The Nation Newspaper

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  • Commoditisation of Nigerian students

    Commoditisation of Nigerian students

    Business has never been better for those whose high-value commodities are Nigerian students.

    In the weeks following the release of the hundreds of pupils kidnapped from the LEA Primary School, Kuriga, in Chikun Local Government Area of Kaduna State, more students have done time in kidnappers’ den. About nine students were kidnapped in Ughelli, Delta State, as they returned from their school in Calabar. They were freed after spending some days.

    Three students kidnapped from their hostel in the University of Calabar are still being held. Their families have been asked to pay fourteen million Naira as ransom for their release.

    While the crimes were committed in different locales of a crime-scarred landscape, the connection is unmistakable and the implication inescapable that Nigerian students have become expensive commodities in an outrageously profitable but rather execrable business.

    The Nigerian state refuses to disclose whether it paid for the release of the Kuriga school children, but indications are that it did. It is highly unlikely that the kidnappers who had the audacity to demand for one billion Naira got nothing for their considerable investment at the end of the day. A country which has more cash to pay than cards to play in such a situation could not have got off as lightly as the government’s reticence suggests.

    Kidnapping for ransom is a terrorist tactic that has proven its ability to serve as a tool of unbearable pressure as well as rake in money. The ability of non-state actors to snatch people, keep them and use them as bargaining chips to much publicity has often proven paralyzing and demoralizing for governments around the world. Throw in the convoluted dynamics of ransom negotiation and rescue operations, and the nightmare is complete.

    There are lessons to be learned from the levity with which non-state actors continue to treat the Nigerian state and individual victims, with the biggest lesson being that Nigeria is failing to learn its lessons. Kidnapping for ransom in Nigeria first came to prominence as a favorite tactic of militant groups in the Niger Delta area. It was further refined by Boko Haram insurgents, even if kidnappings orchestrated by the group have been for other reasons too. But it is the bandits waltzing through much of Northeast and Northwest of Nigeria that have taken the crime to another level. This has taken many years to fine-tune, yet Nigeria, as incorrigible as ever, has not developed a security architecture that can be precisely deployed to dismantle what is a devastating menace. What does it all mean? Business — a trade in vulnerable Nigerians, presumably by a collection of ragtag criminals conducted like an orchestra by well-heeled sponsors in the cover of high places.
    As for Nigerian students who have become high-value targets in the kidnapping business, the “never again”s said by Nigerian authorities when students were abducted in the past have been nothing more than reassurances that it will happen again, the question being where next?

    In the bargain of life, cost is relative to value. What one can get should be commensurate to what is being given up to get that thing. If this premise holds, the current cost of acquiring education in Nigeria is irreconcilable with the value it confers in the Nigeria situation. It is not simply a situation of harder circumstances yielding a higher value.

    Kidnapping students was never the major obstacle facing education in Nigeria. Suddenly cast into such calamitous company by Nigeria’s inclination to coddle insecurity, it is ferociously leading the pack of the mountains Nigerian students must climb if they consider education a luxury worth their painstaking pursuit.
    For years, lack of investment in teachers and infrastructure which make quality education possible and accessible was among the gravest accusations levelled against the Nigerian state. Today, however, insecurity makes a mockery of those persistent challenges.

    The vehement insecurity victimising Nigerian students is yet more violent disavowal of the express and implied commitments Nigeria consented to when it signed the Safe Schools Declaration of the United Nations.

    The criminals instigating insecurity in the country are determined to shred Nigeria’s shrinking obligations to its citizens and the international community, stir the shreds into a solution of humiliation and force it down the throat of a shamefaced country.

    Read Also: 10 Nigerian students qualify for JA Africa regional LEAD camp program

    The question of how Nigeria can keep students safe is not as immediate as whether Nigeria can keep them safe. It is appropriate to seek to answer this question with more questions. Can Nigeria, which has greatly struggled to secure communities around the country, offer students who are a community within its beleaguered communities what it has consistently failed up to provide to this point? It will be asking too much.
    The government In Nigeria is failing to reinforce its legitimacy and validity by securing all those who place themselves under its provision and sanctions. The worst kind of failure is that delivered by the stronger party in a social contract. This kind of failure, which smacks of betrayal, is at once unbearable and unforgivable. It remains to be seen if Nigeria can recover, or if it is Nigerians who must seek respite elsewhere.

    •Kene Obiezu wrote from keneobiezu@gmail.com

  • Tinubu’s bold reforms: testament to courage and patriotism

    Tinubu’s bold reforms: testament to courage and patriotism

    • By Maxwell Adeyemi Adeleye

    In my recent article titled ‘Tinubu: boldly steering Nigeria’s economy towards stability and growth,’ published by several mainstream media in Nigeria, especially, Business Day, The Nation and The Guardian, I analyzed various situations that posed severe challenges towards Nigeria’s economy and the bold steps being taken by the current president, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, to counter these challenges and drive the change we all have been clamoring for. These bold implementations and rules that once pitched Nigerians against the current government now look to be the ‘promising saviour’ Nigerians direly need to navigate towards economic growth and stability

    In the ever-changing scope of Nigerian politics and economy, where uncertainty looms large and promises are often left broken, President Tinubu’s administration has personally been a source of renewed hope and inspiration, influencing the expectation of Nigerians for a better economy that has been promised for over half a century without fulfillment.

    Over the years in Nigeria, I have witnessed the struggles of ordinary citizens battling with economic hardship and political uncertainty. Two major things that the ordinary citizens hardly understand are how they are influenced. The huge difference between the official and parallel exchange rates, which has always been driven by corruption and exploitation, continuously posed a barrier to economic progress. However, with Tinubu’s decision to float the naira, Nigeria, a nation that imports virtually all that she consumes, has witnessed a remarkable transformation in our currency exchange system.

    Gone are the days when there are multiple exchange rates and most elites hoard foreign currency for profit racketeering. Tinubu’s decision to float the naira, a decision that should have been made years ago, has not only brought transparency and accountability to our financial system but has also restored faith in our economy. Unlike the previous government that exhausted 23 trillion naira in eight years in order to manage naira, which amounted to nothing positive, Tinubu took the bold step – floating the naira.

    Recently, some opposition figures, most of whom are arm-chaired, tackled the present government over the decline in government foreign reserves. And truly, data from CBN as of the 5th of April, 2024, shows Nigeria foreign reserve to have  declined from $34.45 billion to $33.69 billion, a development they say calls for concern. But I am compelled to applaud the government’s bold steps in clearing all the backlog of major forex payments to foreign airlines, petroleum marketers and multinationals, which caused this decline. Nigerians noting the importance of the clearance of these backlogs is paramount for us to have a clear understanding of what influences Africa’s biggest economy instead of listening to sad tales from perennial election losers seeking for relevance through peddling of falsehood and propaganda.

    Nigeria has over $1 billion in forex forwards that have matured, and it posed major concern for investors as foreign currency shortages continue to depreciate the naira. So, the bold step the current government took in clearing the backlogs would continuously appreciate naira and further drive investors to Nigeria. We all know foreign investors would only invest in a favourable economy. I strongly believe in the profound impact that these reforms will have on the nation’s economic stability and growth.

    Currently, the management of fuel importation subsidies by the NNPC has proven the efficiency of Tinubu’s economic policies. It is heartening for Nigerians to see subsidies being utilized as a tool for fostering economic stability and growth rather than burdening the national budget or being embezzled by powerful office holders. In my previous report, I noted how fuel subsidy removal has led to the increment of all states and councils monthly allocations. One of the most significant changes I have observed in this current economy is the increase in FAAC allocations to states and local councils following the removal of subsidies.

    Through the analysis of data provided by the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, most states have seen a substantial increase in funding, enabling them to embark on crucial infrastructure projects that benefit ordinary citizens since they are closer to the grassroot government. According to a report by the BusinessDay, Nasarawa state’s monthly average FAAC allocation rose by 185.3 percent to N12.39 billion post-subsidy removal from N4.34 billion pre-subsidy removal, while that of Enugu increased by 94.3 percent to N6.72 billion from N3.47 billion. Anambra, Ogun, Ebonyi, Kogi, Bauchi, Plateau, Niger and Sokoto saw increases of 74.1 percent, 66.3 percent, 53.6 percent, 51.9 percent, 51.5 percent, 51.4 percent, 50.9 percent and 50.5 respectively. This means more allocation for the local governments, too, the closest to Nigerians to implement effective policies that would benefit the citizens directly. This tremendous increase wouldn’t have been possible without fuel subsidy removal, a bold step taken by Tinubu to promote economic growth. Hence, Nigerians should extend the tentacle of their demand for accountability to their Governors and local government chairmen, and not Tinubu alone.

    Looking forward to the future of Nigeria’s economy if the current government keeps up the pace, I am filled with great optimism about Nigeria’s growth even though at a slow pace. The beginning of operation of local refineries like the Dangote refinery will enhance self-sufficiency and reduce our dependence on foreign imports. Projections by the International Monetary Fund states that increased domestic refining capacity is expected to promote Nigeria’s position in the global market and enhance our economic resilience. What more would be great than experiencing this growth together?

    A recent happening that has immersed Nigerians home and abroad in the pool of pride remains the huge appreciation of the naira compared to a few months ago when one United States dollar was exchanged for 1,950 naira. In Nigeria today, naira to dollar has appreciated $1 to 1,100 Naira, leaving Nigerians with a sense of pride and confidence over President Tinubu’s economic decisions. Many Nigerians, who had left home to seek opportunities abroad, are now expressing a desire to return home, drawn by the promise of a revitalized economy and improved living standards. Speaking to a friend of mine some days back, analyzing the economic future of Nigeria, in his words: “If a pound should ever equal one thousand naira, I would rather come back home to return to my business rather than continue slaving away in another man’s land, earning 2,500 pounds and use it all on house rent, utility bills and tax.”

    Read Also: APC chieftain hails Tinubu/Akpabio/Eno synergy for A’Ibom devt

    His words proved to me that even though people are miles away from home, it is not by choice, and many are awaiting their father’s land transformative journey, to offer us all what we deserve as the true children of the land. While it is imperative to note that these changes are not extraordinary, they could have been implemented years back, and who knows, Nigeria might have been on the global chart for its economic prowess. The previous leaders lacked the courage and patriotism to implement these strategic moves that could have pitched them against the citizens, but Tinubu’s determination remains unwavering even in the face of adversity.

    My journey of reflection on Tinubu’s bold reforms has reaffirmed my belief in the power of courage and patriotism to effect meaningful change. While several challenges remain, I am inspired by the resolve of the present government and fellow citizens to build a brighter future for Nigeria. As we continue on this journey together, I am filled with hope and determination to contribute my part towards our nation’s progress and prosperity.

    • Maxwell Adeyemi Adeleye, a Communication-for-development expert, sent this piece from London, United Kingdom, via maxwelladeleye@gmail.com
  • Coup attempt in separatist garb

    Coup attempt in separatist garb

    Ibadan, the political headquarters of the Southwest, has a rich history. But that enviable background is scarred by the region’s monumental crisis of the First Republic from which it derived the appellation: ‘wild, wild West’. The ancient city remains till today politically volatile because of diverse interests.

    Politics as interesting as it is can be combustible too. War, unfortunately, defined the region’s politics of that  era, following the leadership crisis that rocked the ruling Action Group in 1964. The crisis split the House of Parliament between supporters of the region’s first premier, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, and his successor, Chief Ladoke Akintola.

      Ibadan has yet to shake off this toga of trouble some 60 years after. On Saturday, the ancient city was on the boil again. This time, it was not as a result of a political crisis, but over the agitation for a Yoruba Nation! This separatist agenda was spearheaded by some elements who stormed the Oyo State Secretariat and the House of Assembly Complex close to it.

    History was not about to repeat itself though, despite the misadventure which happened on the same grounds as that of the 1964 ‘peculiar mess’ (Penkelemesi). The House of Assembly now sits in the old Parliament Building where the supporters of Awolowo and Akintola fought bitterly. The secretariat hosts Governor Seyi Makinde just as it served Awolowo and Akintola in their own time. Awolowo had handed over to Akintola as premier to be opposition leader in Lagos.

    The self-styled band of Oodua Nation Army that invaded this iconic monument in their bid to declare a Yoruba Republic are bad students of history. The place was not founded by the kind of rebellion they attempted to unleash on the nation. They should go back and read their history well. The Oyo State Secretariat and the Parliament Building are structures for the strengthening of democratic ideals.

    They stand as monuments to a nostalgic era in the region’s political epoch. The invaders tainted this history by attempting to overawe that sacred place. Nationhood is not created by force or attained by violence. It takes sound reasoning, negotiations, systematic planning and political judgement for an aggrieved people to achieve self-determination.

    Did these so-called Yoruba agitators call a meeting of the race where it was decided that they should separate (I refuse to use the more fitting word – secede – because of its negative connotation) from Nigeria before embarking on their suicide mission? They would have been killed for nothing because what they did was an attempted coup.

    Yet, instead of showing remorse, they are boasting that they have no regrets for their actions. Whatever they are high on will soon wear off and their minds will become clearer. Their cause is unpopular and the earlier they know it, the better for them and their sponsors. One of their sponsors, Mrs Modupe Onitiri-Abiola, has taken to social media to praise them as well as herald the birth of a Oodua Nation!

    Read Also: Couple held for producing adulterated wine

    Which nation? Where? When? And how was it created? She is hiding in a video to engage in dangerous polemics, egging on some of the now arrested invaders not to capitulate. She and her ilk are daydreaming. If she really meant all the claims in her video, she should come out and prove the courage of her conviction. She cannot be in hiding and be using people, some of who should know better to push a separatist agenda that cannot stand.

    Already, leader of Yoruba Self-Determination Group Prof Banji Akintoye and his ally, Sunday Adeyemo aka Igboho, have disowned her and the agitators. If they do not have the backing of Akintoye and Igboho, who have been in the forefront of this self-determination thing, on whose behalf are they then acting?

    Let me reiterate that the pursuit of self-determination is not a crime when done legally. It becomes illegal when the agitators attempt to forcefully have their way as the Oodua ‘soldiers’ did. Where did they get the military camouflage, boots, arms and ammunition, cutlasses and other weapons that were seized from them? Are they aware that it is a crime to possess those items without licence?

    They will stay long in jail after having their day in court for levying war on the country for no just cause. The attorney-general should speed up the process for their trial so that we  can put this sad event behind us in no time. As for Onitiri-Abiola, no stone should be left unturned until she is found and brought to justice.  

  • Burden of an ill-conceived electricity tariff increase

    Burden of an ill-conceived electricity tariff increase

    • By Sunday Onyemaechi Eze

    Nigeria is a nation with a long history of perennial challenges of public power supply. The country seems to have unfortunately accepted the anomaly as part of its national life. Since one came of age, the power sector bears the trade mark of inefficiency. The problem of insufficient power supply has remained unchanged. The old reasons adduced for poor performance in the sector more than two decades ago are not different either. Despite the poor supply situation, citizens still pay through their noses for an underperforming power sector which delivers little or no quality services. Many Nigerians cannot remember a time when they enjoyed constant public power supply up to 15 hours per day. A lot of money has been spent and much more is still allocated to the power, sector but no remarkable progress has been made.

    What ordinary Nigerians constantly experience is poor service outcome, routine tariff increase and general inefficiency. The latest assault on Nigerians is the announcement of new tariff regime and classification of customers, currently placed on new categories of bands A-E. The citizens had no input when decisions were taken on this band classification. Effective from April 3rd, the charges of selected customers on Band ‘A’ has increased to over 300 percent. Days after, the Federal Government has hinted on extending similar measure to other band categories.

    The unit cost of electricity for those placed on Band A was jacked up from ₦68 per kWh to ₦225 per kWh excluding VAT. Those on other bands are denied electricity supply in a failed attempt to meet up with the obligation to band A customers. The prevailing lie in government circle was that the increment only affected a small percentage of Nigerians and that government still subsidises electricity. Officials implementing government policies are often economical with the truth regarding the impact of anti-people policies. In this case, the only thing that matters to them is saving without considering the economic impact of such savings on the well-being of the people.

    Government failed to understand that industrial customers whether big, medium or small placed on Band A will factor in the cost of fuel, diesel and the increase into the prices of the goods and services they provide. Therefore, whether customers are placed on Band A or other categories with or without electricity, the burden of every company’s expenses is transferred to the ordinary people, namely the customers/consumers.

    When will government concede to the mood of the nation and inputs of the masses before taking any decisions on issues directly affecting them?  Pundits say the band idea is a ploy to assist the cash-strapped Discos to raise fund. This is happening in a country where power outages last more than 24 hours daily or even days in most places. It is also happening in a country where the national power grid had collapsed more than 58 times between 2017-2023. How could government remove subsidy on electricity, but goes on to subsidise hajj fare to the tune of over N90bn? Is Nigeria ready to move from a poor nation to a developed one?

    Read Also: Simple ways to check your electricity tariff Band

    Nations occupying the front row in industrial growth and development attain such feat with serious investment in power supply. There is no gain saying the fact that, access to uninterrupted public power supply has become a tall dream in Nigeria. The more money is spent on the sector, the worse it becomes. Bogus contracts entered into by government with industry players like Siemens to remedy the situation has suffered several set-backs, and the end is not yet in sight. The long wait for remedy continues while government officials have often admonished citizens to keep hope alive. Both past and present governments do not seem to have a grasp of the fundamental problems bedevilling the power sector. If they do, Nigeria cannot be shamelessly talking about 4,500mw of electricity since 1960.

    One major problem facing the sector is the appointment of people without requisite knowledge and experience. The endemic corruption in the sector and lack of purposeful goals have also contributed to the obvious failure. Almost all ministers of power since 1999 except Engr. Bello Suleiman were/are square pegs in round holes. They were/are green horns occupying compensatory political positions earned on recommendation or political party affiliation. As novices, they come on board bereft of ideas or blueprint to drive government agenda. It is a disservice appointing an accountant or a lawyer as minister of power.

    Policies often put in place by these appointees to address the challenges are mostly badly thought out, externally influenced or geared towards inflicting more pains. Since year 2000, tariff increase has been the only visible item dominating and governing the Multi-year Tariff Order (MYTO) while other germane issues like customer privileges are relegated to the background. In fact, Nigerians wake up to multiple tariff upward reviews every two to four years without additional power infrastructure to support the aging ones or addressing the needs of several rapidly expanding communities.

    There is no home grown solution to the intractable problems of power except borrowed directives handed down by World Bank or the International Monetary Fund (IMF). These borrowed ideas deepen and worsen the economic woes of the poor citizens. A country where little children always jump up in excitement and shout “Up Nepa!” when public power supply is restored after days of blackout has no business increasing the cost of electricity or services not adequately rendered. Those in charge should go back to the drawing board, comprehensively work hard to improve on the sector instead.

    The power sector was painfully balkanised, claimed and annexed in favour of some highly placed individuals just like the Europeans did to Africa in the 1885 Berlin Conference. The companies were shared as business status symbol serving the interest of a few. Provision of excellent services for Nigerians was secondary on the power sector reforms agenda. How could a country allocate such all-important national asset to incompetent, non-experts in government or their associates whose interest only hinges on making quick money. The Nigerian bidding system is so magical that one wonders how these ill-prepared investors schemed their ways through the processes without anybody flagging their glaring incompetence. The process deliberately accorded certain privileges to bidders/owners who cannot differentiate between a fuse and feeder pillar. 

    The country should as a matter of urgency innovate and diversify in areas of power generation. This could be regionalised based on the corresponding resources within every geographical zone. The Northeast is blessed with potentials in solar energy. The Northwest is endowed with the blessings of hydro-electricity and wind. The Northcentral can boast of a good level of coal deposit and resources for hydro-power supply. The Southeast is blessed with little water, gas and abundant coal deposit. The Southsouth and Southwest have resources in hydro-power and gas. The world is going green and Nigeria has to run with the idea together with the world.

    Unfortunately those at the helm of affairs and friends of people and institutions close to the corridors of power have only succeeded in allowing the sector to thrive, but generally restricted it from flourishing. They have succeeded in bringing the sector down on its knees and resorted to untenable ideas and prescriptions not peculiar to Nigerian circumstances. With the enormous human and financial resources invested in the power sector, after 63 years of existence, Nigeria has no business being in the league of nations lacking adequate power supply.

    This electricity tariff increase is ill-conceived and equally ill-timed. It should be halted. Let Nigerians breathe.

    • Sunday Onyemaechi Eze, a Media and Development Communication Specialist, writes via sunnyeze02@yahoo.com.
  • Senegal, ECOWAS and democracy

    Senegal, ECOWAS and democracy

    • By Paul Ejime

    When former President Macky Sall shook hands and handed the mantle of leadership to his successor President Bassirou Diomaye Faye, Senegal’s 5th  and youngest, on the 2nd of April 2024, he might have wondered what could have been the “what ifs” and “if onlys.”

    After serving as Prime Minister and Speaker/President of the National Assembly under former President Abdoulaye Wade, and then president of the Republic for 12 years, Sall had the golden opportunity to exit power with dignity. But like most politicians, he became blinded by greed and the trappings of office such that he could not resist the bait of tenure elongation or “third-term syndrome,” which has destabilized some African countries and put ECOWAS, the regional economic bloc, in a reputational quagmire.

    Before 2021, Senegal held the hope as an anchor of stability in politically restive West Africa, which has acquired the dubious reputation as a “military coup zone.”

    With an estimated 18 million predominantly Muslim population (more than 95% of Senegalese are Muslims), the country enjoys exemplary religious tolerance. It remains one of the two countries in West Africa yet to experience a military coup since its independence from France in 1960. The other exception is Cabo Verde.

    To its credit, Senegal has also enjoyed relatively long periods of peaceful transfer of power from one government to another, with Faye as its fifth and youngest president at age 44. Independent President Sedar Senghor and his successor, Abdou Diouf, both served 20 years each, while the third and fourth presidents Wade and Sall were in power for 12 years each and both attempted but failed to prolong their mandate.

    Sall, who was at the forefront of the opposition against Wade’s third-term botched plan, must have been encouraged by ECOWAS’ weakness to rein in leaders who got away with impunity, changing national constitutions, vote rigging, or other forms of manipulations considered as “political or constitutional coups,” which are as deadly as military putsches now on the increase in the region.

    The change of Cote d’Ivoire’s constitution in 2016 by President Alassane Ouattara followed by the referendum and the 2020 national election which President Alpha Conde rushed through during the Covid-19 pandemic period in Guinea readily come to mind.

    These undemocratic practices were usually followed by deadly violent street protests; devastating political divisions and served as triggers or drivers of political conflicts and instability in the countries involved and by extension, the region.

    Senegal was not spared by Sall’s political misadventures. After three years of a political rollercoaster, he reluctantly announced that he would not be on the ballot for the 2024 presidential election originally fixed for 25 February. Meanwhile, the nation for the first time in its history, recorded more than 1,500 political detainees, including political opponents.

    Faye himself was in jail awaiting trial on charges including contempt of court and defamation. The Sall government also proscribed the main opposition Coalition PASTEF led by popular opposition leader Ousmane Sonko, who was also tried and convicted for radicalising the youth, in what many observers considered as political persecution and a ploy to stop him from running for the presidency.

    Sall’s authoritarianism and intolerance of opposition grew by the day. Contrary to the provisions of regional protocols, he sacked members of the electoral commission of Senegal a few months before the national election, and at least 20 Senegalese were killed in clashes with security forces during street protests against the government.

    Read Also: How ECOWAS countries can achieve economic growth, by Bassey

    A day before the commencement of campaigns for the presidential election, Sall unleashed a presidential decree on his country, postponed the vote indefinitely and instead, called for a so-called national dialogue.

    Acting at the behest of the government, the National Assembly wadded into the political fray, and in a move similar to the invasion of the American Congress on 6 January 2021, paramilitary gendarmes stormed Senegal’s National Assembly to evict opposition MPs to pave the way for the passage of a controversial law postponing the presidential election from February to December 2024.

    The Constitutional Council, which has the final say on elections stepped in to nullify Sall’s decree and the controversial law passed by the parliament. The council also insisted that the election must be held before the 2nd of April, the end of Sall’s second term mandate.

    This forced the Sall government to move the presidential vote from 25th February to 24th March, 2024. Thanks to the resilience, commitment and determination of the Senegalese population, especially the vibrant civil society groups, the Sonko-Faye opposition alliance prevailed with Faye beating Sall’s ruling APR party candidate, former Prime Minister Amadou Ba, by 54 percent to 35 percent vote at the poll.

    Balloting was generally peaceful on polling day, with local and international observers describing the electoral process as transparent and all of Faye’s rivals conceding defeat before the announcement of poll results.

    A humiliated Sall also congratulated Faye and wasted no time in flying out of the country as the new president and his political mentor Sonko, who has been appointed prime minister, settled down to the task of governance.

    Some of the immediate challenges facing the new administration include healing a politically divided nation, empowering and gainfully engaging Senegal’s largely unemployed youthful population, fighting corruption, and growing the national economy by optimizing the benefits from new sources of revenue – oil and gas.

    It remains to be seen what the Faye-Sonko pair will make of political power, but the positive end to the political crisis in Senegal should be a turning point for the country to rediscover its democratic ethos. Also, coming after another successful and transparent election in Liberia last June, ECOWAS should capitalize on this opportunity to convince four of its member-states under military dictatorships that democracy and constitutional order are the way to go.

    The retreat of democracy and growing instability in West Africa and the wider African continent today is within the context of the global landscape characterized by the decline of multilateralism, and the convergence of multiple threats and opportunistic vectors such as terrorism and insecurity, geopolitical shifts, economic downturns, climate and environmental ecosystem changes, sociocultural dynamics, and digital advancements, especially the “invasion” of social media.

    Even so, the erosion of freedom, deterioration of the state of the rule of law and threats to democracy, after the euphoria that greeted the wave of multiparty democracy of the late 1990s and early 2000s in the ECOWAS region, had been encouraged largely by ineptitude, insincerity, sit-tight disposition of the political leaders and their refusal or inability to check political excesses among themselves.

    As a trailblazer among the eight African Regional Economic Communities (RECs), ECOWAS’ achievements in conflict prevention, management and resolution in member-states such as Liberia, Sierra Leone, Guinea, Cote d’Ivoire, Niger and The Gambia, are well-documented.

    The relevant, tested and tried instruments and protocols are there, but political will and resolve to act are lacking. To whip military-ruled Mali, Guinea, Burkina Faso, and Niger back on the democratic line, ECOWAS leaders, the Commission and other institutions must demonstrate renewed commitment to upholding the regional integration principles.

    For instance, provisions of the 2001 regional Supplementary Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance which emphasizes “zero tolerance” for unconstitutional change of government should apply to all “coups” – whether political, constitutional, or ballot box coups.

    Beyond the successes in Liberia and Senegal, warning signs are already ominously palpable in Togo, where the government is forcing through a dubious change from a presidential to a parliamentary system in a manner, that critics see as a ploy for tenure elongation, amid reported clamp down on the opposition and voices of dissent.

    ECOWAS should not stand by and watch until situations deteriorate before it intervenes. At a time when the region should be consolidating on democracy, four of the 15 ECOWAS member-states are ruled by soldiers, while three of the four have served notice of their intention to quit the regional organization.

    Two other member-states, The Gambia and Guinea Bissau, are hosting ECOWAS military stabilization missions due to instability, while regional leaders recently agreed that a similar mission be dispatched to a third country, Sierra Leone.

    Instead of propping up sitting governments with military missions, which some leaders are known to have misused against the opposition, ECOWAS should encourage member-states to eschew bad governance and violations of citizens’ rights, but respect national constitutions, the rule of law, and also stop rigging elections.

    Also, to avoid the growing criticism of foreign interference, ECOWAS should assert its independence with pro-West African critical thinking and strategic policy thrusts consistent with its vision of an ECOWAS of the People instead of an ECOWAS of State or Leaders.

    Nigeria, the regional powerhouse, should also lead by example to reposition the organization, which it hosts and remains the biggest financial contributor, toward fulfilling its mandate and the objectives of its founding fathers.

    • Ejime is a Global Affairs Analyst and Consultant on Peace & Security and Governance Communications
  • Umahi’s ministration to Nigerian roads

    Umahi’s ministration to Nigerian roads

    • By Chekwube Nzomiwu

    Those who are still doubting the nose of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for talents need no further evidence than his choice of former Governor of Ebonyi State, Senator Dave Umahi CON, as Minister of Works. In less than a year in office, Umahi, a civil engineer, has given a new lease of life to our federal roads, which prior to now, received uncomplimentary media coverage. Gradually, news about “death traps” and “deplorable highways” are vanishing in both the print and electronic media.

    This feat has brought enormous succour to Nigerian road users, who hitherto suffered unquantifiable losses from road accidents arising from bad roads. While many Nigerians lost loved ones in these road carnages, the survivors ended up with one form of disability or the other. Several expensive cars and others vehicles were damaged, some beyond repair. The tide turned since Pastor Umahi started ministering to our roads.

    Granted that many of the roads were under construction before he assumed office at the Federal Ministry of Works, the pace was slow and the quality poor. He quickened the pace and improved the quality of work on the roads by introducing the concrete pavement technology. Although the asphalt pavement previously used was seen as cheaper and more flexible, experts in road construction agree that concrete pavement guarantees ease of construction, durability and reduced cost of maintenance of the roads.

    Unlike many of his predecessors in the works ministry who concentrated more on paperwork, Umahi, being on a familiar terrain, has been traversing the entire country with his team, supervising ongoing road projects to ensure that they are executed according to specification. In less than eight months, he crisscrossed the six geo-political zones of the country, inspecting ongoing work on federal roads in many states, including Kogi, Ekiti, Edo, Enugu, Imo, Oyo, Imo, Osun, Abia and Kaduna, among others.

    Even people who do not like his face are applauding his performance in the road sector in Nigeria. His experience in the construction industry predated his emergence as Governor. Although Umahi honed his skills in engineering as a young contractor, he became a master of construction during his eight years as Governor of Ebonyi State from 2015 to 2023.

    Having last visited Ebonyi about a decade ago, this writer couldn’t find his way when he visited Abakiliki, the state capital, a few weeks back. The flyovers that Umahi constructed made the city look awesome. I noticed that almost all the major roads were reconstructed with concrete pavement. The roads looked both splendid and solid.

    Besides, I saw a new Government House, hosting the Governor’s Office and almost the entire government ministries. Ironically, Ebonyi State was created six years after the creation of my home state, Anambra. But governors in Anambra still operate from the temporary Governor’s Office donated to the state government by a construction company when the state was created in 1991. This is a discussion for another day.

    Read Also: Reps Speaker, Umahi, others mourn Onu

    As Minister of Works, Umahi has once more proved his mettle in the area of construction. But no matter how excellently one performs in Nigeria, there are bound to be criticisms. I heard some people murmuring about the “transformative” Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway. While I may not be in a position to comment in details about the project, my expectation is that someone who wishes to criticise, must do so with accurate and verifiable information. Critics of the proposed coastal road alleged that it would cost a whooping N8 billion to construct a kilometre. Umahi dismissed the claim in a live television interview, stating in black and white, that a kilometre will cost N4 billion.

    I suspect that the critics were either speaking from outdated knowledge or deep-seated antagonism of the government. Going by the current cost of construction materials, I don’t see anything strange in spending N15 trillion within a duration of eight years to construct a 700km dual carriage highway, starting from Lagos State, passing through seven states-Ogun, Ondo, Delta, Edo, Bayelsa, Rivers and Akwa Ibom States- before terminating in Cross River State. What is wrong about spending such an amount on a road that will shorten the distance between Lagos and Calabar by 200 kilometres? This is a legacy project that deserves the support of all and sundry.

    Besides, I expect those complaining about the bidding process, to tell us if there was competitive bidding when the country’s choice assets and companies, numbering over 200, were sold at give-away prices to cronies and cohorts, under their supervision. They include Delta Steel Company, NICON Insurance, Egbim Power, Ughelli Power, NAFCON, NICON Luxury Hotel, Bacita Sugar Limited, NITEL, Daily Times, Eleme Petrochemical, to mention but a few.

    The privatisation of these companies made thousands, if not millions of Nigerians, to lose their jobs. The resultant effect is the high unemployment rate, seen as one of the enablers of the widespread insecurity in the country today. So, those criticising Umahi over the coastal road project should understand that there is a limit to deceit and falsehood.

    I will conclude by quoting a popular statement of the 16th President of the United States of America, Abraham Lincoln (1809-1865): “You can fool some of the people all of the time, and all of the people some of the time, but you cannot fool all of the people all of the time.”  

    • Nzomiwu, a public affairs commentator, wrote from Awka, Anambra State
  • Endangered specie

    Endangered specie

    • Edo deputy governor Shaibu falls to political shenanigans.

    It took the Yar’Adua episode to give effect to the spirit of the Nigerian constitution that, in the absence of the political chief executive for a considerable length of time, the deputy steps in, whether at the federal or state level. The fact that the doctrine of necessity had to be ‘manufactured’ for his deputy, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan, to step into his shoes at a point when he was not in a position to deliver on his responsibilities was a further demonstration that vice presidents and deputy governors are, in the words of the late Dr. Chukwuemeka Ezeife, ‘spare tyres’.

    The drama in Edo State that led to Monday’s ouster of Deputy Governor

    Phillip Shaibu has shown again that there is a need to tinker with the provision for that office. While the former governor is still fighting for his political life both in the courts and the political arena, he has joined the long list of former deputy governors who were edged out of the scene by their principals.

    The long drawn battle for succession in Edo State is another demonstration that executive authority is more often than not misused. Mr. Shaibu who hails from the same ward of Etsako West as former Governor Adams Oshiomhole was supported into office by the previous administration so that he could serve as a balance for Mr. Godwin Obaseki, a technocrat from the southern district. The two men bonded within such a short period that they contrived with some outsiders to remove their benefactor from office as National Chairman of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). Later, just before the end of the first term of the administration, they jumped out of the APC and teamed up with the main opposition party, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP).

    Obaseki and Shaibu fell out when it was time to decide the next governor, at least the party’s flag bearer in the upcoming gubernatorial election. Shaibu came up with an entitlement mentality, while the governor thought it was his right to handpick his successor. As is the case in most states, the governor got the support of the PDP national leadership, and his deputy decided to organise a parallel primary election.

    To finally demonstrate his control of the party in Edo State, Governor Obaseki, who has the state legislature under his control, triggered section 188 of the constitution to impeach his deputy. The lawmakers wasted no time in sending the deputy governor a notice of impeachment, charging him with perjury and leaking of government secret. Mr.

    Shaibu sought intervention of the Federal High Court, and while the matter was pending, whilst awaiting the assembly to appear before the court, the state chief judge had set up a seven-member panel that took its decision, and found him guilty, and forwarded same to the house of assembly. All within one week. The same day it received the report last Monday, it impeached the deputy governor, sent the report to the governor who wasted no time in nominating another deputy, got the nod of the legislature and party machinery and, same day, got the chief judge to administer the oath of office.

    The haste in running through the constitutional provision tends to have the impression that all those involved were out to ensure that the pending case had been rendered a mere academic exercise.

    Deputy governors in Nigeria are an endangered species, when they are not politically strangulated, they are

    impeached. Mr. Shaibu is the 17th assistant to a state chief executive to be removed from office. Whether in Osun, Ondo, Imo, Abia, Akwa Ibom, Bauchi or Jigawa states, disputes between the numbers one and two citizens had left the weaker official bruised. In a few cases, where the procedures spelt out in the constitution were clearly breached, the court ruled in favour of the deputy governor, but it always came too late to reinstate the petitioner.

    Read Also: Okuama: Security personnel as endangered species

    In the extant case, Mr. Shaibu has not only instituted a suit in court to render the procedure adopted by the house a nullity, he also petitioned the National Judicial Council to discipline the chief judge for allegedly colluding with his traducers.

    It would appear that, as in previous cases, the current matter is unlikely to get up to and be decided by the Supreme Court before the September election decision date. What may therefore avail the deputy governor is at best restoration of his moral right.

    We call on the National Assembly to appropriately amend the constitution to upgrade the status of deputy governors.  Besides, it should no longer be so easy to throw out the number two citizens who complemented the chief executives at the polls. It is unfortunate that some governors remain emperors 25 years into the Fourth Republic.

  • If this is not genocide then what the hell is?

    If this is not genocide then what the hell is?

    • Femi Fani-Kayode

     “We do not have evidence of Israel committing genocide in Gaza”- Gen. Lloyd Austin, Secretary of Defence of the United States of America. 

    Never in the history of humanity and in the comity of nations has such an asinine, puerile and indefensible statement been made by a high-ranking Government official. 

    It reflects the dishonesty, wickedness, insensitivity, depravity, deceit, hypocrisy, double standards, moral bankruptcy, unconciable inhumanity, malodrous disposition and spiritual turpitude of the Biden administration. 

    You cannot wish away or dismiss the truth no matter how bitter and you cannot deny the facts no matter how ugly. 

    Andrew Mitrovika, a columnist with Al Jazeera, captured the events in Gaza graphically and clearly when he wrote the following. Permit me to quote him extensively. He wrote, 

    “The cataclysm that you and I are witnessing in Gaza is a genocide in the awful making.

    It is not an “onslaught”. It is not an “invasion”. It is not even a “war”. It is a genocide.

    The apocalyptic scenes and sounds in Gaza are proof that a cruel, occupying army is intent on achieving its overarching aim: the annihilation of what remains of an already shattered slice of land and the indiscriminate killing of helpless, exhausted children, women and men.

    Over decades, a succession of immune Israeli governments and their useful proxies, the rampaging settler militias, have waged incremental genocide, bit by bit, with the explicit approval, consent, and encouragement of Western governments – who, in a predictable show of performative solidarity with a ruthless ally – have bathed their tourist attractions in blue and white or the Star of David.

    Go ahead, you craven enablers, show the world your true and rank colours. We will remember.

    Make no mistake: Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu – along with his racist gang of brutish (by nature, temperament, and vernacular) cabinet ministers – have been aching, for a long, frustrating time, to abandon the let’s-teach-Palestinians-a-lethal-lesson spasms of violence in favour of the much more satisfying wholesale destruction of the Gaza Strip.

    The monstrous plan is as plain as Netanyahu’s wretched character: Be done with Gaza by erasing Gaza.

    Anyone, anywhere, in any forum who denies this fact is either a liar, blind – or willfully, happily, and comfortably both.

    This is not “righteous” payback or vengeance. It is – I repeat, for the legion of complicit hacks and stenographers who, remarkably, have never noticed, let alone given a damn, about the perpetual suffering and trauma of Palestinians – a genocide.

    If my blunt indictment stings, I challenge any of the historically illiterate columnists and American TV news celebrities who have rushed to Israel to burnish their credentials as “foreign correspondents” – with their hairstylists, makeup artists and writers in tow – to disabuse me, and much more importantly, the Palestinian diaspora and their allies, of our belief that a murderous genocide is unfolding in that besieged enclave.

    These insufferable hypocrites are again tarring Palestinians as “evil predators” while praising Israelis as “solicitous saints” for warning grateful Palestinians in Gaza that they’re going to kill them en masse.

    These fawning Israel loyalists have likely not once stepped inside the barbed-wired walls and fences that encircle Gaza or interviewed any of the millions of human beings who, for generations, have endured the loss, theft, deprivations, indignities, humiliations, and, of course, lethal ferocity committed by an apartheid state.

    It is a familiar, surreal minstrel show that reduces an old, complex story into a pat, easy-to-digest clash between black and white for countless equally callow, geography-allergic Americans who are convinced that carrying a passport is “woke”.

    The white hats – the Israelis – are always the innocent victims. The black hats – the Palestinians – are always the guilty perpetrators.

    Hence, the cavalier disregard for the almost incomprehensible human consequences of Israel’s blatant annulment of that, by now, silly, anachronistic term: international law.

    Stop the stuff of life – food and water – from getting into captive Gaza. Fine.

    Stop fuel and electricity from being delivered to homes and hospitals. Fine.

    Bomb United Nations schools sheltering desperate Palestinian families from the incessant carpet bombing. Fine.

    Attack ambulances to bar them from ferrying mangled children to darkened hospitals where they require urgent care. Fine.

    Unleash white phosphorous to burn Palestinians to the bone. Fine.

    Dispense with the canard of “precision strikes” to prevent “civilian casualties” and revel, instead, in turning Gaza into Fallujah, circa 2005. Fine.

    Seal the prison that is Gaza tighter to make escape and hope impossible. Fine.

    Then demand that 1.1 million people move to nowhere within hours or face, in all likelihood, a certain death. Fine.

    On appalling cue, the usual gallery of preening presidents and prime ministers has deplored the atrocities committed by the black hats – while applauding, as a necessary and welcomed rebuttal, the atrocities committed by the white hats.

    So please, would fantasists stop imploring the International Criminal Court (ICC) at The Hague to do something, anything, to hold “both parties”, including, Israel, to account?

    It has not happened and will not happen because the ever-compliant ICC knows that it must not offend, and will not offend, the powers that be in Washington, DC who run the whole fraudulent farce.

    Meanwhile, Netanyahu – who, just a few weeks ago, was excoriated for being an indicted crook facing a corruption trial on a slew of fraud, bribery, and breach of trust charges as well as having an authoritarian’s DNA – has been rehabilitated by US President Joe Biden and obsequious company as the Middle East’s shining avatar of resolve, resilience and morality.

    Such is the diseased “moral” compass of Biden and his pedestrian confederates in London, Paris, Berlin, Brussels, Canberra and Ottawa.

    Still, it’s hardly surprising that feral colonial powers – given their hideous record of killing and disfiguring so many innocents, in so many scarred places – would offer their blanket endorsement to another colonial power responsible for killing and disfiguring so many innocent Palestinians in Gaza and beyond yesterday, today and tomorrow.

    But know this: Biden et al do not speak for millions of citizens who they purport to represent, but who will continue to stand steadfast with unbowed Palestinians and their just and humane cause.

    Despite all the nonsense and posturing by the “international community” about “resolving the crisis through diplomacy”, this dystopian-like horror has been the “end game” all along: pulverise every square inch of Gaza and its people into dust and memory.

    The risible “two-state” solution is a sick illusion promoted by slick, Ivy-league-educated diplomats like US Secretary of State Antony Blinken and the other Israeli war-crime apologists who preceded him – fused, as they were and are, to their “partners” in Tel Aviv like conjoined twins.

    Blinken has travelled to Israel at the behest of his boss to “greenlight” genocide. We will remember that, too.

    A malignant regime, motivated by a poisonous combination of ultra-nationalism and fanaticism, knows that its sinister goal is in tantalizing sight.

    Read Also: British-Nigerian minister Osamor suspended for calling Israel’s actions genocide

    There will be more horrors to come. But Palestinians will not be broken. They will persevere and prevail. It will be hard and take time, but they will rebuild” (CONCLUDED). 

    Andrew Mitrovika, the author of these powerful words,  has hit the nail on the head. 

    His views and indeed his conclusion that genocide is indeed being committed in Gaza represents the thinking of millions of people all over the world. 

    Western leaders and all those that are still lost in their vain and self-inflicted fantasy of “no evidence of genocide in Gaza” should read his powerful and insightful words carefully and come to the conclusion that what is happening in Gaza is downright evil, ought to be described for what it is and roundly condemned.

    Claiming that there is no evidence of genocide in Gaza is like saying that there is no evidence of the holocaust in Nazi Germany and that there is no evidence of the trans-Atlantic slave trade or slavery in America, Europe and the Caribbean in the 18th and 19th century. 

    It is like saying that there is no evidence of the hideous atrocities, horrific barbarity, daylight robbery, psychological torture, emotionel abuse, wholesale deprivation, unalloyed humiliation, shameless graft and mind-boggling pillaging that the western colonial powers of Great Britain, France, Holland, Belgium, Portugal, Italy, Spain and Germany unleashed and foisted on their former colonies in Africa, Asia, South America and the Middle East. 

    It is like saying that King Louis 11 of Belgium did not kill 10 million Congolese Africans, that Vladimer Lenin and Josef Stalin did not kill 25 million Russians, that Pol Pot did not kill 2 million Cambodians, that the Hutus of Rwanda did not kill 1 million Tutsis, that the Turks did not kill 1 million Armenians and that the Americans did not literally exterminate the Red Indian population in their country. 

    It is like saying that there was no terror attack in New York on 9/11 and that there was no terror attack in Moscow a few weeks ago. 

    It is like saying that the Spanish did not eliminate a quarter of the native and indigenous population of South America, that the British did not wipe out millions of the Irish and 3 million Bengali Indians, that the Serbs did not murder 20,000 thousand Bosnians and that Argentina did not exterminate its entire black population. 

    It is like saying that 20 million people were not killed in WW 1, that 50 million people were not killed in WW11 and that America did not drop a nuclear bomb on the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki killing hundreds of thousands. 

    It is like saying that the ethnic cleansing of 80,000 of the Herero and Nama people of Namibia by the Germans never took place and it is like saying that the mass murder of 3 million Igbos by Nigeria never took place.

    It is like saying that the war that is being waged in Gaza by Israel is against Hamas and not against the Palestinian people.

    It is like saying that the war started on October 7th after the attack on Israel by Hamas and not 75 years ago after the unleashing of the horrific Nakba on the Palestinians and the illegal occupation of their land by the Jews.  

    It is like saying that the Israelis have always owned all the land in Gaza and that the Palestinians never lived in or had a historical stake in it.

    It is like saying that the Zionists did not murder hundreds of innocent and defenceless Palestinians in the village of Deir Yassin. 

    It is like saying that the Christian Falange Lebanese militia, with the full support of the Israelis, did not butcher thousands of Palestinian Muslims in the refugee camps of Sabra and Shatilla. 

    It is like saying that the 1948 “Nakba” in which 750,000 Palestinians were butchered and ethnically cleansed, forced from their homes and scattered and displaced by the Zionists never took place. 

    It is like saying that the terror attack by Hamas in Israel on October 7th in which 1000 Jews were killed never took place. 

    Finally it is like saying that the air strike by the Israeli Airforce on Eid in which three sons and three grandchildren of the leader of Hamas, Ismail Haniyeh, were targetted and murdered never took place.

    Those that insist on perpetuating the monstrous mendacity that there is no genocide in Gaza and that indulge in such egregious falsehood, self-serving perfidy and outrageous lies are not only malicious, mischevous, malevolent, ignorant and sociopathic but also totally and completely insensitive, misinformed and possibly insane. 

    They look but they refuse to see and they listen but refuse to hear. 

    They have no truth in them and they are nothing but ferral psychopaths and intellectual barbarians. 

    They are a coven of dark, dangerous and deviant manipulators and an unholy gathering of shameless and sinister cultists, charlatans and gangsters who are in the grip, power and service of satan. 

    That is precisely why many refer to them as agents of the dark forces and acolytes of the principalities and powers that rule our world and refer to the Zionists whose interests they seek to further and protect as founding fathers of the Synagogue of Satan and devil worshippers. 

    For the record there has never been a war in history like the one in Gaza in which 80% of the country has been decimated, 100% of the population displaced and 50% of those that have been killed are children. 

    In his contribution, Christian Hedges, an American jourmalist, whilst on his assignment and coverage of the war in Gaza said “children have been shot in other conflicts I have covered but never have I watched as soldiers enticed children like mice into a trap and murder them for sport”. 

    All this and yet the American Secretary of Defence, General Lloyd Austin, has the effontry and nerve to proclaim that there is no evidence of genocide in Gaza!

    Someone needs to ask this misguided and facetious man just how many Palestinians need to be slaughtered before it fits into his definition of genocide! 

    It is painfully obvious that he has a low intelligence quotient, he has a myopic and shallow mind and that his reasoning and logic is little better than that of a village idiot.

    Only the cruel can deny the horror of Gaza and claim that what we are witnessing there today is anything other than mass murder, ethnic cleansing, crimes against humanity, war crimes, collective punishment, starvation and genocide all of which constitute specific and clear violations of both international law and the law of war and all of which have made Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, his Ministers, his Intelligence Chiefs and his Military Commanders candidates for prosecution at the International Criminal Court at the Hague. 

    Those that claim that this is not the case are devious-minded specious liars and blood-lusting warmongers  who are feeding fat on the blood of the women and children of Gaza and who deserve to burn in hell. 

    Not only have Joe Biden and his entire Government become enablers of the crime of genocide but, given the fact that they are providing vast sums of money and deadly arms to the Zionist state to achieve their bloody enterprise, they are also complicit in it. 

    The blood of 35,000 innocent and defenceless Palestinians, including 15,000 children, are on their collective hands. 

    This blood will cry to God in heaven for vengeance and speak against them into eternity. 

    Joe Biden and his administration will ultimately regret the blind, irrational, inexplicable, indefensible, unjustifiable, unrestrained, unconditional and relentless support that they continue to offer the Jewish state which, given the events of the last six months, has transformed itself into a murderous, totalitarian fascist apartheid settler- colonial state and a hideous enclave of bloodthirsty genocidal maniacs, child killers, mass murderers, land grabbers and vicious, cold-blooded Nazis. 

    It is fair to say that all the demons have left hell and now reside in Israel. 

    (FFK)

  • The knife: A prayer for mothers

    The knife: A prayer for mothers

    • By Muti’at Oba

    One request, one single request is all I ask of you: please say amen to these prayers: May you deliver your baby by yourself. May the Good Lord give you the strength to push your baby out by yourself. May they not use ‘the knife’ to cut you open to bring out your baby.

    Chances are you have heard those prayers said to pregnant women around you. I have had the traditional delivery once, and I have been under the surgeon’s knife four times. Yes, four Caesarean sections; four bikini cuts on the very same spot, giving a single scar.

    My one and only traditional delivery was a difficult one resulting in a child living with cerebral palsy. CP is caused by a specific type of damage to the brain that is usually suffered during a traumatic or difficult childbirth. Years later, I was set to push again. It was a smooth pregnancy and I was better prepared for its delivery. I had a pile of books and magazines— ‘Every Woman’, ‘Pregnancy & Birth’, ‘Mother & Baby’, ‘Practical Parenting’. I read them all.

    But somehow, I skipped the C-Section segments, not because I had a bias against ‘the knife’, but because I was confident that since I had pushed once, I would definitely be able to push a second time. Right? Not quite!

    At about 7pm on Friday, January 3, 2003, my husband and I arrived at the hospital in Ikeja, Lagos, and I walked calmly to the receptionist and said, “Please I need someone to examine me. I think I’m in labour.” I was examined, and the midwife was excited that I was already half-way gone. Yes, I was 5cm dilated. My gynecologist broke my water, set the intravenous line to induce my labour, and I was wheeled into the labour room.

    They all estimated that my baby would arrive by 10 pm. A nurse brought out the baby’s clothes and toiletries, laid the baby cot and moved it into my private room. My gynecologist lived close to the hospital, so she went home and was periodically checking in with the nurses.

    It was meant to be an easy and uncomplicated delivery. And so it seemed initially, for I had reached 8cm by 9pm. Good progress! But by midnight, I remained at 8cm! Remember I was induced. Hence the strong and painful contractions were coming with full force. 10 cm full dilation eluded me!

    And my husband? He was a complete mess! While I was going crazy from the pain, he was going crazy from the trauma of watching his darling wife in pain. He kept saying, “My dear, no more kids after this!” And I, even while in the throes of pain, had replied, “The next one would be by CS”. The nurse with me snapped at me, “Don’t call bad things to yourself!”

    Clearly, my nurse, irrespective of the fact that she was working in a big and reputable hospital, irrespective of her daily exposure to the patients who frequently got the CS done, was one of the strongly biased ones who pray fervently against the knife! 

    At 2am, the ambulance was first sent to pick my gynaecologist from her Ikeja home. She arrived in no time. Next, to pick the Anaesthetist from his Ketu home. The head security of his street at his place of residence was nowhere to be found. The anaesthetist was ready to be picked on this side of the gate while the ambulance to pick him was waiting on the other side.

    In the meantime, I was almost going numb from the frequent and painful contractions while my husband was a bundle of nerves. They considered sedating him just to restrain him, but they needed him to agree to the price and to sign the consent form. N120,000 in January 2003 was a lot of money! “I will pay. I will sign. Just get this surgery done now!” my husband said anxiously.

    The Anaesthetist finally arrived at a few minutes shy of 5am, and I was wheeled into the theatre for an emergency C-Section at 5:05am. The last thing I heard was his voice: what is your name? I’d drowsily replied, saying my Yoruba name, Ronke… and I was out…

    My 3.6kg baby boy was brought out at 5:15am on Saturday, January 4, 2003. A baby we almost lost. He had stayed too long in the birth canal and had ingested a lot of impurities and developed respiratory distress.

    Two years later, I was pregnant again. At my 28th week antenatal checkup, I’d curiously asked my doctor if the popular myth is true, the one which says “Once a CS, always CS”. My doctor replied, “No, it is twice CS, always CS. In your case, we will allow you to go into labour. However, we would all be on standby for a C-section, just in case and also to avoid the emergency situation of the last time”.

    Then she’d added, “On second thought, let’s schedule you for a pelvic examination.” I did the pelvic scan, and at my next appointment, she held up the x-ray, looked at my big tummy, looked at the x-ray again and said, “Mrs. Oba, you will not be able to push this baby out by yourself, you’ll be scheduled for an elective C-section. Let’s look at the calendar to pick the date for your surgery.”

    That was how the myth was true for me for a totally different reason which was discovered in the pelvic scan. The big baby in my tummy wouldn’t be able to pass through! No wonder! So that was why I did not progress beyond 8cm during the previous delivery!

    Truth be told, I had the tendency to have big babies. Obviously, my first must have suffered the trauma of forcible passage during that difficult delivery, which scathed him for life!

    Why are women declining this surgery?’ is an article published by ‘BBC Feature’ in June 2019. Quoting from it: “Nigeria has one of the world’s highest maternal mortality rates. One reason? Patients often decline C-sections, even when it could save lives.”

    The article further quoted statistics from the World Health Organisation: “Across Nigeria, 58,000 women die in childbirth every year, giving the country the world’s fourth highest maternal mortality rate, partly because of the country’s low Caesarean rate: just 2%. The global rate is 21%”. To effectively prevent maternal mortality, a country’s Caesarean rate shouldn’t be below 5%.”

    Why are women declining this surgery? The why was ‘THE KNIFE’ specifically mentioned in the prayer. Why did the nurse say to me, “Don’t call bad things to yourself!” Two major reasons: FEAR’ & STIGMA! The preggies themselves are afraid and the male relatives who should reassure them and give consent are also afraid. They fear that by consenting, they are sentencing their loved ones to death.

    No! It is not a death sentence! It is an intervention in a difficult situation in order to prevent it from getting worse. Please everyone should learn about it! Knowledge is power. Stigma, on the other hand, the saddest part about it is, it is women who joyfully stigmatise their fellow sisters. Not all, but some. They believe that if you don’t push your baby out by yourself, you are not considered a real mother. If you do not go through the throes of labour pain, you are lazy and you took the easy way out.

    “Motherhood is so much more than the day your baby is born. Your birth experience does not define you; giving birth is not the endgame”. These soothing words were spoken by Ashlee Gadd, author of The Magic of Motherhood.

    Gbemisola, a mother of two, is my friend and my former colleague. She was my permanent seat-mate in the staff bus during the daily rides to and from work many years ago.

    In 2011, she was pregnant for her first son; it was during one of those terrible traffic days on Ajah route, Lagos while going home from work that l’d said to her, “Gbemi, if the doctor recommends the CS, please don’t hesitate.”

    Read Also: Only wives, mothers deserve men’s money – Reno Omokri

    Bright Color Mom said & I quote, “Having to have a C-section does not mean my body is inadequate. It does not mean a mistake was made when I was created. Nobody is perfect at all things. I am just blessed to have had an alternative way for my child to enter the world”.

    When she put to bed a bouncing baby boy in November 2011 and I went to see them at the hospital, the first thing Gbemi said to me was, “Alhaja, I am immensely grateful to you that you told me to be open minded about the C-section.”

    Finally, fellow toastmasters and friends, fellow consent givers and decision makers, and of course my darling sisters, do you know that there is a 4th prayer? Again, please say amen. May we hear the voices of both mother and baby.

    Above piece was Muti’at Oba’s Area 15 entry for Toastmaster’s 2024 International Contest

  • NPSA, the 4th Republic score card and service delivery conversation

    NPSA, the 4th Republic score card and service delivery conversation

    • By Tunji Olaopa

    One of the critical planks in my institutional reform philosophy hinges on the functional capacities of communities of service and practice to achieve an optimal oversight in stimulating the significance of national discourse for the health of democratic governance in Nigeria. Indeed, good governance and real development achievements is not just a function of leadership acumen and the forthrightness of government policies, it also requires the vigilance of an enlightened citizenry that is proactive in pushing the frontiers of democratic accountability. This dynamic is also shaped by the level, quality and relevance of scholarly contributions facilitated by communities of practice as the National Political Science Association (NPSA). And how far the NPSA will go in the analytical and discursive interrogation of development policies, governance and institutional reforms will in turn depend of how successfully it frames research questions to set agenda for researchers as well as the effectiveness of its strategic communication strategy as it ventilates research findings as scholarly inputs to national problem-solving and policy conversations.

    Suffice it to say that the political and institutional reform design issues still awaiting technical resolution through research contributions of scholars are legion. Is it the whole issue of getting our federalism to be developmental through constitutional reengineering? Or the whole dynamic of making inter-governmental relations to be enabling for service delivery especially as touching the concurrent schedule of function? Or the role of the state in the maelstrom of ideological contestation in making better sense of our brand of liberal democracy and in enabling the private sector to be engine of growth for the national economy? Or better still, the challenge of getting Nigeria to optimise the full potentials of public private partnership (PPP) along its three-level maturity curve, and I can go on and on. The role of the political scientists is, in other word, cut out in spite of what many might regard as the anti-intellectualism in the policy space in Nigeria

    In other words, communities of practice and service like NPSA constitute the gauge by which the functional health of institutions can be measured. Once these communities are comatose, then something fundamental is wrong and the consequences can be very dire, as we have seen with some of these communities in the Nigerian context. It is therefore a delight to see how NPSA has begun to reshape its internal institutional dynamics in response to its mandate as a gatekeeping mechanism for political science scholarship in Nigeria. And the theme of this annual conference is apt. This is indeed an appropriate time to not only interrogate the scorecard of Nigeria’s fourth republic but to also deepen the government’s objective of achieving optimal and efficient service delivery to Nigerians.

    Nigeria has come a long way since the inauguration of the democratic experiment since 1999, and from the inaugural administration of President Olusegun Obasanjo to the current administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. We have seen so many evolutions and transformations of parties and the dynamics of party politics. We have also witnessed so many legislative transitions, governmental interventions and energetic institutional reforms. However, what could have made that scorecard really memorable for Nigerians is still missing. And this is the impact of the efficient service delivery mechanisms of successive administrations on the welfare and well-being of Nigerians. The pervasive perception of Nigerians, from way before the inauguration of the fourth republic, is that public institutions are not working for their betterment. And this perception is difficult to fault because it is backed by the experiential agonies of Nigerians as they encounter public infrastructures and their abysmal failures. Roads are not worth the amount spent on them. they begin to break up and become death traps just weeks after they are commissioned. Private schools have overtaken public ones in terms of reliability and quality services. Power supplies from national distribution companies are now mere backups to generators and solar inverters. Nigerian governments have so far failed in providing accessible public infrastructures that could demonstrate the responsiveness of the government to the yearnings of Nigerians for the dividends of democratic governance.

    The governance template has been reduced to that of benchmarking failure in terms of government performance. Nigerians have been left with the task of comparing one bad government with another. This is because there has never been a period in Nigerian political development when Nigerians were given an undiluted experience of good governance. And institutional reforms that consecutive administrations have put in place have not been up to par because the leadership have not adequately been able to get a handle on the enigmatic devils in the details: the binding constraints to policy execution in the Nigerian public sector space that have constrained the translation of good intentions, good vision and masterplans to performance and inclusive development outcomes with evidences of dividends that conduce to life more abundant to the generality of Nigerians. And, as we are all aware, the leadership has not been able to put a hand on a general theory that can harness best practices, models and paradigms that will not always meet their Waterloo in Nigeria.

    All over the world, good governance is defined around the efficiency and effectiveness of service delivery made possible by a modernizing public service whose optimal function revolves around managerial innovation, technology savviness, and administrative flexibility. And the service delivery project in Nigeria, since 1999, has received lots of institutional transformation. The most prominent for me include the SERVICOM innovation we are all familiar with, the medium-term sector strategy and expenditure management frameworks, the Public Procurement Act, the Fiscal Responsibility Act, the public private partnership (PPP) mechanism to leverage capacities and capabilities of private enterprises and industries as well as other sectors of the Nigerian economy to reinforce the delivery capability of the public service, the adoption of international chart of account and move towards performance budgeting, and many more.

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    However, in administrative terms, the fourth republic’s governance fortunate has been limited by the collective fixation on a public service operating system that is defined by the traditional “I-am-directed” Weberian bureaucratic model that is more defined by its regulatory control and capacity to manage the input-process side of policy, programme and project management rather than weighing in on the relationship between performance, outputs and outcomes, and service delivery. This operating system has facilitated the gradual shift of the Nigerian public service system into a chronic bureau-pathological state that has made the civil service, for instance, more interested in its own bureaucratic culture rather than its instrumental value for enhancing democratic governance in Nigeria. Transforming this operating system demands, as a matter of urgency, a managerial paradigm shift that will inject into the system frameworks of strategic planning, project management praxis underpinned by monitoring and evaluation system and performance management orientation. 

    Hitting on this crucial point of the problem with the public service system, for me, remains the most fundamental credit due to the Udoji Reform Commission of 1974. Nigeria missed that opportunity. And that singular misdirection has been compounded over the years by increasing bureaucratization that has led to incremental ⁠erosion of competency-based human resource practices and poor sensitivity to training investments, strategic coaching and deliberate mentoring approaches that transcend classroom-rooted reskilling. This systemic deficit is further aggravated by the bureaucratic closemindedness in relation to fresh ideas and insights, the unresolved pay and compensation structure, the adversarial industrial relations, etc. have compromised the organizational intelligence quotient (IQ) of MDAs. And to cap it all, managerial skills and talents are rushing off in drove either out of the country or to the private sectors because the government has lost its capacity to attract, recruit, incentivize and retain fresh and innovative blood. The result is that the MDAs largely depend on consultants, policy experts and subject specialists as well as technical supports extended by the donor community.

    The reform shift required—the one that President Tinubu is gambling on for development and good governance—must be one that abjure the search for a once-size-fits-all and service-wide model emanating from a centralized governance of public resources and the management of the public service that hinders line managers’ creativity and productivity in getting the works in the MDAs done. On the contrary, the system must be retooled to become flatter, agile, streamlined and technology-enabled (FAST) in ways that achieve performance and productivity. It becomes FAST through citizens engagement, administrative efficiency effective decision-making processes and strategic intergovernmental and cross-sectoral collaboration. Three fundamental levels of reform inquiry point in this direction:

    •How can the MDAs’ skills deficit be corrected through a mix of re-skilling, regulated injection of fresh new scarce skills, and some rightsizing if unavoidable?

    •What contingent changes to we need to do to extant personnel policies, pay structure and recurrent cost ratios to get government to regain its status as employer of choice in the national economy?

    •How would the civil service be at once sensitive and reliable ally in achieving the political objectives of government while being accountable to the public without its independence and professionalism being undermined?

    First, we need to undertake a periodic MDAs’ capability review to achieve an internal institutional scan that establish their capability readiness to implement development agenda along such quadrants as quality of leadership, people management and incentive structure, bureaucratic efficiency of the internal processes and resource management, framework of stakeholders engagement, action research and analytics to activate monitoring, evaluation and change management systems. This will involve, for instance, a streamlined understanding of the relationship between the core and non-core functions of the MDAs, as well as exploration of alternative service delivery mechanisms. This also inevitably requires performance planning including revaluation of organizational vision and strategy, establishing the goals, objectives and measures at key institutional and at operational levels, and benchmarking of performance. Second, reprogramming the MDAs’ operating system for efficient performance and productivity will amount to a wasted effort if policy designs and programming in terms of development planning and other policy formulation processes are not creatively aligned with strategic implementation planning. Finally, there is the need for the installation of performance management metrics, like performance contracts and audit. This ensures that significant actors, from ministers to line managers, are held accountable to specific performance agenda. This is where the system’s technology-enabled savviness becomes critical. In other words, performance is also a function of the MDAs’ capacity not only to deploy the digital technologies, but to also become open and transparent.

    This, in summary, is the crux of the task before the NPSA and other communities of practice that are forced by the fact of their charters to engage with the Nigerian state and her failures and possibilities.

    Statement by Prof. Tunji Olaopa, Chairman, Federal Civil Service Commission as Chairman of the 3rd Conference of the Nigerian Political Science Association (NPSA) South West, held at the Lead City University, Ibadan on Wednesday, 27 March, 2024