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My suggestions on state police
- By Alade Fawole
The agitation for the establishment of state police is reaching a crescendo – governors, state and national legislators, traditional rulers and everyone that is everyone is speaking out on the necessity, most especially with the seemingly uncontrollable violence (banditry, kidnapping for ransom, ritual killings, armed robberies being committed even in broad daylight), that has gripped the land and overwhelmed the capacity of the Nigeria Police Force. Most of these new advocates, as persuasive as their arguments are, nonetheless still miss the fundamental basis for our call for state police, if all their concern is that the present police formation is overwhelmed.

For someone like me who has never ceased advocating for over a decade, my position is predicated on what ought to obtain in a country that claims to be a federation, and the central argument is, of course, that multi-level policing is integral to all federal states because policing and provision of security to citizens are normally concurrent responsibilities of all layers of government. No sound reason or logic basis for Nigeria to be an exception.

Multi-level policing means that while there is a central or national police force or formation, the federating units and even local governments or counties are not precluded from having their own police. Federating states that can do without it should not be compelled to have own police but the choice must be theirs. Unfortunately, Nigeria’s over-centralized unitary federalism fails to recognize that reality and instead puts “police and other government security services established by law” as item 45 on the Exclusive Legislative List in the 1999 Constitution. It ordinarily ought to be a concurrent item. Nigeria therefore needs to get it right!

Several well-meaning commentators have expressed grave reservations that, judging from past and contemporary experiences, state police is liable to be misused by state governors. Whilst I do not dismiss these concerns out of hand, but we cannot and should not build the future on an ugly past but move forward more creatively by thinking outside the box. Nigeria is not bereft of intelligence to the point that we cannot find suitable ways of avoiding and overcoming the pitfalls of the past. We can design state policing system in ways that would not put it solely in the hands of state governors.

Permit me to reproduce a chunk from the second part of a two-part article I published in the back page of Nigerian Tribune of Tuesday, 13 May, 2014 titled “National Confab Should Have a Rethink on State Police – 2.” In it I stated that “… there are creative ways of designing state police systems in such a way that the police will not necessarily be under the executive control of state governors but actually put under popular democratic control…

“Let’s start with the appointment, promotion, discipline and tenure of the state police chief (or whatever appellation will be given to the office) and the police high command. These positions should be advertised and only qualified applicants based on the set criteria would be shortlisted and interviewed, and then screened and approved by the state House of Assembly. The tenure of the police chief could be limited to two or three years, renewable subject to good performance to be assessed independently by an impartial body whose recommendations for renewal or otherwise would then be approved by the state House of Assembly. Appointment to the most senior command positions should not be on the basis of seniority, as is the current practice with the Nigeria police, but subject to performance evaluation and demonstrated competence. In addition, there should be an independent and impartial ombudsman charged with investigating complaints against police personnel whose reports would be submitted quarterly or periodically to the elected state assembly for consideration. A state police commissioner who knows he/she will face scrutiny and competition every two or three years will sit up and not allow the force to be misused by state chief executives for political witch-hunt of political opponents. Promotion and career mobility of all police personnel should be tied to performance and not seniority. This will reward efficiency, encourage good performance, and discourage redundancy. As for other categories of police personnel, there must be a minimum educational attainment of OND. Policing a modern society is no longer a job for the illiterate; proper education must be a priority. Training and retraining – in the basic law, human rights, and global best practices – including periodic psychological evaluations must be emphasized.

“Promotion and career advancement of police personnel would be based upon performance evaluation which will also enable redundant elements to be wielded out of the force. Though the broad operational directives would still emanate from the governor, who is constitutionally the chief security officer of the state, but the police personnel who know they are subject to democratic control would be emboldened to refuse illegal or illegitimate directives. This is a creative way of putting the police under popular democratic control. Such a police force that is not subject to the arbitrary discretion of the state governor would most likely be sensitive not only to doing a proper job of policing but also to the feelings of members of the public it is established to protect and serve…

“One issue that must be creatively worked out is the jurisdiction and powers of the state police. There must be a clear definition and demarcation of what constitutes federal crimes and offences for which state police will have to yield jurisdiction and control to the federal police. Let’s borrow an example from the US for illustration. The crime of murder in Washington D.C. is ordinarily within the jurisdiction of the homicide branch of the D.C. police, but instantly becomes a federal matter if for example the victim is a US Senator. Jurisdiction is yielded to the FBI because the crime may have national security implications. We can borrow a leaf from other societies that have successfully operated separate police systems to guide us, instead of the jaded excuse that Nigeria is not yet ripe for such!

Read Also: IGP to Nigerians: We are committed to improved welfare package for police officers

“Since the provision of security, not food and shelter or health and education, is the most fundamental and critical function of government, funding it should take priority over other considerations. It is only when a society is secure and protected that government can function effectively to provide the enabling environment for inhabitants to make wealth and develop. It deserves to be given utmost priority. To be effective and function efficiently, police personnel must be well trained and remunerated, well-resourced with modern means of policing such as communication equipment, good office accommodation, vehicles for easy mobility and quick response, sophisticated weapons, armoured personnel carriers, flak jackets and other protective gears; good and smart uniforms with proper insignias, decorations and medals to give police personnel a sense of pride in their profession and self-esteem, among others… Career mobility should not be made cumbersome, and there would be a need to shorten the number of ranks, or rank reclassification. This is because the ranks between the lowest police constable and commissioner are too many, and this is because of the lower educational requirement for most of the junior positions. An educated police corps can do with fewer ranks before reaching the top profession rank.

“For those who may think doing all these will be expensive for a state government, let me emphasize again that the primary duty of any government is the provision of security for lives and property, not food, shelter, education or health. Besides, devolution of more responsibilities to states will have to be accompanied by devolution of additional resources. Security will provide the enabling environment for the release of the prodigious energies of the people to produce and make wealth. All developed societies take security very seriously, and Nigeria cannot be an exception, especially considering the nature of the contemporary challenges that we have to contend with. Let us create a democratically controlled state police.”

To accomplish the dream of a democratically controlled state police, the National Assembly should not constraint the states from being creative and unique in their own way through the usual excessive and overbearing national legislation. It is enough to put in the constitution that state that so choose can have their police systems but should avoid legislating to create a one-size-for-all-states police system. As a matter of fact, the National Assembly should leave the states free to design their police systems as long they are not outside the prescriptions of the constitution.
- Prof Fawole writes from Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife.
March 4, 2024
Urbanisation and Nigeria’s army of homeless
SIR: With a population of 23.3 million that grows by 3.2 per cent a year, Nigeria’s commercial capital, Lagos is a megacity where the contrast between the rich and the poor is very sharp. Two-thirds of residents in this metropolis live below the poverty line. According to Amnesty International, over 70 per cent of residents of Lagos live in informal settlements.

With the deteriorating economic situation in the country, many people are becoming homeless. One may not take notice of this class of people during the day when the streets are bubbling with activities with everybody moving briskly as if the devil were after them. But when dusk creeps in, our urban areas become calm and quiet. Shops, supermarkets and kiosks are closed after the day’s activities.

In contrast, as soon as the streets are deserted, other human figures appear to scavenge from garbage bins.

Homelessness is a global issue. But Nigeria is believed to have the highest number of homeless persons globally; with an estimated 24.4 million homeless people. This alarming statistic sheds light on the complex socio-economic challenges the nation faces.

One of the primary causes of homelessness in Nigeria is rapid urbanization, leading to strained resources and inadequate housing. Additionally, poverty, unemployment, and lack of affordable healthcare contribute significantly to this issue.

The trend is deeply concerning, with the numbers continuing to rise due to population growth and economic instability. Homelessness not only deprives individuals of necessities but also hampers their access to education and healthcare, perpetuating a cycle of poverty.

The homeless are in three categories: professional beggars, lunatics and the poverty-stricken. Some of the beggars in our midst are able-bodied men and women, even children who are let loose by their parents, especially aliens. A good number of those beggars are simply lazy people who would rather take the easier way out of want. Many urban centres in Nigeria are witnessing an increasing number of homeless people. In the streets of our major cities, beggars are part of the landscape.

Many workers are victims of accommodation shortages in our overcrowded or overpopulated cities. Shylock landlords compound the problem by inflating the rents in the few houses available. Some low-income workers, if they are lucky, stay with their relations in overcrowded rooms. The not-so-lucky join the unemployed beggars and lunatics under flyover bridges as is usually seen in Lagos.

Of course, there are other causes of homelessness: alcoholism, drug addiction, loss of job and marriage breakup during which children are abandoned by warring parents. Some of them take to the streets and soon melt into the impersonal city crowd. They may beg for alms or do other odd jobs as bus conductors. At night, they sleep under the bridges.

Read Also: We are committed to Nigeria’s UHC 2030 target – Netherlands

The issue of accommodating homeless people is one of the key social problems facing many governments. With the increasing cost of providing basic infrastructure, appeals have to be made to the social and philanthropic organisations to come up with rehabilitation programmes as a supplement to government’s efforts.

Some philanthropic organisations are coming to the aid of the police by building barracks for the men in uniform who are equally faced with the problem of decent accommodation.

One of the options open to the government is to build institutions to house the large army of destitute and acquire vast hectares of land so that the inmates can farm and learn other trades which would make them useful in society.

Addressing Nigeria’s homelessness crisis requires a multifaceted approach, involving government initiatives, community efforts, and global collaboration. By prioritizing affordable housing, education, and employment opportunities, Nigeria can pave the way for a brighter, more secure future for millions of its citizens.

The time to provide a home for the homeless in our midst is now.
- Dr Goodluck F.T. Uguoji, Akute, Ogun State.
March 4, 2024
Nigeria’s yahoo-yahoo academies

SIR: Two incidents, all in February: First, operatives of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) arrested about 14 individuals suspected of internet fraud at a ‘Yahoo Academy’ in Makurdi, Benue State. Items recovered included laptops, ATM cards, phones, one Forman generator and a Toyota Corolla car. In the Akure metropolis, the men of the commission stormed residential places, including student lodges, and arrested over thirty suspects including 14 students of the Federal University of Technology Akure (FUTA) and 19 others for suspected internet crimes.

According to the Head of Media and Publicity of the Agency, Dele Oyewale, operatives of the Commission from the Benin Zonal Command acted on intelligence in carrying out the operation which was carried out in the dead of night. Items recovered included ten exotic cars, phones, laptops, one motor bike. He pledged that the suspects would be charged to court as soon as investigations are concluded.

Following the operation which was carried out around 3a.m in the night, the Students Union Government of FUTA strongly condemned the move which some students said they thought was kidnapping.

It is common knowledge that internet fraudsters popularly known as ‘yahoo boys’ hardly sleep. The challenge is as real and as formidable as it has ever been. But the truth is even more frightening.

They call it the streets or trenches or HQ or whatever else it is their young minds can conjure, there is a whole terminology for it. The game that is predominantly played across the internet features young people including children some as young as 14 and even younger. They crowd the internet space and maintain a constant lookout for unsuspecting people they nonchalantly refer to as clients. Their clientele include Nigerians but are predominantly drawn from pools of the unsuspecting across the world. Older demographics are favoured as long as there is liquidity and gullibility. But they don’t discriminate as long as the online client is willing to part with some money. This has become a uniquely Nigerian experience.

Today, with Nigerians reeling from incalculable hardship as the economy repeatedly tanks, Hushpuppi’s trademark skill has spawned an army of acolytes distinguished as much by an aversion to hard work as a voracious appetite for the good things of life.

With the proliferation of mobile devices, Nigeria is witnessing what can simply be described as an epidemic of internet fraud of immeasurable proportions.

Read Also: Startup Act will abate ‘Yahoo-Yahoo’, youth restiveness in Osun— Adeleke

Internet fraud has become so common in Nigeria today that it is now the crime of choice for many young people, as well as one of the most complex challenges facing law enforcement agencies in Nigeria.

The fact that despite the operation and implementation of the Cybercrimes Act by Nigeria’s sometimes overzealous law enforcement agencies, cybercrimes in many forms remain a raging problem calls for introspection.

An entire generation faces an erosion and corrosion of its core values if nothing beyond detention and incarceration is done.

It goes beyond feeding young, frustrated Nigerians into Nigeria’s insatiable prosecution machine. More than anything else, it is a matter of justice. The problem of internet fraud hints at a larger darker problem – poverty which manifests in unemployment.

While there is no excuse for crime, the link between crime and poverty is a historical one. Nigeria would labour in vain if it thinks that it can curtail one without confronting the other. Tackling the root causes of internet fraud must begin from fixing poverty and unemployment among young people. Until this is done, what is already a massive problem will only grow bigger and bigger.

•Ike Willie-Nwobu,

Ikewilly9@gmail.com

March 4, 2024
Return of the native
Yoruba nation activist Sunday Adeyemo, better known as Sunday Igboho, is back on the circuit. He lately served notice that he is back to dislodge killer herdsmen from Yorubaland and would not be needing the assistance of conventional security agencies to do that, but only self-help collaboration of fellow natives.

Igboho only just returned to Nigeria from self-exile for the burial of his mother and has been spewing outrage against the incidents of banditry that had hobbled his native Southwest region, while not excluding other areas of the country. He said it was up to the people of the region to liberate themselves from suspected killer herdsmen who are terrorising them. Addressing cheering supporters on the heels of the funeral rites in his hometown, Igboho in Oyo State, he contended that conventional security agents deployed to Yorubaland, as in Ekiti State where monarchs were recently killed in broad daylight, could not tackle down the killers.

Self-help remained the gospel the kinsman-warrior espoused. Speaking in Yoruba language in a video that trended on social media last week, he argued that Southwest people did not need soldiers to drive away killer herdsmen from their farmlands. “We need to come together, (and) take charge of the security of the Southwest. We don’t need to wait for government or anyone,” he said, adding: “Let’s just work in unison. We cannot farm on our lands because of these herders. And our people are going hungry and angry. We don’t need the soldiers the government claims to have deployed to Ekiti State. We’ll work in the tradition of our elders and man the places ourselves. It was my mother who was my fear before but now that she’s gone, I have nothing to be scared of again. I am back to take back our land.”

Igboho had fled Nigeria following a lethal raid by Department of State Services (DSS) operatives on his Ibadan, Oyo State, residence on 1st July, 2021. The agency alleged that he was stockpiling arms and staged the midnight raid in which two of his associates were killed and 12 aides arrested. The ethnic agitator, who always boasted tradition-endowed invincibility, slipped away in that siege and was declared wanted by the DSS. He was arrested along with his wife in Cotonou, Benin Republic, on his way to Germany on 19th July, 2021, and he was detained at the request of the former Muhammadu Buhari presidency. Attempts by the Nigerian government to repatriate him following his arrest were however unsuccessful, and he was arraigned before Benin Republic judiciary and detained in a prison facility in the country. Charges against him bordered on arms smuggling, inciting violence and advocating secession of the Yoruba from the Nigerian state. Igboho’s legal troubles blew over eventually and he was set free by Benin authorities in October 2023. It was while he was in Benin incarceration that Nigeria transited to the Bola Tinubu presidency.

That tangle with the law has not cowed Igboho a whit from his jingoistic sabre-rattling. On the heels of his release from Benin jail and his taking refuge in Germany last October, he gave Fulani herders seven days to vacate the Southwest over reported killings of farmers in Oyo and Ogun states, saying people of the region could otherwise be forced to take the law into their own hands. In direct rejoinder to that ultimatum, a group going by the name Northern Consensus Movement of Nigeria demanded a retraction or it would retribute in kind towards Yoruba people resident in the North and as well orchestrate a halt to supply of food items from the North. “We will do everything possible to stop that move and if he (Igboho) will not listen, then we have no option than to ask the Yoruba who are living in northern Nigeria to also go back to their region,” the group’s leader, Awwal Aliyu, said inter alia at a press parley. He added: “We are requesting President Bola Tinubu to do something… If nothing is done, we are going on a peaceful protest, after which we will shut down all food supplies moving from the North to the southern parts of the country.” Also reacting to the ultimatum, Miyetti Allah, Kautal Hore, leader, Abdullahi Bello Bodejo, traded harsh words with Igboho, with both respectively defending their ethnic turf.

Read Also: I’m back to chase away killer herdsmen – Sunday Igboho

In his return to the gadfly beat, Igboho has not hidden the fact that he is emboldened by the current dispensation of the Bola Tinubu presidency. He viewed the immediate past administration of President Buhari as having abetted the killer herdsmen syndrome, and he voiced that belief when he told the Miyetti Allah group late in 2023 to come to grips with the fact that acts of lawlessness perpetrated in the Buhari era would not be condoned under the Bola Tinubu dispensation.

Igboho has as well been frontal in defending the records of the present administration. Recently, he canvassed patience with the government’s efforts in response to a statement by Sultan Muhammad Sa’ad Abubakar III of Sokoto that Nigeria sits on a time bomb with the extent of poverty, hardship and insecurity plaguing the country. His disposition had fuelled speculation in some quarters that he is working for political interests and, against the backdrop of his claim that the 2021 DSS raid was an assassination attempt, journalists recently asked him whether the powers that presently be would still want him dead. To this, he responded: “I am not working for any politician. In fact, if I accidentally slapped someone, the government would be ready to arrest me and put me behind bars. I know they are watching me closely now to know my next line of action. Still, I am ready to take steps to stop marauders’ activities in our lands.”

But if Igboho has any respect for the Bola Tinubu presidency, he will tone down his aggressively divisive rhetoric. He cannot be seen to cast the administration in the mould of abetting him, just the way he had accused the Buhari presidency of abetting killer herdsmen. Truce and mutual accommodation by Nigeria’s component groups is what the country needs, not divisive rhetoric that sets one group against the other. It was such rhetoric that apparently informed the 2021 raid by DSS operatives. And if the rhetoric does not change but only the government in power has changed, it could be argued that it is none other than the government holding the security agency’s hand if it does not stage another raid against the ethnic campaigner. That is not a good profile to cast the Tinubu administration in before the diverse ethnic groups that make up the Nigerian nationhood.

Igboho’s rhetoric resonates with many community folk in Yorubaland, but that does not make his self-help gospel the best approach to the security challenge he seeks to address. The approach rather portends collapse of the societal order. Early in 2021 before his encounter with DSS operatives, the ethnic campaigner served an ultimatum on the Fulani community in Igagan, Oyo State, to leave the community. At the expiration of ultimatum, he stormed the community to expel the settlers and precipitated a communal clash. The townsfolk rallied to his side as he vowed to extend his mission to all Southwest states and Kwara. Those exploits, however, ended in dislocation of communal peace and breakdown of law and order. It was lawlessness writ large and should not be encouraged in a society governed by laws. Such was the threat of communal violence at the time that Oyo State Governor Seyi Makinde had to warn that government would not tolerate persons stoking ethnic tension under the guise of protecting Yoruba interest and, without naming names, he invited the police to arrest such people and treat them like common criminals.

Self-help unilateralism is a fast track to the Hobbesian jungle and Igboho needs a change of tack to address the security challenge he berates.
- Please join me on kayodeidowu.blogspot.be for conversation.
March 4, 2024
Haba; cement manufacturers!
SIR: The recent spike in the prices of building materials, particularly cement is no doubt worrisome, most especially to builders and those aspiring to build. A measure of the concern apparently informed the federal government’s meeting with the three leading cement manufacturers – BUA, Dangote and Lafarge.

Represented by Minister for Works and Housing, David Umahi and his Trade and Investment counterpart, Doris Nkiruka Uzoka-Anite, the federal government team had met with the cement producers with the sole purpose of ascertaining the factors behind the increases. According to reports, the federal government team was told that the spike stemmed from the foreign exchange issue as it affects the importation of machinery in particular. Reports also stated that Umahi and his counterpart made it known to the producers that the federal government may have no option but lift the ban on the importation of cement if their prices are not reduced. He reminded the manufacturers that the importation of cement was banned as a way of encouraging local manufacturers. Thereafter, the manufacturers were said to have agreed that cement will subsequently sell between N7,000 and N8,000 per 50kg bag. Before the intervention, the 50 kg bag sold for N6,400 before it shot up to N12,000.

Read Also: Report any official demanding bribe, inducement to me directly – Tinubu tells Qatari investors

Even if the cement manufacturers keep their word, N7,000 for a 50kg bag of cement at this point in time is still outrageous. The truth is that the big three manufacturers operate like virtual monopolies. And to imagine that these are entities that have received one form of waiver or the other to get to where they are today.

The federal government should go beyond the threat to lift the ban on cement importation if that is the only way to force the price down. The government needs to realize that the masses are not happy with the way it is tackling the activities of these oligarchies out to milk Nigerians for the sake of being recognized as the richest men in the world.

What is the rationale for the spate of price increases within two weeks if not to frustrate the government’s infrastructural plans and the housing dreams of the struggling masses? Virtually everything used in the production of the product is sourced locally, but the manufacturers in their meanness do not see the need to join the federal government to ameliorate the suffering of the masses. They would rather choose to exacerbate it.

Time the federal Government realize that these men are not interested in the country’s development; they are only driven by the need to make profit.
- Ifeonu Okolo, Asaba, Delta State.
March 4, 2024
CBN reform bill
- Proposed Senate amendments should stave off recurrence of past deviations
Members of the Senate are processing a bill seeking to peg the tenure of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) governor and deputy governors to a six-year non-renewable term. The bill proposes to amend, among others, Section 8(2) of the CBN Act 2007 that prescribes a five-year tenure, renewable for another term not exceeding five years, for the governor and deputies.

Sponsored by Senator Adetokunbo Abiru (APC, Lagos East), the bill proposes other measures that were apparently informed by the apex bank’s operations under the immediate past governor, Godwin Emefiele. It scaled second reading in the red chamber early last week and was referred for further legislative action to the Committee on Banking, Insurance and Other Financial Institutions that Senate President Godswill Akpabio mandated to revert within two weeks.

Leading the debate on the bill, Abiru, who chairs the Senate panel, argued that experience had shown that a single non-renewal term for governors and deputy governors of central banks serves to lessen political influence on monetary policy decisions. “Empirical evidence shows that a single term for the members of the executive and board members of central banks helps to reduce political influence on monetary policy decisions and time inconsistency problem associated with non-independent central banks,” he said, adding: “This is the practice adopted by many independent banks such as the US Federal Reserve and the European Central Bank where their chief executive officers serve only one non-renewable term.”

The bill, co-sponsored by 41 other members of the Senate panel, also proposes that where a vacancy exists as a result of death or resignation of a CBN governor or deputy governor, the president of the country could appoint an acting office holder pending the appointment of a substantive one. It added that where a substantive appointment is made, such appointment will be for a fresh term rather than to serve out the tenure of the previous governor or deputy governor. The bill further seeks to empower career CBN officials for elevation to the position of deputy governors. According to the sponsor, it will also mandate government to appoint at least one female among external directors of the Monetary Policy Committee.

Other major reforms proposed by the bill pertain to CBN’s ‘ways and means’ advances to the Federal Government and modalities for issuing new legal tender. The bill prescribes that government must refund ‘ways and means’ facility obtained from the CBN within three months after it is made available. Abiru argued that the current provision that government could repay the loan before the end of the fiscal year is prone to abuse, as it creates a window for the government to obtain overdrafts from the apex bank in January and wait until December to make repayment. On issuance of new legal tender, the bill proposes that before CBN could replace an old legal tender with a new one under any restructuring, redesigning, redenomination or any similar arrangement:

Read Also: Emefiele moves out of CBN gov’s quarters in Lagos

o It should give at least one year notice of its intention.

o The programme should span at least two years from the date of announcement of its intention.

o While the programme lasts, both the old and new currency notes and coins should serve as legal tender simultaneously.

o Withdrawal of the old legal tender should be done in phases and in a manner that does not create distortion in economic activities.

o The CBN should be in possession of sufficient new currency stock – not less than 70 percent of the currency to be withdrawn – before embarking on such a programme.

Since Dr. Olayemi Cardoso took the helm at the CBN in September 2023, he has been resetting operations of the apex bank from deviations recorded under the tenure of Emefiele. The former CBN governor held office from 2014 to 2023, spanning a second term that began in 2019, and strayed so far from the statutory mould of the apex bank that he threw his hat in the ring for partisan contest of the 2023 presidential poll before he was halted by a directive of former President Muhammadu Buhari. He also implemented a highly chaotic redesign of Naira notes and is currently being investigated by a Senate panel, along with the Buhari government, for disbursement and usage of N30trillion ‘ways and means’ advances.

The law being processed in the Senate obviously aims at putting checks in place to prevent future recurrence of the Emefiele era. We fully support this move. But it must be mentioned that the challenge of that era was not any fundamental defect in the provisions of CBN Act 2007, but failure of legislators to ensure diligent oversight and adherence to provisions of the law. Even if the law is reworked, the oversight failure must also be remedied for desired results to be achieved. And that is lawmakers’ call.
March 4, 2024
Benjamin Kalu: Fiscal accountability and need for lawmakers to sacrifice
- By Yomi Odunuga
The recent statements made by the Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Rt. Hon. Benjamin Kalu, have ignited a crucial debate regarding the perceived financial privileges of lawmakers in Nigeria. In a televised interview on Channels Television, Kalu vehemently opposed the widespread notion that legislators are solely motivated by financial gain within the hallowed chambers. He argued that the prevailing assumptions regarding lawmakers’ extravagant salaries and allowances are grossly exaggerated and fail to capture the realities faced by elected representatives in the two chambers of the National Assembly.

Nothing could be farther from the truth in Kalu’s humble estimation. In fact, from records available to the ranking lawmaker and tested politician from Abia State, what Nigerians misconstrue as huge pay packets for the 109 senators and 360 House of Representatives members are mere peanuts that shouldn’t be elevated to the level of ‘take home pay’. It is, therefore, preposterous if not exasperating for our ‘Honourable Representatives’ and ‘Distinguished Senators’ (as they prefer to be called), that most Nigerians are calling for a slash in the salaries and allowances of these hard working lawmakers who are already sacrificing more than an arm and a leg to make laws for the good governance of Nigeria since May 29, 1999.

Of course, trying to get the actual salaries and emoluments due to each lawmaker in the National Assembly has remained a needless task regardless of what the Freedom of Information Act stipulates; Kalu insisted that the figures flying around were ‘far cry” from what they get paid eventually. However, he was smart to make a clear distinction between ‘salary’ and ‘allowance’, another sub-head that is shrouded in utmost secrecy. Listen to him: “At the moment, talking about the salary of the National Assembly. I have said this over and again, it is not as much as people think. Salary is different from allowance, which is meant to do the jobs our constituents have sent us to do. Nobody is allowed to touch allowances. It is the salary that belongs to you. Allowances have no subheadings for which they are made for. If you use it wrongly, when you are retiring it, you will be sanctioned for that. So talking about the salaries of the National Assembly, it is a far cry from what is supposed to be. And I can assure you that even if we reduce it by 50 per cent or 80 per cent, it will not really impact what the Nigerian lawmakers should be earning, which does not go in tandem with the economic situation of the country. I can assure you that based on economic indices at the moment, inflation rate and the rest of them, the amount members of the National Assembly receive cannot actually take them home to do their jobs in their various constituencies. Considering the cost of transport, running constituency offices and the number of maintaining aides who are supposed to have you achieve what the mandate of that office demands, it is not a discussion that will add value to the crisis we are faced with. But I can assure you they will be willing to adjust. If that is what will move Nigeria to the next level, why not? After all, we did not send ourselves there. We were voted in by the constituents.”

Kalu’s assertions shed light on the intricate complexities surrounding the opaque range of benefits for our lawmakers in the National Assembly. While acknowledging the public’s right to transparency, he emphasized the crucial distinction between ‘salaries’ and ‘allowances’, underscoring their intended purpose in facilitating lawmakers’ constituency obligations. He stressed that allowances are strictly designated for specific duties and any misuse would result in disciplinary measures. However, he lamented the pervasive misconception that lawmakers’ earnings are excessive, highlighting the inadequacy of their compensation in light of economic factors such as inflation and rising living costs.

Yet, amidst Kalu’s defense lies a deeper concern regarding accountability and transparency within the legislative process. The opacity surrounding the allocation and utilization of funds within the National Assembly has long been a subject of scrutiny and public outcry. When concerned Nigerians raise eyebrows about the incredulously huge financial allocations to the National Assembly yearly and the lack of transparency in the disbursements of the funds, it is not because they anticipate that lawmakers should live a Spartan life and get impoverished on the job.

Perish that thought. No one in his right senses would expect our distinguished and honourable patriots to live like paupers. It is just that people are concerned because the business of lawmaking is often jeopardized at the behest of a seeming financial inducement and lack of transparency. Nigerians begin to see their lawmakers’ larger-than-life posture immediately they get sworn-in and they hardly see or experience their legislative interventions impacting quotidian living. Over the years, Nigerians observe a strange romance between our federal legislators and the executive arm and perceive a symbiotic relationship that tends to give aplomb to executive recklessness in policy initiatives. For instance, it is public secret that many of the so=called ‘oversight’ visits to various parastatals as well as summons of ministers and government agencies are sometimes more about legislators’ interests than anything else

When citizens demand accountability from their representatives at the National Assembly, they get fed with the same excuse that what the National Assembly takes annually from the budget is an abysmal five percent which is used to service the needs of the lawmakers as well as a bloated bureaucracy. Oftentimes, the NASS leadership gives the impression that the funding was so infinitesimal that important business of lawmaking even gets badly hampered with lawmakers just scraping by and, by so doing, making a huge sacrifice in other to make Nigeria great. The ‘sacrifice’ being made by our ‘Honourable members’ and ‘Distinguished Senators’ include cruising around in brand new vehicles costing far above N100m each, or more than N50 billion collectively.

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But, I ask, when Kalu says salaries and allowances are hardly enough to fund the enormous tasks before each lawmaker, what exactly does he mean? When he says that the paltry allocations have also been drastically affected by economic indices like inflation and hikes in prices of goods and services, does he think that a little cut in such allocations would be tantamount to asking our pampered legislators to embrace self-immolation? Has he done a mental calculation of what would be saved by the system if, for example, the lawmakers decide to cut down their monthly expenses by 20 percent? If not, how did he know that a 50 or 80 percent cut would not significantly boost the economy or cut down the waste that everyone sees daily on display with the affluent lifestyles of his colleagues? In any case, how does this illogic sound in the conscience of any lawmaker who truly has the wellbeing of the people at the core of his presence in the hallowed chambers? In a situation where the vast majority of an impoverished populace (the electorate) is being asked to make huge sacrifice and suffer through the drill of an unbelievable economic quagmire, how can an elected and privileged officer of the state flippantly wave off a suggestion that the sickening profligacy daily on exhibition in the National Assembly should stop? And let no one pretend here that Nigerians are merely talking about salaries and allowances when they ask for a change in how billions of naira are being frittered away annually in the National Assembly. No, it is much more than that. A system that lacks transparency like ours is open to excessive abuse and the National Assembly is not any different. Right from inception, the issue of budget padding with the active connivance of the executive has not abated. If anything, it has been firmed up in such a way that the under-the-table dealings have ripped Nigeria off. That is why the budget bleeds despite the pretentious rounds of budget defence by Ministries, Departments and Agencies. In the past, a sense of seriousness and professionalism were accorded these budget defence sittings because they were held in the open and reporters were allowed to cover the sessions. Today, that narrative has changed drastically. Agreements are now reached in conclaves attended by heads of these MDAs and chairmen of the committees concerned in both the House of Representatives and the Senate. What then follows is a cosmetic gathering of like minds with all the melodrama playing out for the cameras.
March 3, 2024
Our world, our words

We are living in a world in which words are indispensable. What words stand for, the pictures they create in a person’s mind, the actions they are used to perform, the impressions they are used to create and the emotions they are used to evoke make up their meanings. These meanings are variable, because the human societies in which they are used as tools of existence are varied. So, in different situations, the same word may have different meanings and different words may refer to the same thing. The meaning of a word may also differ depending on who is using it. This set of facts is represented in the semantically profound dictum, “Meanings are in people, not in words.”

Words are also used to show affection. This was what happened when the 78-year-old President-Elect Joe Biden acknowledged his grandparents as follows in his acceptance speech when he won the presidential election in the United States on 7 November, 2020: “So, remember, as my grandpa, our grandpappy, said when I walked out of his home when I was a kid in Scranton. He said, ‘Joey, keep the faith.’ And my grandmother when she was alive, she yelled, ‘No, Joey, spread it. Spread the faith.’”

Similarly, on the death of his mother Queen Elizabeth II at the age of 96, Prince Charles (now King of England) baby-talked as follows on 9 September, 2022 to a global audience: “On behalf of all my family, I can only offer the most sincere and heartfelt thanks for your condolences and support. … And to my darling Mama, as you begin your last great journey to join my dear late Papa, I want simply to say this: thank you.” This baby-talking 73-year-old child reminds one of the fact that the meaning of the word ‘child’ does not necessarily have to include the feature of ‘being young’, as many people presume.

This presumption played out when an around-70-year-old Professor moderating an academic paper presentation on 15 February, 2024 said, “We’re all children”, without intending to be funny, and many people in the audience burst into laughter. As this example shows, in communicating, speakers and hearers may make different assumptions about the meanings of the words used. When these assumptions are in conflict, they may result in mild or even humorous reactions, but conflict in speaker intentions and hearer perceptions may, in some cases, have grave consequences.

Explaining another case of the interesting use of affectionate language, in an 18 September, 2023 issue of the Daily Post, popular Yoruba singer, Ahmed Ololade, who uses his mother’s feminine oríkì àbísọ (i.e., personal praise name), Àṣàkẹ́ (meaning ‘One who is specially-favoured’), as his professional name, was reported to have said: “My stage name is actually my mother’s. While I was in the cultural group, people used to call me ‘Ọmọ Àṣàkẹ́,’ which means ‘Child of Àṣàkẹ́’ in Yoruba. And after a while, it just stuck. People stopped adding the ‘Ọmọ’ and left ‘Àṣàkẹ́.’ I thought it was cool and decided to go by it.” This onomastic licence, the freedom to name oneself as one chooses, outside the traditional context, is represented in the Yoruba proverb, “Orúkọ tó bá wu’ni làá jẹ́ l’ẹ́yìn odi.” (‘One bears the name one likes abroad.’)

Furthermore, age-related rhetoric is manifested in Michelle Obama’s characterisation of then-presidential-candidate Donald Trump. In her 29 September, 2016 campaign speech reported in The Guardian (of London), she promoted Hillary Clinton, argued against voting for Trump, and explained that “because when making life or death, war and peace decisions, the president just can’t pop off, or lash out irrationally, … we need an adult in the White House.” In other words, Michelle Obama defined Trump as a temperamental baby in a biologically adult body. But not everybody saw him that way, least of all those who cast their votes for him to give him victory in the election. As a Yoruba proverb puts it, “Ẹ̀kọ̀ elẹ́kọ̀ ń l’ẹ̀gbà ẹlẹ́gbà.” (‘One person’s reject is another person’s treasure.’)

Words could also be used to try to make a difficult situation to appear less worrisome as AT&T, America’s largest mobile network service provider, did when it suffered network outage, on 22 February, 2024, leaving “1.7 million users without service for hours”, according to a Washington Post report by Aaron Gregg and Julian Mark. AT&T said that the outage “was caused by the application and execution of an incorrect process used as we were expanding our network, not a cyber attack,” The vague expression, “the application and execution of an incorrect process” and the contrast with “cyber attack”, together help to create a euphemistic effect regarding the massive outage and seek to reduce customers’ misgivings. Similarly, an ICT professional, Lee McKnight, was reported by NBC News, on 22 February, 2024, to have remarked: “The most likely cause of the outage ‘is a cloud misconfiguration’ which is ‘a fancy word for saying human error.’”

The word ‘compromise’ is also of interest. The Cambridge Dictionary (online) defines it as “to allow your principles to be less strong or your standards or morals to be lower”, as in the example, “Don’t compromise your beliefs/principles for the sake of being accepted.” However, announcing her resignation in controversial circumstances on 24 May, 2019, former British Prime Minister Theresa May said she regretted that she could not get the consensus required to see through the British desire to exit the European Union and implored whoever succeeded her to endeavour to achieve that consensus.

She further remarked: “Such a consensus can only be reached if those on all sides of the debate are willing to compromise. For many years the great humanitarian Sir Nicholas Winton – who saved the lives of hundreds of children by arranging their evacuation from Nazi-occupied Czechoslovakia through the Kindertransport – was my constituent in Maidenhead. At another time of political controversy, a few years before his death, he took me to one side at a local event and gave me a piece of advice. He said, ‘Never forget that compromise is not a dirty word. Life depends on compromise’. He was right.” This view is in line with the Cambridge Dictionary’s alternative definition of the word ‘compromise’ as “an agreement or settlement of a dispute that is reached by each side making concessions.”

The dictionary illustrates this with the sentence, “Eventually they reached a compromise.” The company a word keeps could therefore determine whether it would be perceived as negative or positive.

Some words evoke very deep negative emotions. One set of such words is ‘International Monetary Fund’ and ‘World Bank.’ These are perceived by very many people as malevolent international institutions, set up as giant financial traps by powerful Western nations to ensnare unwary or weak African and other nations and thereby stymie their growth. Other intensely emotive expressions in Nigeria include ‘Sharia’, ‘Boko Haram’, ‘IPOB’, and ‘Yoruba Nation’, to mention just a few. Another remarkable emotion-inciting expression is ‘Islamisation and Fulanisation’, and it was popularised by former President Olusegun Obasanjo. The ready appeal to religious and ethnic stereotypes and prejudices often signals a failure of the intellect, and is marked by the attempt to limit or abrogate thought or short-circuit reasoning.

Some words define a milieu and have infused in them all the aspirations, fears and hopes of a nation, group or individual. Such sets of words include former U.S. President J.F. Kennedy’s “Ask not what your country can do for you – ask what you can do for your country”, the Reverend Martin Luther King Jr.’s “I have a dream”, and Nigeria’s President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s “Èmilókàn” (‘It’s my turn.’). The emotive or inspirational value of these expressions or utterances changes as conditions in society change. For example, vexed with what he perceived as unsatisfactory progress in ensuring racial justice in America or what he saw as the naivety of Reverend King’s kind of dream, the famous African-American Muslim Minister Malcolm X said, as Blacks in America, “We don’t see any American dream, we’ve experienced only the American nightmare.”

When languages co-exist in a particular environment, interesting aspects of words are further revealed. A phenomenon may be represented in one language more strikingly than in another. Consider, for example, the Yoruba word jápa. One of its nuances is ‘to rush out in fright’. When the accounts of those who have embarked on such relocation are considered, they show that the frightful way in which many left Nigeria did not give them the opportunity to be sufficiently reflective about the emigration. The word jápa is, in other words, more picturesque and more apt than the English equivalent ‘economic emigration.’

Another remarkable Yoruba word is egbére. Its English equivalent is ‘goblin’, and it is characterised as existing in “folklore and fantasy fiction” and defined by Oxford Dictionary as “a mischievous, ugly creature resembling a dwarf.” In Yoruba folklore, it is additionally characterised as always carrying a small, wretched mat under its armpit and as engaging in ceaseless inexplicable wailing. In fact, a common Yoruba simile is “Ó n sunkún bí egbére” (‘They are crying like a goblin.’) Femi Adesina, Special Adviser, Media and Publicity, to former President Muhammadu Buhari, has been widely associated with the term “wailing wailers” with which he has described President Buhari’s strident and unceasing critics. Now, imagine how more picturesquely striking and communicatively effective it could have been to simply call those, or any other, inconsolable losers, ill-motivated denigrators and implacable detractors by the Yoruba term àwọn egbére.

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Definition is an exercise of power. Diplomats know it, counselors appreciate it, and demagogues exploit it. If somebody defines you negatively, define yourself positively. Language is flexible enough to make both definitions legitimate. So, if you allow your negative characterisation by others to stay unchallenged, you have granted them a semantic concession. You then cease to be a victim; you become a collaborator. After all, as our people say, “Alásọ níí pe aṣọ rẹ̀ ní àkísà kí wọn ó tó ba fi nu’lẹ̀” (‘If you call your cloth a rag, it would be used by others to mop the floor.’)

In using language as in running our world, we are constantly making choices. And choices have consequences. As our leaders continue to be faced with hard choices, let me commend to them these timeless words of Martin Luther King Jr.: “Ultimately a genuine leader is not a searcher for consensus but … a molder of consensus. And on some positions, cowardice asks the question ‘Is it safe?’ Expediency asks the question, ‘Is it politic?’ Vanity asks the question, ‘Is it popular?’ But conscience asks the question, ‘Is it right?’ And there comes a time when one must take a position that is neither safe nor politic nor popular, but [you] must do it because conscience tells [you] it is right.”

March 3, 2024
Ayobolu @ 60: The question of character
- By Louis Odion, FNGE
Reuben Abati (“Monumental”) memorably characterises such moment as “when the phone stops ringing”. It is the ultimate nightmare of the public intellectual or just any member of the tribe at the point of — or shortly before — evacuating public office.

It is not only about the imminent forfeiture of privileges and advantage, but also the anxiety about accountability before a national jury.

For the columnist, questions are bound to be asked about just how much he practised what he had preached so magisterially before assuming public office. Observable conduct — by way of deeds or words during the stated public engagement — will be weighed against the corpus of values earlier trumpeted from the outside.

For this purpose, public intellectuals will include others involved in the knowledge economy like academics and think-tank experts, mediating between public authorities and the society.

Segun Ayobolu could, by any stretch, not be said to have suffered any difficulty in the referenced transition between theory and praxis, despite having been exposed to the corrosive toxin of partisan politics as the Chief Press Secretary to then Governor Bola Tinubu at a very challenging moment in Lagos.

Upon returning to the media in 2008, it was clear that the critical flavor of his punditry had not diminished, which is perhaps a testimony to the character and integrity he demonstrated for the nine years he sojourned at Alausa.

Again, such seamless adaptability — this instinctive capacity for role changes without loss of identity — would seem very much in evidence in his choice to sneak onto the “sixth floor” (the sexagenarian club) recently without as much a stir or noise.

On account of his remarkable life and sterling accomplishments in journalism, not a few friends had, at the approach of the Diamond milestone, contemplated the idea of staging a commemorative shindig. But once he got wind of the plot, Ayanbolu frantically pleaded to be spared the “stress” of an “Owambe”, moreso not when most Nigerians are facing a difficult time.

Were things “normal”, self-effacing Ayobolu would probably still have found another excuse not to have a loud celebration. As attested by Tunde Olusunle in an earlier tribute last year entitled, “Segun Ayobolu: Grit, Quality, Versatility on Diamond Eve”:

“For all his staggering attributes as a very formidable scholar, a distinctly rigorous inquisitor, a sound and profound political scientist, an inimitable reporter, an engaging writer, a perspicacious editor, he savours his reticence and unobtrusive carriage.

“In a world where dunderheads, impostors and wannabes hug the klieg lights, posturing as modern-day standard-bearers, stars and men of letters, coveting conferments and adulation, he cherishes his quiet.

“He prefers to immerse himself in his study, lapping up multidisciplinary knowledge, further enriching his subsisting, even overflowing intellectual capital. His elected choices to remain ‘backstage’ in a manner of speaking, receives authentication from his minimal photographic prominence, even on the internet. And we are talking about a colossus in his own right.”

That is the essential Segun Ayobulu — one with social conscience.

In a more recent tribute on Ayobolu’s 60th birthday, President Tinubu wrote: “Segun has remained one of my steadfast associates and loyalists for many years. He served me with complete dedication and loyalty as my Chief Press Secretary when I was Governor of Lagos State. He has not failed to offer his service and intellect to us in many other areas since we left office. He remains a committed member of our progressive family.”

Overall, as anyone who has followed his writings in over three decades will readily attest, Ayanbolu’s journalism remains largely a relentless crusade for progressive values, never shy to advertise a fanatical devotion to Awoism.

As CPS to Tinubu between 1999 and 2007, he never failed to situate his many polemical skirmishes against political opponents of his boss within the broader context of never-ending progressive struggle against reactionary forces in nation space.

Of course, there can be no easy winner or loser in such ideological contestation. While recognising that the public engagement could indeed be tricky, Patrick Baert and Josh Booth, however argue that the intellectual has to reconcile themselves with some fundamental tensions and contradictions around four axes namely, “hierarchy versus equality, generality versus expertise, passion versus distance, and the individual versus the collective.”

With particular reference to the political realm, Eunice Goes, an associate professor at Richmond University in the U.K, is a bit more exact. In an intervention in defence of one-time Labour Party’s poster boy, Ed Miliband, following attack by the conservative press, she outlines the obligations of the intellectual as helping “politicians to make sense of the world.

“They offer cause-effect explanations of political and economic phenomena; they offer diagnosis and occasional prescriptions to policy puzzles. At times of great political disruption, when old certainties about how the world works are questioned, this role is particularly important.”

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Doubtless, learning matters. It should however be added that learning is nothing without character, as Mahatma Gandhi forever warns. Of course, the truest test of character occurs not at the moment of comfort or convenience. Rather, it comes at a crossroads, at that perilous hour of temptation. Ayobolu’s was tested with Tinubu’s exit in 2007 and the change of guards thereafter at Alausa. He was among the few “tested hands” retained by the Fashola administration to help “stabilize” the system. The climate looked conducive for him to, in fact, be more consequential in the new order.

Though promoted as a Special Adviser, he would soon cause a major stir by resigning voluntarily “on principle”, and went back to his first love — journalism.

Indeed, as months began to roll by for the new administration at Alausa, it was clear Ayobolu was no longer finding fulfillment. In his shoes, many would have easily tagged along, for survival.

Many would have casually forsworn old loyalties or traded their convictions for new convenient principles without scruples, if only to secure continued flow of bread and butter. True, addiction to the comforts of the moment can be numbing for such slaves to office. But in not succumbing to temptations then, Ayobolu was probably reminded of Awo’s timeless admonition never “to get addicted to things you cannot afford as private citizen while in public office.”

Here is wishing Ayobolu, the one with quick smile, happy diamond jubilee.
March 3, 2024
Tinubu and the creation of a new society
Nigeria is at a critical juncture; and in such a context, it is “cometh the moment, cometh the man”. For President Bola Tinubu, this adversity should be turned into a historic advantage which should propel him to be the creator of a new society and his place in history will be assured, not for all time but forever. Men who took advantage of their opportunity include Park Chung Hee of South Korea, Lee Kuan Yew of Singapore, Mahathir Mohamad of Malaysia and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva of Brazil. Take it or leave it, Nigeria is in it already but this is a historic task for Tinubu to right the wrongs; and it must not be long.

In life, every day counts! Tinubu has already spent more than 20% of his four-year tenure. By May 28, 2024, he will have used 25% of his tenure as President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces. So, the clock is ticking and time waits for no one! Reinventing the wheel shouldn’t be an option!

It is a historic turning point for Nigeria and Tinubu has a historic opportunity to position himself as the creator of a new political economy and the builder of a new Nigeria. If he gets it right, especially by reconstructing an economy that was hitherto based on parasitic activities, the country will never look back. If he is able to midwife a production, export-led economy, the changes brought will be irreversible and Tinubu will become the equivalent of Hee, Yew, and da Silva. Then he should forget about the next election as his place in history as the creator of a new Nigeria will have been assured and cemented. It will have been signed, sealed and delivered!

According to Karl Marx, “men make their own history, but they do not make it as they please; they do not make it under self-selected circumstances but under circumstances existing already, given and transmitted from the past …” In a word, Tinubu is asked to make history but not in ways that he would have chosen or wanted but he still has to make that history in a positive manner. In order to attract more support from the masses therefore, what is expected from our president is to understand that sermons will not quench thirst and hunger even as change is not expected to be in a day but a daily process. He must understand that dispensational factors are expected to play notable roles in the fulfillment of his agenda for the Nigeria of his vision and that the opposition and those benefiting from the afflictions confronting Nigerians are not relenting. Since they are condemned to the monstrous conventions of politics, they aren’t going to sleep either. But if the president asked not to be pitied, Nigerians are seriously asking for his pity.

Tinubu is expected to represent the progressive currents that have passed through the Nigerian space, going back to the foundation of ‘Egbe Omo Oduduwa’, Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) and others. So, the president must return to the basic tenets of social democracy – the German-type social market and shared prosperity.

But why are his ministers not functioning and why are they not talking to Nigerians about what their respective ministries are bringing to the table to help Nigeria out of this socioeconomic morass? For reasons best known to most of them, there’s no functional, mobile and serious in-house media to help coordinate their media outlets other than the usual ‘kick-and-start’ creation of bureaucracy. There is no meeting of minds and it’s as if our ministers are scared of taking bullets for the president, which, of course, is one of their central functions as presidential aides.

The two performing ministries in times of Balance of Payment crises ought to be Solid Minerals and Blue Economy. In the 1960s, the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA) alone provided not less than 42% of the Federal Government Budget, up to the end of the First Republic. Impliedly, the Marine and Blue Economy under Gboyega Oyetola should be prepared to give about 18% of Nigeria’s Budget with ease. Whether we like it or not, Nigeria has to export her way up out of the wahala in which she’s currently immersed. To respond to the Balance of Trade and currency crises, the economic strategy is to export in order to import with a view to balancing its payments.

One of the reasons the world continues to remember former Prime Minister Tony Blair and former President Bill Clinton is that, immediately after they assumed office, they set up what could be referred to as public sector targets with fixed timelines for every minister. Because they did that, the ministers were very effective, not just because they were brilliant. It’s because they had targets that were eventually met; and that’s why the two leaders ended well. In Nigeria, how do we appraise performance without targets and timelines? Therefore, Tinubu should give every minister public-sector targets with fixed timelines as it’s done in sane climes. This is very important because every hour counts! The performance evaluation team put in place by the president also has to give a dispassionate report on the ministers because Nigerians expect more from them.

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If truth be told, those who have been assuring Nigerians that all would be well are not telling us something new. As we speak, the hypocrisy of the dollar remains unsurpassed even as the inflation rate is 29.9%. Yes, that terrible record is the highest in 28 years. The more reason Tinubu needs our prayers! Here’s a man who said that nobody should pity him because he asked for the job, that the current pains were products of his tough policies geared towards revamping the economy and that the situation would soon begin to smile. However, laudable as these promises may be, it is perhaps because most Nigerians see the president as being above their level that his messages seem not to be resonating with them. They don’t see him as speaking the same language with them, coming down to dance their dance or taking their brand of tea. Should the president continue this way, his reforms may become wounded and, his legacy, troubled.

As a Yoruba leader of the Afenifere bent, Tinubu’s cardinal focus should be the creation of state police, restructuring and better life for all. God forbid, should he miss this rare opportunity, then there may be no hope again for the progressives and Yoruba race will be worse for it. Yes, he might have come at the wrong time but the satisfying truth is that he remains the right man for the job. He is a pro-democracy fighter and an advocate for human dignity. He has promoted self-rule with all his might and fought oligarchy and shallowness of thought in governance. He has led many situations perceived to be for the good of all and spearheaded measures aimed at restoring values and a new beginning.

So, what practical things does Tinubu want to do in practical ways that will bring practical succor to the people? If it is a four-lane road that he’s going to construct from Ijebu-Jesa, my Native Nazareth in Osun State, through Fenwa Community in Oyo State, to Daura in Katsina State, the president should let us know! If it is power, he should give instructions to Adebayo ‘Penkelemesi’ Adelabu on how to move beyond cruising in the unmatched comfort of wattages of darkness to truly deliver on his mandate. Nigerians are no longer interested in excuses that do not edify prosperity. What Nigerians want going forward is result.
- May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!
March 2, 2024