means something is wrong somewhere.

    “So, it is natural to have issues, and the party has an internal mechanism to resolve them.

    “We have a regulatory committee already in place. It is just a matter of reactivating it to bring all the aggrieved stakeholders together to resolve our issues.

    “The primary elections have come and gone, so what we are focusing on now is for PDP to win in all the 17 local government areas.

    “We have 325 councillorship seats, and we want to win all of them. That is why we are talking to ourselves.

    “From the ward executives to the local government executives, the level of consensus is about 95 to 98 per cent. This shows that we have few issues to resolve.

    “We identify where the problems are and we are moving quickly to reach out to those who are aggrieved so that we can come together.

    “I want to assure everyone in the state that the voter turnout we are going to get in this October 9th election will be tremendous, and opposition parties will regret participating in the election.

    “Party faithful should have confidence in the ability of the internal mechanisms of the party to resolve all issues.”

    Speaking further on need for inclusive dialogue among party stakeholders, Hassan said: “For the PDP to achieve electoral success and effective governance in Plateau State, fostering inclusive dialogue is essential.

    “To address the concerns arising from the PDP primaries in the state, reconciliation mechanisms will need to be robust and inclusive.”

    Other PDP stalwarts across the state want the PDP leadership to initiate dialogues that include all stakeholders, especially those who feel marginalised by the primaries. This would involve both the candidates who lost and the party members who supported them.

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    Such dialogues should aim to acknowledge grievances, discuss them openly, and seek mutually agreeable solutions. By doing so, the party can prevent further alienation of these members and strengthen unity.

    On the need for conflict resolution, a member of the party acknowledged that “establishing conflict resolution committees made up of neutral party members respected by all factions could help mediate disputes.

    “These committees can investigate allegations of manipulation or imposition during the primaries and recommend corrective measures.

    “Ensuring transparency in their proceedings will be crucial for restoring trust.”

    The party also acknowledged that there should be a power-sharing formula.

    “To address the issue of favoritism or perceived imposition of candidates, the PDP could consider implementing power-sharing agreements at the local level.

    “This might involve giving key positions in the party’s local executive councils to representatives of the factions that lost out in the primaries, ensuring they have a stake in the upcoming elections.”

    Mending the crack walls resulting from the PDP primaries also involved appeal and redress mechanisms.

    “Providing a formal platform for aggrieved candidates to appeal the outcomes of the primaries could also help mitigate discontent. If appeals are handled fairly and transparently, it can create a sense of justice and reduce the potential for defections to other parties.

    “The party leadership could also reinforce discipline by ensuring that all party members adhere to the decisions reached through reconciliation.

    “This might include setting clear expectations for behavior during and after the reconciliation process and applying sanctions if necessary,” said Hon. John Akans, former state publicity secretary of PDP.

    As the state approaches the council election, engaging grassroots members who supported various candidates can help rebuild confidence in the party’s processes. This might involve organising town hall meetings or other forms of direct engagement where party leaders can explain the reasons for the decisions made and reassure members of their commitment to the party’s collective success.

    “By implementing these mechanisms, the PDP can address the internal fractures caused by the primaries and present a united front in the upcoming local government elections”.

    Within the remaining days to the council elections, there is no doubt that a thorough, comprehensive and effective reconciliation mechanism that resonate with a larger segment of the electorate that will lead to internal party cohesion is strengthened when members feel heard and valued.

    Inclusive dialogue can help resolve internal disputes and create a united front. A party that is seen as inclusive and responsive is more likely to gain support and win elections.

    “Engaging with various stakeholders and addressing their needs can significantly boost the PDP’s electoral prospects, said former state PDP chairman Hon. Raymond Dabo.

    However, sources close to the Governor informed journalists that he ( Governor) wants to also organise a free and fair election in order to improve his outlook on the international stage. This brings to the fore the need to reconcile grievances.

  • As the nation reels under brutal banditry

    As the nation reels under brutal banditry

    • By Abdu Abdullahi

    Mass destructions, calamities, socio-economic dislocations, you name them. What are all these about? They are the disgusting and horrible results of the lingering banditry in the northwest, Nigeria’s most populated region.

    Recently, the ungodly elements shocked and traumatised us when they abducted, tortured and gruesomely murdered the Emir of Gobir, Alhaji Isa Bawa. This unprecedented violence sparks a stern warning that a lawless ‘nation’ of the brutish bandits portends calamity to our collective existence as insecurity in the northwest has reached its unacceptable and frightening climax.

    We have had enough escalating misfortunes. The late Emir and thousands of slain Nigerians were victims of the failure of security in the northwest engineered by the dreadful gunmen. Over the years, the unrepentant terrorists, driven by economic infatuation, have been enjoying a field day perpetuating their nefarious activities. Defying military intelligence, might and professionalism, they have wantonly destroyed many villages, sacked communities, raped women and killed thousands of innocent people. It is estimated that over 450,000 people fled their farms and rural markets for safety in the northwest region. This unfortunate trend is a great setback on agricultural produce. While the murderous elements enjoy peace in the forest, the vulnerable rural communities are living in perpetual anxieties.

    Findings reveal that these ‘lords of anarchy’ operate in different camps spanning over 80. They possess and wield thousands of AK-47 rifles with a high sense of immunity. With over a hundred thousand armed bandits across the troubled region, we must wake up from our slumber to fight this dangerous endemic before we get consumed. Rural banditry is increasing largely because the north-western Nigeria’s forestlands are vast, rugged, hazardous and grossly under-policed. This is aggravated by the fact that the region is blighted by endemic poverty, illiteracy, high level of substance abuse, and significant rate of rural unemployment among others.

    Zamfara State is crowned as the epicentre of brutish bandits. Farming is no more a pride as usual for those defenceless farmers who have been economically dislocated. In Zamfara State alone, 6319 people were killed between 2011 and 2019, 3672 people kidnapped and more than 500 villages burnt down within the same period. You can imagine the staggering figures when the numbers are added to the apocalypses of the other affected states.

    In 2021, bandits attacked more than 20 different schools in the northwest, kidnapped 1436 students and killed 16 while in school, resulting in school closures across the region. Sincere condolences and deep sympathy are extended to the bereaved and victims of this human catastrophe.

    To strengthen their cells and unleash more harm, three operational strategies are renowned: economic incentive, coercion and social relations. They exploit the socio-economic vulnerability of the rural residents, the economically depressed and burgeoning youth population trapped in pervasive unemployment to recruit fresh members by offering N5,000. They also resort to civilian victimisation, threats and coercion as a veritable recruitment strategy. I still don’t know the efforts we are making to counter and frustrate these evil designs of the gunmen.

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    A popular theory has it that the evolution of banditry can be traced to an extra-judicial killing in April 2013 of the leader of a pastoralist group in Zamfara State by a Hausa-dominated vigilante group, on the allegation of harbouring and supporting cattle rustlers. Subsequently, his followers mobilised fighters and invited affiliated gangs for reprisal attacks. Members of the gang grew in number, acquired weapons and strengthened their connections till date.

    The Emir of Kwatarkwashi, Bungudu Local Government Area of Zamfara State, Abubakar Ahmad Umar noted that apart from the disagreement between Fulanis and Hausas over cattle rearing, grazing and farming land as the main cause of the crisis, it has been worsened by the discovery of gold and other mineral resources in the region. He alleged with dismay, that foreigners with selfish interests are involved in the crisis, supplying arms to locals and exploiting the mineral resources while Nigerians kill each other. He also condemned the role of politics in the conflict, accusing politicians for prioritising party interests over national security.

    Banditry is boosted by arms trafficking and border porosity. In northern Nigeria, the porosity of the region’s borders favours the circulation and proliferation of small arms and ammunitions. This also coincided with the post- Gaddafi era, when arms started pouring out of Libya into the Sahel, destabilizing the entire region. Consequently, the region is now partially under ‘ barbaric rule’ of the bandits.

    Like Adolf Hitler, bandits have clearly understood the potency of propaganda as an effective machinery of war. A famous propaganda expert in war, Hitler’s propaganda art was so much attractive to him that he assigned one Joseph Goebbels to the official position of ‘ National Propaganda Leader’. For the bandits also, propaganda is a major strength of their mayhem regime. It is amazing how we belittle propaganda machine in our war against bandits. It is a strong weapon for their destruction but we abandon it entirely.

    Deeply entangled by the unfolding criminalities of the bandits, what is the way out? Many suggestions have been proffered to end banditry. Former governor, Aminu Waziri Tambuwal of Sokoto State opined that a state of emergency should be declared to enable security operatives clear bandits’ enclaves and hideouts. Many are of the view that dialogue is the best option. But talks with the Islamic scholar Sheik Ahmad Gumi with the bandits in the forest proved abortive.

    Intelligence studies have shown that banditry can be tackled through deployment of techno-driven surveillance, strengthened collaborative effort of law enforcement agencies and telecoms operations, genuine activation of good governance and adoption of a community participatory policing strategy.

    Whatever the case may be, our northwest is devastated by insecurity. The intensity of the violence in the region should propel us deploy more impetus to our political will and urgently halt its destructive spread.

    •Abdullahi writes via aaringim68@gmail.com

  • We can reclaim our sanity again

    We can reclaim our sanity again

    • By Emeka Asinugo

    It might look absurd but, frankly, many of us, Nigerians in the Diaspora, quietly shed tears of sadness each time we remember how our country, globally known for its vibrant culture, its rich and alluring history and great promises of immeasurable prosperity, has now become the bloody battle ground of heartless, unknown gunmen, red-eyed herdsmen, unrelenting self-determination agitators, and inhuman insurgents. Ours has become a land where the value of human life has so diminished that for many Nigerians, life literarily has no meaning any more. Over the past few decades, our country has been gripped by these twin evils of insurgency and terrorism that often left on their trail only the story of bloodshed and the subsequent desperation of our people.

    It is not a thing to be proud of.  

    The conflicts that have bedevilled our country are rooted in its complex social and political experiences. But they have also been worsened by the roles local politicians play, encouraging violence in the system. The need to restore the value of life among Nigerians has never been more urgent. But first, we need to know how we came to this rise of insurgencies and terrorism and the insidious role politicians play in sustaining these crises. We need to consider what critical steps we must now take to reclaim the sanctity of life in our country. Let us see what brought about these instances of unrest among our people and then consider if there is anything we ought to do, to come back to our senses and begin to value and respect the sanctity of human life again. 

    Rightly or wrongly, it has  been claimed that Boko Haram evolved as  a result of widespread social and economic marginalization of the masses of our people, particularly in the northern states. Decades of neglect by successive governments, rampant poverty, and the lack of educational opportunities are said to have created the fertile ground for radical ideologies to take root. Boko Haram capitalized on these situations, promising an alternative system of governance that would be based on a strict interpretation of the Sharia Law. And so, what began as a fringe movement quickly turned into a full-blown insurgency, with Boko Haram launching a campaign of terror that have claimed tens of thousands of lives and displaced millions from their ancestral homes.

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    Other insurgent groups also emerged in various parts of the country, each with its own grievances and objectives. The Niger Delta region saw the rise of such militant groups as the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND). MEND waged a violent campaign against the Nigerian state over the exploitation of the region’s oil resources. In the Middle Belt, clashes between farmers and herders escalated into deadly conflicts, fuelled by ethnic and religious tensions. In the Southeast, the rise of unknown gunmen became responsible for the kidnapping and killing of many young adults and more depressingly, the killing of several royal fathers. Many joined the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), to agitate for a referendum so that Nigerians can decide for themselves whether or not they still wanted to stay together as one huge indivisible country.

    While the root causes of insurgency and terrorism in our country are complex, the role of politicians in perpetuating the bloody violence cannot be ignored. One of the most troubling aspects of the country’s struggle with insurgency and terrorism has been the way in which these crises have often been politicized. In many instances, political actors exploit the chaos for their own selfish gain, deepening the crisis and making it more difficult to resolve. Rather than address the underlying issues, some of our politicians use violence as a tool to further their own personal agendas. For instance, during election periods, it is not uncommon for rival political factions to sponsor violence or align with militant groups to intimidate opponents and manipulate voter turnout.

    Corruption also plays an ugly role in perpetuating violence in our society. The siphoning of public funds meant for security and infrastructural development weakens democratic institutions, leaving them ill-equipped to address the root causes of insurgency. For example, funds allocated for military operations are often embezzled by corrupt officials, rendering the military poorly equipped, demoralized and unable to effectively combat insurgent groups. Worse still, corruption has undermined the judicial system which has led to a culture of impunity where perpetrators of violence are rarely held accountable. The case of the judge in Imo State, who was murdered in broad daylight by hooded gunmen with no arrests made, is a stark example of the lawlessness that had taken hold in some parts of our country. This failure to enforce the rule of law obviously erodes public trust in the government and emboldens insurgents and criminals to take advantage of the situation.

    The militarization of politics in Nigeria is one other factor that contributes to the perpetuation of violence. The use of armed groups by politicians to achieve their objectives creates a vicious cycle of violence and retribution. This is particularly evident in states where political power is highly contested, and the stakes are high. In such places, political violence is often seen as a necessary evil, and the value of human life is subordinated to the pursuit of political power. The consequences of this militarization are far-reaching. For one, it has led to the proliferation of arms among civilians, making it easier for insurgent groups to acquire weapons and sustain their campaigns of terror. Moreover, the normalization of violence in the political landscape appears to have desensitized the public to the brutality that has become a daily reality in many parts of our country.

    The task of reclaiming Nigeria from the grip of insurgency, terrorism, and political violence is surely daunting, but it is not an impossible one. Restoring the value of life in Nigeria demands a multifaceted approach. It calls for us, as a people, to address of the root causes of violence, strengthen our state institutions of democracy, and encourage a culture of peacefulness that predicates on respect for human life.

    To effectively combat insurgency and terrorism, the authorities should be crucially ready to address the socio-economic factors that fuel these crises. They should be prepared to tackle mass poverty in the face of plenty, unemployment, and the lack of educational opportunities that makes individuals vulnerable to radicalization. Economic development initiatives that create jobs and provide access to education are essential and the authorities should see and tackle them as such.

    The government should also invest in infrastructure and social services in neglected regions to reduce the disparities that insurgents exploit to gain support. A strong and accountable government will be essential in any attempt to restore the value of life in Nigeria. We should begin with tackling corruption, ensuring that public funds are used for their intended purposes.

    The military and law enforcement agencies should be adequately equipped and trained to respond to the threat of insurgency effectively. The judicial system should be reformed to ensure that those who commit acts of violence are brought to justice. More importantly, there is an urgent need to depoliticize the security forces and ensure that their actions are guided by the principles of justice and the rule of law. The government should also engage with local communities and traditional leaders in conflict-affected areas to build trust and promote peace.

    Reclaiming our sanity in Nigeria is not just about ending violence. It is about restoring the very essence of what it means to be human. The respect for human life, which has been eroded by years of insurgency, terrorism, and political violence, must be reinstated at the heart of our society. This requires a comprehensive approach that addresses the root causes of violence, strengthens state institutions of democracy, and institutes a culture of peace and respect for life. Only by doing so can Nigeria hope to emerge from the darkness that beclouds it and build a future where every life is valued and protected. The journey to reclaiming our sanity will be long and challenging, but it is a journey that we must undertake if we are to secure peace and prosperity for future generations.

    •Asinugo, KSC, is a London-based British-Nigerian journalist.

  • As AES Junta leaders race into uncharted territory

    As AES Junta leaders race into uncharted territory

    • By Paul Ejime

    The latest decision by the Burkina Faso junta to remove the ECOWAS logo from the country’s international passport is another move that casts serious doubts on that regime’s critical thinking and sincerity of purpose.

    In January this year, the military rulers of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger decided to pull their countries out of ECOWAS, because of what they called “inhuman sanctions” it imposed on the three nations after army takeovers of their governments.

    The three countries, which now go by the Alliance of Sahel States, under the French acronym, AES, also accused the regional bloc of failing to support them in their fight against terrorism and being tele-guided by foreign powers, particularly France.

    Ironically, the three have retained membership in the eight-nation West African Economic and Monetary Union, UEMOA set up by France, to compete with ECOWAS. The eight are ECOWAS members with a common Central bank, BCAO based in Dakar, and all use the franc’s CFA currency controlled by the French Treasury.

    The three junta rulers – Brig.-Gen. Abdourahmane Tchiani (Niger), Col Assimi Goita (Mali) and Capt. Ibrahim Traore (Burkina Faso) – are making populist revolutionary noises, basically riding on the crest of anti-French sentiments by the population in Francophone countries.

    They profess Pan-Africanism, but while it was convenient for them to sever relations with ECOWAS, an African organisation, they are comfortable with foreign powers such as Russia and China. Moscow is providing them with military support, through its private military group, Wagner, which suffered major casualties during a July ambush by the Tuareg separatist group in northern Mali.

    Recently, clashes between terrorist groups and Burkina Faso forces reportedly killed some 200 people, including soldiers and civilians in the north of the country.

    The story is not different in Niger or Guinea, the fourth military-ruled country, all suspended by ECOWAS.

    If the allegation of lack of progress in the anti-terror campaign was the reason for the military takeover of governments in the four countries, the security situation has not improved or has even grown worse in some cases after the military seized power.

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    Another inconsistency is that a Chinese firm won the almost 20 billion francs CFA contract to print the new national passport without the ECOWAS logo for the Burkina Faso junta regime.

    According to the Minister of Security, Mahamadou Sana, the new passport meets the International Civil Aviation Organisation (ICAO) standards. It also contains several innovations, such as an electronic chip with more data storage capacity and state-of-the-art security features.

    Granted that ECOWAS made some mistakes in the sweeping and punishing sanctions it imposed on Niger after the military coup, coupled with the threat by the regional bloc to use military force to restore constitutional order in that country; even so, military rule is an aberration in today’s world.

    Nigeria, the regional powerhouse, compounded the situation by cutting the electricity power supply to Niger as part of the ECOWAS sanctions, even though electricity supply was covered by a bilateral accord, which has nothing to do with ECOWAS.

    But ECOWAS has since pulled back on the use of military force in Niger and also lifted all the regional sanctions, while the junta leaders have remained recalcitrant. The recent visit by Nigeria’s Chief of Defence Staff Gen. Christopher Musa to Niger, where he held talks with his counterpart and reiterated that the people of both countries were brothers and sisters, was instructive.

    Since ECOWAS has extended the olive branch, the junta leaders ought to climb down from their populist horses to engage in dialogue because given the geographical location of their land-locked countries, their citizens would be hardest hit if their countries were to leave ECOWAS.

    The global trend and conventional wisdom are for countries to pull together, and maximise the benefits of numbers, since no country can go it alone, no matter how big or powerful.

    The three AES countries have made their point. Their withdrawal has political, economic, trade and security implications for the restive ECOWAS and Sahel region. Similarly, the tangible and intangible benefits from their continued membership of ECOWAS will far outweigh whatever temporary gains they would make from leaving ECOWAS.

    For instance, removing the ECOWAS logo from their national passports, as Burkina Faso has done, means that their citizens can no longer enjoy the visa-free benefits under the regional Free Movement of Persons, Goods and Services and the right to Residence and Establishment.

    Also, what happens to millions of their citizens in ECOWAS countries and vice versa?

    Terrorism is a transnational crime. If under ECOWAS the three countries could not defeat terrorism, what is the guarantee that it would be easier for just three countries?

    As sovereign nations, it is within their right to form and belong to any association or alliance, just as several other groups currently do within ECOWAS, such as UEMOA, the Mano River Union, the Zone of Prosperity, and the Lake Chad Commission/Authority.

    The three countries have up to the end of December this year as a window of opportunity to rethink their position. Under ECOWAS protocol, notice of withdrawal by any country only takes effect after 12 months as happened with Mauritania, which served notice in 1999 and left in 2000 but is now making moves to return.

    By insisting on leaving ECOWAS without justifiable reasons, the junta leaders could vindicate the position of critics who see them as opportunistic power grabbers, who do not want to subject themselves to democratic scrutiny by ECOWAS.

    Their lack of progress with transition programmes, and the injection of the clause that they are eligible to contest elections during the transition period, contrary to provisions of the ECOWAS and African Union protocols raise questions about their sincerity of purpose. For instance, the Mali junta has spent four years in power without concrete movements towards constitutional rule.

    Another potential danger is the latest decision to reactivate the ECOWAS Standby Force, without interrogating why the existing Standby Force is not working.

    The Committee of Chief of Defence Staff after its recent meeting, at the behest of the Heads of State and Government, proposed a two-tier Standby Force, of 5,000-strength at full complement, estimated to cost US$2.6 billion “to fight terrorism and unconstitutional change of government.”

    Any genuine measures to fight terrorism should be welcome. However, raising the troops and the funds in a difficult economy when many ECOWAS member states cannot pay their community levy is another matter. The greatest worry is that the standby force idea, which gained traction after the Niger coup and the later abandoned decision to intervene militarily, is seen by critics as a ploy to maintain political leaders in power instead of fighting terrorism.

    Two member states – Guinea Bissau and the Gambia – are already hosting ECOWAS Military Missions and Sierra Leone’s President Julius Maada Bio, dealing with the 2023 disputed presidential election fallouts has also requested a third ECOWAS Mission.

    A thorough examination of the Terms of Reference of current ECOWAS Missions shows that they are deployed to defend and maintain government officials in power, rather than the defence or protection of the host country’s sovereignty.

    This anomaly must be rectified and so too, the contradiction of democratic governments using the military to maintain themselves in power.

    Instead of wasting scarce resources on weapons for military missions or a Standby Force, ECOWAS leaders should deliver and consolidate good governance and eliminate disaffections, corruption, mass poverty amid extravagant living by government officials, inequalities, neglect or deprivation and other bad governance enablers.

    •Ejime is an author, global affairs analyst.

  • Rethinking oil and gas governance for national development

    Rethinking oil and gas governance for national development

    By Olisa Agbakoba and Collins Okeke

    Nigeria stands at a critical juncture in its economic history. As the largest oil and gas producer in sub-Saharan Africa, with estimated reserves of 37 billion barrels of oil and 188 trillion cubic feet of gas, the country’s petroleum industry forms the backbone of its economy. It contributes approximately 90% of Nigeria’s foreign exchange earnings and about 60% of total income. Yet, this abundance of natural resources has not translated into broad-based economic development and improved living standards for the majority of Nigerians.

    The country continues to grapple with what economists term the “resource curse” or the “paradox of plenty.” This phenomenon is characterized by countries rich in natural resources, particularly non-renewable resources like minerals and fuels, experiencing less economic growth, less democracy, and worse development outcomes compared to countries with fewer natural resources. In Nigeria, this is manifested in high poverty rates, inadequate infrastructure, and uneven economic development.

    The governance of Nigeria’s oil and gas sector has undergone several transformations since the discovery of oil in commercial quantities in 1956. From the pre-independence era governed by the Petroleum Ordinance of 1889, which vested oil mineral rights in the British Crown, to the post-independence period where the Petroleum Act of 1969 transferred these rights to the Federal Government of Nigeria. The creation of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) in 1977 and the recent Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) of 2021 were further attempts to improve the sector’s governance. Despite these reforms, the industry remains plagued by poor governance, lack of transparency, and inefficient resource management.

    A prevailing misconception has been that the shift from state-controlled to private-sector governance would inherently lead to improvements in the sector. However, this transition has not yielded the expected results. The passage of the PIA has not had the anticipated positive impact on the oil and gas industry. Nigeria’s oil revenue has continued to decline, and the country struggles to meet its Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) quota. Issues of corruption, inefficiency, and lack of transparency persist. This suggests that the governance model alone is not the root cause of the sector’s challenges.

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    The core issue lies not in the inefficacy or corruption of state-owned oil companies but in the lack of a clear economic design that aligns the industry with national development goals – hence the need for another approach: Development Oil.

    The concept of “Development Oil”

    “Development Oil” is an approach to oil and gas governance that views these resources not merely as commodities for export and revenue generation, but as strategic assets for driving comprehensive national development. It stands in stark contrast to the traditional “Contract Oil” approach that Nigeria has implemented over the years. Contract Oil, primarily implemented through Joint Ventures (JVs) and Production Sharing Contracts (PSCs), treats oil and gas primarily as commodities to be extracted, sold, and the profit shared between the government and International Oil Companies (IOCs).

    This model has resulted in a passive government role, IOC dominance, limited NNPC involvement, significant capital flight, and limited local content development. In contrast, Development Oil views oil and gas as strategic assets for driving comprehensive national development. It emphasizes active state participation, value addition within the country, local content development, revenue retention and reinvestment, and long-term sustainability. This approach adheres more closely to the constitutional mandate in Sections 16 and 44 (3) of the Nigerian Constitution of using natural resources for the welfare and security of Nigerian citizens and seeks to address the “resource curse” that has plagued Nigeria.

    This concept is built on several key principles. At its core is strategic resource management, which treats oil and gas reserves as national assets to be managed for long-term development rather than short-term gain. It also emphasizes integrated economic planning, aligning oil and gas sector policies with broader national development goals. Value addition is another crucial aspect of Development Oil, focusing on developing the entire value chain within the country, from extraction to refining and petrochemicals. This goes hand in hand with local content development, which aims to maximize the participation of local businesses and workforce in the oil and gas industry. The approach also prioritizes revenue retention and reinvestment, keeping a significant portion of oil revenues within the country and reinvesting them in critical sectors. Sustainable development is another key principle, balancing resource exploitation with environmental conservation and planning for a post-oil future.

    The concept of “Development Oil” can be traced back to visionary leaders who saw oil not just as a revenue source, but as a tool for national advancement. One of the earliest manifestations of this thinking was the creation of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) in 1960. Leaders like Muammar Gaddafi envisioned OPEC as a means to leverage oil resources for the development of member nations. Several countries have successfully implemented aspects of the Development Oil approach. Norway is often cited as a prime example.

    The country established a sovereign wealth fund, now the world’s largest, to invest its oil revenues for future generations. Norway also developed a strong domestic oil industry and used its oil wealth to fund extensive social welfare programs. Saudi Arabia, while initially focused on oil exports, has in recent years pursued a Development Oil approach through its Vision 2030 plan.

    This includes using oil revenues to diversify the economy, develop non-oil sectors, and invest in education and infrastructure. Malaysia, through its national oil company Petronas, has pursued a Development Oil strategy. Petronas has invested in developing local expertise, expanding into the entire oil and gas value chain, and using oil revenues to fund national development projects. The United Arab Emirates, particularly Abu Dhabi, has used its oil wealth to fund economic diversification, infrastructure development, and the creation of sovereign wealth funds for future generations.

    To reposition the oil and gas industry as a driver of economic diversification and sustainable development, it is essential to establish a clear national agenda. This should be accompanied by a comprehensive National Oil and Gas Development Plan that outlines specific goals, timelines, and key performance indicators for the sector’s contribution to national development.

    It’s important to recognize that Nigeria’s natural resources are a sovereign inheritance, constitutionally guaranteed to provide welfare and prosperity for all Nigerians – a right that cannot be delegated to International Oil Companies (IOCs) by contract. Currently, management and control of Nigeria’s oil and gas is delegated to IOCs through JVs and PSCs, which is contrary to Section 44 (3) of the Constitution that mandates the government of the federation to manage and control all minerals including oil and gas.

    Existing Joint Venture agreements and Production Sharing Contracts with International Oil Companies (IOCs) should be reviewed and potentially revised. Agreements with IOCs should be reframed as economic development agreements rather than simple contracts. These agreements should engage the capital and technology of foreign companies in undertakings designed to have a decisive positive impact on the country’s economy, while maintaining sovereign control over resources. New models for engagement with IOCs should prioritize technology transfer, local content development, and value addition within Nigeria.

    A new governance framework centred on development should be created. This should include one strong and independent regulatory body to ensure transparency and efficiency, and a restructured national oil company focused on maximizing value for national development, similar to Saudi Arabia’s model.

    Innovative funding mechanisms, such as a Sovereign Oil Fund guaranteed by oil reserves, should be explored to finance strategic investments in the sector and related industries. This approach would allow Nigeria to leverage its proven reserves as collateral for borrowing, enabling the country to fund its own oil and gas operations without relying on foreign companies. A transparent and accountable mechanism for managing the Sovereign Oil Fund should be established.

    Collaboration between new Nigerian actors in the oil and gas sector and the federal government should be encouraged to build a new strategy for oil and gas exploration based on the concept of development oil. Investment in capacity building for Nigerian oil and gas companies should be prioritized to reduce dependence on IOCs. A significant portion of oil and gas revenue should be reinvested in diversifying the economy and developing non-oil sectors.

    Local content policies should be strengthened to ensure greater participation of Nigerian businesses in the oil and gas value chain. Investment in developing petrochemical and manufacturing industries should be made to add value to raw oil and gas products. Special economic zones focused on oil and gas-related industries should be established to attract investment and create jobs.

    The current exit of IOCs presents both a challenge and an opportunity for new Nigerian actors in the oil and gas sector. In collaboration with the federal government, these actors must rise to the occasion and build a new strategy for oil and gas exploration based on development oil principles.

    By aligning the oil and gas sector with broader national interests and constitutional obligations, Nigeria can create a more diversified, resilient, and prosperous economy that truly benefits all its citizens. This approach not only promises economic growth but also reaffirms Nigeria’s sovereignty over its natural resources, ensuring that they are managed for the welfare and security of all Nigerians, as mandated by the constitution.

     ●Dr Agbakoba (SAN) and Okeke are of OAL Energy and Natural Resource Practice Group.

  • Makinde and his pet ‘Business District’ project

    Makinde and his pet ‘Business District’ project

    By Tade Ipadeola

    On Friday March 1, purporting to act under the Land Use Act, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State, put a notice in the public domain that he was acquiring approximately 3,149 hectares along the Moniya-Ijaiye Road in the Akinyele Local Government Area of Oyo State in the ‘overriding public interest’. The public notice then went on to spell out what the governor considers as overriding public interest, to wit, the establishment of the Ilu Tuntun Business District.

    On the face of it, a governor has the power to acquire land for overriding public interest and to revoke whatever prior certificates of occupancy or titles there may be. This is a vestige from the dark days of military rule. The Land Use Decree is a poisoned chalice which the military government of Olusegun Obasanjo left with Nigeria in 1979 and it has been an albatross around the neck of Nigeria ever since.

    The idea of a Central Business District has come to stay with urban planning and planners worldwide. But, if the CBD in the UK, India, America, Japan, China and Australia all average approximately 300 hectares, what does the governor of Oyo State know that administrators in all these other countries do not know? Who are the town planners who told the governor that this white elephant project makes sense in a state where not a single fire hydrant works?

    There are several problems with the ambitious governor’s proposed idea. The first is the utter thoughtlessness of trying to uproot over 200,000 people from their ancestral homesteads which also happens to be the physical location of some of the most storied events in Yoruba history. I refer to the Ibadan-Ijaye war which ended in 1867.

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    On the global timeline, in 1868, just a year apart from Kurunmi’s last stand, the Americans fought the battle of Gettysburg. Today, all of Gettysburg is a historical monument complete with museums and other learning facilities geared toward ensuring that Americans of the future know about what happened in Gettysburg. Here in Nigeria, a governor is purporting to turn Ijaye, Alabata, Agbedo and Molarere among others into an ill-considered Business District. There is a reason why no governor of Pennsylvania will even consider turning the sacred land at Gettysburg into a ‘business district’.

    In his landmark book of anthropology, Europe and the People Without History, Professor Eric Wolf, then of Columbia University, touched upon a large theme of records and erasure. In that book, we see what makes the world consider that only Europe has history. We learn how some Africans have, over the centuries, erased African history for a mess of pottage. And we learn how some Europeans, seeing what some feckless Africans have done with African history, swooped in for the epistemic kill.

    The second problem is that Oyo State cannot pay a fair price for 3,149 hectares of land displacing over 200,000 persons at this time. Assuming but not conceding that the parcel of land that the governor is eyeing is devoid of historical content, assuming that the people can be resettled on another 3,149 hectares of land with a mere executive order – the truth remains that Oyo State does not have money enough to pay a fair price for the hectares the governor wants. The fiscal situation in Oyo is so dire that the priority of government should be enhancing the capacity of citizens to pay taxes, not hamstringing the people.

    Many governors have taken to using the Draconian Land Use Act for ‘business’ ends. They make the land they take over into the haven of the bourgeois and pat themselves on the back for a job well done. The land which hitherto supported hundreds of farmers is with a whim converted into enclaves of plutocrats. There is just one problem: the short-changed masses will remember how privilege and power colluded to rob them of their ancestral cartography. Nothing good can be built on a foundation of injustice. Offering citizens the highly devalued naira as an incentive, pressing bulldozers and earthmoving machinery into service, and mobilizing NURTW thugs to intimidate dissenting voices may seem easy to do, but no one should live in the delusion that these measures will keep the masses mute for long.

    The third problem is that the area which the governor is purporting to seize for commerce is home to at least 19 rare species of the oil palm tree, among other rare ecological resources in that vicinity. Has the governor indeed commissioned an environmental impact assessment as required by law before his purported appropriation? Is the governor aware that Environmental Impact Assessment is a condition precedent to informed development?

    Taking the shortcut to any destination has become second nature to many Nigerians including public officials and ‘constituted authorities’. They make anyone who insists on due process and proper measures into villains in the public eye. But we need to remind ourselves that there are no shortcuts to any place worth going. If a public figure attempts to do it, we should activate citizen suasion and the law. Let proper steps be taken and be seen to be taken. We should think things through before acting, not the other way.

    The fourth ‘problem’ is that the governor has now unwittingly painted himself into a zugzwang regarding land already covered by the Nigerian Railway Corporation Act and by extension, the president. It is no news that the governor who has expressed the most irritation at the recent reinforcement of Local Government autonomy is our Governor Makinde. This overreaching regarding land firmly in federal keep smacks of tactlessness, to say the least. What is it with our governor/gamekeeper turned poacher?

    Knowing that the governor is a product of a society that removed history from the public syllabus for decades helps to explain his decision on the ‘business district’ that he, perhaps, genuinely thinks is a priority. It is conceivable that the governor’s blind spot is even shared by his cabinet in the case of the Ilu Tuntun business proposition. But rheumy eyes should be shown the rheum so that health and beauty are restored. It is important to insist on proper measures and to resist half measures.

    Hopefully, the governor will rescind this ill-advised move. If he does not, citizens should keep this matter in view for the next electoral season. We cannot afford to ignore the decisions of those who make us into a bunch of barbarians. We have history.

    •Ipadeola is a poet laureate, lawyer, and culture advocate. He is the winner of the 2013 Nigeria Prize for Literature. He can be reached at tadeipadeola@gmail.com