Category: Comments

  • On proposed review of Nigeria’s security law

    On proposed review of Nigeria’s security law

    • By Tunde Bamise

    Recently, media reports emerged that some members of the National Assembly are mulling plans to review existing legislation, to create an opening for private security organizations to be recognized in securing Nigeria’s maritime environment.

    This is, frankly, a very bad idea. Among the arguments being made is that the “monopoly” being enjoyed by the Nigerian Navy needs to be rolled back.

    First and foremost, this is a patently false claim – the Nigerian Navy does not enjoy a monopoly when it comes to securing Nigeria’s maritime environment and Exclusive Economic Zone.  The Armed Forces Act, which gives legal backing to the existence and the operations of the Nigerian military, outlines the specific roles and responsibilities of the Nigerian Navy—in addition to the primary role of defending Nigeria by sea—as follows: “the Navy shall, in particular, be further charged with- (i) enforcing and assisting in co-ordinating the enforcement of all customs, laws, including anti-bunkering, fishery and immigration laws of Nigeria at sea; (ii) enforcing and assisting in co-ordinating the enforcement of national and international maritime laws ascribed or acceded to by Nigeria; (iii) making of charts and co-ordinating of all national hydrographic surveys; and (iv) promoting, co-ordinating and enforcing safety regulations in the territorial waters and the Exclusive Economic Zone of Nigeria.”

     It is very clear from the foregoing that there is a strong emphasis on the co-ordinating” function of the Nigerian Navy in the maritime environment of Nigeria. This coordinating function presupposes the existence of other government agencies.

    The document on “Harmonized Standard Operating Procedures on Arrests , Detention and Prosecution of Vessels and Persons in Nigerian’s Maritime Environment, 2016” clearly outlines the various federal government agencies that also in one way or the other have responsibilities in the maritime environment, including the other services of the Nigerian Armed Forces, the Nigeria Police Force, the National Security and Civil Defence Corps, Nigeria Customs Service, NIMASA, NPA, NAPTIP, EFCC, NIS, NESREA, NOSDRA, and others.

     So, clearly, the Nigerian Navy’s role is a lead role, and a coordinating one, not a “monopoly” as being alleged by some. So, all the arguments that the Nigerian Navy has a monopoly that needs to be broken are false and mischievous.

    The second important point to be made is that it is inconceivable for any branch of government in Nigeria to be exploring a way to legislate private security organisations into the security architecture of Nigeria, whether land, sea or air. No country in the world modifies its laws to give private operators powers that are similar to that of its constitutionally-established and empowered military.

    That is not to say there is no room for private players to operate in supporting roles. But these are discretionary matters that relevant government officials can make routine decisions on, as needed.

    There is absolutely no basis or need to amend a country’s constitution or laws to make this possible.

     At the moment, a number of private players have been engaged by the Nigerian government to support and assist with pipeline surveillance and monitoring, as part of the fight against crude oil theft. These companies have been working with and supporting the Nigerian Navy and other law enforcement agencies, under the auspices of various security operations and initiatives, and yielding positive results.

     It therefore beggars belief that anyone would think there is the need to legislate private security operatives into the laws of the land. There is no room for any illegitimate forces that seek to rival or even supplant the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

     Legislating private companies into Nigeria’s maritime security architecture is akin to enlisting mercenaries to do the work of the Nigerian military. They can continue playing the supporting roles that they have always played.

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    All over the world, Navies traditionally take the lead in securing offshore waters. Ours should not be different.

     This is therefore an open call to the leadership of the National Assembly not to entertain any attempts by any person or persons, to push a nefarious agenda through the hallowed chambers of the assembly.

    In addition, it is a reminder to Mr. President, Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, that, in the event that any such legislation is sent to him for assent, he has a duty to safeguard the integrity of Nigeria’s Armed Forces, and also to safeguard his own legacy, by standing firm against any and all attempts to legislate and legalize mercenarism or any other form of private security arrangement in Nigeria’s security architecture.

     The existing arrangement, where private security support is enlisted, especially at the level of surveillance and monitoring oil infrastructure in the extensive nooks and crannies of the Niger Delta is the way to go, and additional efforts should be invested in refining this arrangement and improving its effectiveness.  Anything else, as being suggested by some, would be tantamount to endorsing and legislating illegality in ensuring and achieving the security of the country.

    • Bamise writes from Abuja.
  • Another perspective on the food ‘scarcity’

    Another perspective on the food ‘scarcity’

    • By John Uwaya

    Nigeria is tottering under galloping inflation blamed chiefly on floating of the Naira in the foreign exchange market and removal of price subsidies on petroleum products. Although prices expectedly rose when petroleum product subsidies were removed, galloping inflation actually set in only after ECOWAS and by extension, Nigeria, penalized Niger Republic by border closure for a military coup in that country – a punitive step that turned out mutually destructive or an ill-wind that blew neither of the two countries any good.

    Much as Niger Republic suffered loss of some national income in the early days of the border closure, prices of some foodstuff soared in Nigeria and stabilized only after smugglers found a way around the official restriction on movement between the two countries.

    The border closure was providential and the multiplier consequences insightful for some Nigerian politicians who had earlier threatened to weaponise foodstuff supplies for political advantage. This is no empty boast in Nigeria where recently, a private bank account holding N3 billion was traced to an immediate past minister. The apparently looted public fund is just a tiny fraction of the estimated trillions authoritatively reported as unaccounted for under President Muhammadu Buhàri’s regime.

    Just a minuscule of that humongous loot in private hands is more than adequate to buy up and hoard or destroy foodstuff as a strategy for annoying a populace to trigger a violent reactions across the country. Its parallel is unrestrained terrorism financing which is making non-state actors better armed than security agents in Nigeria. Yet another parallel is using ill-gotten wealth to sabotage the foreign exchange market by out-bidding genuine patrons to starve the country’s import dependent economy to death.

    Those are some of the consequences of massive corrupt enrichment of a few because a president got clannish by filling key positions with only his kinsmen whose supervision, kindred spirit inhibited.  Neither is their past public life easy to probe by another president of a different tribe without drawing an ethnic battle line – a dilemma facing President Tinubu. Calling members of his predecessor’s regime to give account of their public stewardship is like drawing an inter-tribal battle line!

    President Tinubu is hard pressed to recover part of looted public funds as the only way to get his own regime off the ground with his predecessor having reportedly exhausted every borrowing window and bequeathed a historic N77 trillion debt with no accruals to offset it. But no matter the imperative, President Tinubu’s probe and some of his other policies are not going down well with his supposed political benefactors who, with looted trillions in their private vaults, could make the country ungovernable – a nightmare similarly wrestled in the past by his southern Nigerian predecessors. Only that this time, the strategy is different although the purpose remains the same – whip the president into line.

    The strategy deployed this time against President Tinubu is subtle with a lot of room for deniability. It is as simple as – with stolen trillions, stock and hoard or destroy foodstuff until acute artificial food scarcities incite the populace and create seismic instability. And sadly, the strategy appears to be working as foodstuff scarcity protests have been reported in some parts of Nigeria. According to the Sultan of Sokoto, no one could continually restrain the protests from going nationwide.

    Read Also: Food security: Reps urge FG to urgently subsidise agriculture

    However, one is not altogether ruling out other negative factors on the worsening foodstuff scarcities in Nigeria. But to limit the reasons to removal of price subsidies on petroleum products and rising Dollar/Naira exchange rate is narrow mindedness. Not only that most of Nigerian staple food items are not imported with the US dollar, agricultural production is not mechanized in Nigeria and Niger Republic as to require importation of machinery with hard currency. Neither did either country or their West African region report poor harvests in 2023.

    Also, prices of petroleum products have risen neither significantly nor steadily beyond their post-subsidy removal levels. On any argument that apart from agricultural products, prices of other goods and services are rising, the drivers are rising food prices. It stands to reason that where politicians turned economic saboteurs are costing you more on food, you must keep increasing prices of your own goods or services to be able to buy food.

    President Tinubu’s political foes should stop using their ill-gotten wealth to disrupt market forces in Nigeria as none might survive the multiplier and ultimate consequences. On his part, the president should remember that in an earlier write-up – “Niger Republic and Other Booby Traps before President Tinubu”, I did counsel:

    “Much as President Tinubu should exercise discretion in handling the various volatile booby traps, innocent Nigerian masses should not be taxed to atone the sins of sacred cows who should be held to account like President Buhari fearlessly set out in 2015. Otherwise, slamming multiple taxes on the masses who have been victimized since the past eight years, could backfire and ultimately detrimental to national security.

    In fact, Nigeria like an accident victim with bleeding multiple injuries needs outward and not inward look for blood donation and transfusion to survive. And the apt economic therapies would be diversification of the economy and creating of an enabling environment for industry and commerce to thrive. Only those two economic thrusts would grow and strengthen the Nigerian economy and not tax piles of the worthless free-falling Naira due to no productivity to shore up its value.

    • Uwaya writes from Oto-Awori, Lagos State.
  • Understanding Rivers’ APC/PDP alliance

    Understanding Rivers’ APC/PDP alliance

    • By Charles Idawarifaka

    All of my life, except the few years that education took me out of Port Harcourt, I have known no other home than the Rivers State capital. And since the return to democratic rule, I have followed its politics like my life depends on it.

    One thing I have learnt in following the politics of this important state is that politics is about structure and structure is about the people and who they have chosen to follow. Political structure is not something built with words of mouth; it is built on solid impact on the people.

    The structures in my dear state have changed hands a couple times but at no time has the power base been firmly controlled as it is now.  All over the world, who gets what in politics is decided by those who control the structures. As advanced as the United States and the United Kingdom are, there are kingmakers. These kingmakers are the owners of political structures and they dispense their structures based on their conviction.

    It is not necessarily true that a governor or president automatically controls the structure. We’ve seen instances where the structures in a state and at the federal levels have been controlled by people other than those who are president and governor. Lagos State under Akinwunmi Ambode and Nigeria under Goodluck Jonathan are ready examples.

    Ambode was a virtual stranger to Lagos politics when he emerged governor. The structure built and controlled by Bola Ahmed Tinubu, now Nigeria’s president, made the magic possible. And we all saw the result when people who didn’t have any kind of structure tried to goad Ambode into rebelling against the power base. Time has since cleared the fog in Ambode’s eyes and he is back in the fold.

    Jonathan, as president of Nigeria, controlled no real structure. Several forces within the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) came together in different regions to get him his first term. By his second term, he had given room to confusionists who made him rubbish those important forces and ended the PDP’s plan to rule for 60 years.

    The sort of men who confused Ambode and Jonathan have now found a home in Rivers State and regularly take to the media to sow seeds of discord. Governor Siminalayi Fubara needs to tread cautiously in dealing with these army of confusionists. Every day, fellows who are political featherweights, who cannot even control their families, are encouraging him to fight the person who is in charge of the structure in Rivers State, Nyesom Wike, who is the Federal Capital Territory Minister after eight solid years as governor. In his eight years as governor, Wike invested in the people, the people of Rivers. In investing in the people, he stepped on the toes of many big people in the state, people who had fed fat on the state. These are the predominant people goading Fubara on; but the truth is that they are leading him on the path Jonathan followed when he side-lined important PDP leaders such as Bukola Saraki and Rotimi Amaechi, the man who surrendered the Rivers structure to Wike’s superior power.

    Spent forces are queuing behind Fubara and when the time comes, it will be difficult for them to save him. A number of these guys wanted Fubara’s position and when Wike chose Fubara, they became mad at him and have now become the self-appointed defenders of Rivers State and in the process, encouraging the man who got what they wanted to follow the wrong step.

    The situation in Rivers, in terms of the control of the political structure, is even a lot different than when Wike used it to install Fubara, the National Assembly members and the members of the State Assembly. In the last few months, Wike has secured the bag with the All Progressives Congress (APC), the party that now controls the House of Assembly. The alliance between APC and PDP in Rivers is so strong that it is a force nobody can challenge in 2027. That is the force spent men want Fubara to fight.

    Speaking at a recent event, Wike said: “I can tell you it is like tomorrow is 2027. For me, it is still very far. I can’t wait. The two leaderships of the party, APC is here, PDP is here; where can you find that leadership unity? Which state? It is only in Rivers that you can find that unity.

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    “And that is what many people don’t like. When they see people united and working together, they find how to make sure they are divided. But since we know, we have refused to be divided.

    “This is the only state where the leading party will win for president; the opposition party will take National Assembly in an election that was done the same time, same minute and same hour. That is uncommon.”

    Wike’s control of the structure is a clear testament to the fact that power is not served a la carte. The structure didn’t just fall on him. He worked for it, got it, and is nurturing it. These confusionists are claiming he is bleeding the state when they all hid in cellars when he was fighting for the structure. They were nowhere to be found when he was consolidating it and they were grumbling when he used it to install Fubara, a thoroughbred professional instead of career politicians like them. It is crystal clear that their defeat will be resounding. With the APC and PDP structures in the state now solidly behind Wike, these town criers will do nothing but continue to cry. In the long run, Wike will still be the main issue in Rivers politics because it is not yet time for a takeover. These clowns battling him are paper tigers. They are strong on social media, but totally non-existent on the streets of Rivers, where things are happening.

    •Idawarifaka, a public commentator, writes from Old GRA, Port Harcourt.

  • Ekiti: Time to silence the guns (2)

    Ekiti: Time to silence the guns (2)

    Well, much as causation has been attributed to poverty, religious and ethnic extremism and others, it’s time the Federal Government revisited its security architecture and remodeled countermeasure strategies to yield fruitful results. The faithful choice of a good businessman is to recoil his strategies if output isn’t justified by investments and governments across board must get the message right. That the price is rising and that the cost is becoming incalculable is like trying to find the words, especially in a celebratory culture of violence. Therefore, governments at the national and subnational levels must interrogate assumptions on how to build a fertile environment necessary for a kind of serious rethink to stem the incessant increase in this violent crime typology.

    Topmost on this is the dismantling of the over-centralized police management system in favour of state or regional units. Predicated upon direct and reliable intelligence apparatus to detect and deter crimes before commission, this will encourage improved policing in the community. There’s also a need for each state or regional government’s collaboration to fashion a results-driven Standard Operating Procedure (SOP) in line with expectations, decide its security needs and priorities and act accordingly without relying on some uncomfortable exchanges with an excessively centralized system in Abuja. State security votes from the Federal Government must be augmented to enhance operational efficiency and budgetary allocations and expenditures must be closely monitored to deter misplacement of priorities, inefficiency and corruption. Standards of recruitment into the Force must also be determined by the state or region, not some counterproductive conditions or considerations hiding behind the rubbles of a flawed and obsolete Federal Character Commission. Above all, continuous on-the-job training must be made mandatory to improve performance in line with modern law enforcement agencies’ practices obtainable elsewhere in the world.

    In the opinion of Femi Afolabi-Peters, “practical and committed-to-results steps can contrast political considerations and gains but therein lies the solution if only Tinubu possesses the willpower to bell the cat for the national good.” Afolabi-Peters, a United Kingdom-trained international security and intelligence consultant and specialist in clandestine security operations, suggested “the establishment of a special court to fast track – and conclude promptly – cases of apprehended suspects without the customary delays which embolden other would-be kidnappers to engage in the ‘trade’, safe in the knowledge that, while their trial is protracted, justice can be unduly influenced by money and other considerations.” I also share his views. To this end, the National Assembly owes it a duty to as a matter of necessity introduce and fast-track a bill to create and empower a special court to handle and dispense with kidnapping and banditry trials. The Modus Operandi of the court, including but not limited to financial autonomy, sentencing and other statutory powers must be unambiguously stated in the proposed law.

    Take it or leave it, without a strong and purposeful political buy-in of the government, the above suggestions would only end up as a pipe dream; and that’s the danger of the moment. In the national interest therefore, Tinubu must be ready to kick some ass and damn the consequences for the collective good. He must be ready to provide a safe and secure Nigerian environment for the citizens to cohabit without fear or trepidation. Inevitably, a secure society will attract foreign direct investments to stimulate the country’s economy which, presently, is in very dire straits! The government must be sincere in this approach to earn the trust of the populace, which is already battered by the shape and size of the economic downturn on everyday living.

    For Ekiti, Oyebanji needs to up his game and beef up Amotekun in terms of funding, training and equipment for optimal performance. To achieve this, funding for Amotekun has to be structured and increased, even if it involves putting together a supplementary budget. It may also be done like a Police Security Trust Fund and crowd-funding among the civil and political structures, cooperative societies, Labour and Student Unions. Even farmers should be encouraged to partake of it because it is now in the interest of everybody. Interestingly, the compelling logic of ‘Amotekun’ is clearer today than it was yesterday. Even the North which once stood vehemently against the idea has now come to terms with the fact that multilevel policing is the only way out.

    As things stand, even the blind can see and applaud Oyebanji’s transformation agenda in Ekiti. Personally, I see him as a fresh and credibly courageous voice who has touched every facet of existence and needs in the state. But then, more still needs to be done! For instance, but for former Governor Rotimi Akeredolu of Ondo State, ‘Amotekun’ wouldn’t have become a reality in the Southwest. The question therefore is: will this dream die with Aketi’s demise? So, the onus lies on Oyebanji to push the parameters of the regional necessity to save lives and property, especially in the two neighbouring states. His security architecture must be based on result-oriented policies and processes enabled by the collaboration between the state-created neighbourhood security outfit and the primary law enforcement responders.

    Read Also: One shot dead as police arrest suspected kidnappers of Ekiti pupils

    Now that our fate is no longer in the mouth of the oracle but in our hands, the need to invest heavily in intelligence gathering, Information Technology solutions and other covert operations cannot be overstressed. They are the new, 21st-century oracles, and they have been adjudged to work wonders. Undeniably, a country is as secure as the intelligence at her disposal for no national security can grow beyond the intelligence that drives the process. As long as intelligence is left on the shelf, national security will never be achieved. In this wise, let there be professional threat mitigation strategies that can promptly catch terrorists and bandits cold, flat-footed and mostly unexpected, for it is only when Ekiti is turned into a whole territory of peace that Chibok can be prevented from relocating to the state.

    I have argued elsewhere that preparations for the next election would always start the day the last election was won and lost. Who knows? The observed insecurity upsurge in Ekiti could be one of the new games by some stubborn pursuers, secret enemies and mountain demons to take trophy photos. After all, anything is possible in politics! What’s more? In every system, like every home, saboteurs abound. It only depends on how the head of household strives to rise above obstacles. For BAO, he needs to act promptly; and, decisively, too! That he is in control of the state’s political formations is not in doubt. So far, so commendable! He has demystified the office of the governor by bringing it down to the people who voted him into power. He also has good intentions for Ekitis and all eyes can see it. But, as 2026 draws nearer, the governor shouldn’t let the security formations of the state slip off his grip and he shouldn’t develop even the slightest enthusiasm for complacency.

    In governments and governance, the dynamics of the street counts and the spiritual symbolism of the reach of the real guys also matters. Beyond the sensationalism in the face, the interests of the inner core, aka core of the core, always go a long way in determining the scope of the responsibilities inherent in governance. So, if Oyebanji can unwaveringly be in love with the street, not just in the local but also in the national and international contexts, the roads will respect him, Ekiti State will dance to his sound and Nigeria will obey him!

    By the way, who says that Ekiti cannot happen to Nigeria again? Who says that Nigeria can’t be a fertile ground for some “senseless” and “soulless murderers” to trouble the destiny of our sacred institutions again? In all, how critical are the ingredients of peace in the Sahel to the broth of a perfect and lasting peace in Nigeria?

    ●To be concluded.

  • Of election, its aftermath and lessons

    Of election, its aftermath and lessons

    • By Olaoluwa Babatunde Oyinloye

    By default, electoral contest is meant to strengthen electoral processes such as ultimately deepening democratic ethos and culture to the extent that legitimacy by the governing is drawn from the governed. In the build-up to the 2023 general elections, the desperation of some members of the political class was evinced that we are obviously a nation that have not learnt much from the previous elections. Once upon a time, a sitting president declared that the election for him and his political party was a do-or-die election. We grappled with garrison elections, where desperate tactics, wanton destruction of lives and properties became the order of the day. 

    So, before the Nigerian 2023 elections, in Nigeria, the tension and fears were indeed palpable. One continues to wonder why elections or as some so-cynically say, selection, is often fraught with uncertainties and desperation, if it is about service to the people. However, we finally saw the conclusion of the 2023 general elections with the October 27, 2023, judgement of the Supreme Court which is the final arbiter of justice within the Nigerian legal system. Thus, expectedly, all participants in the election are expected to join hands with the declared winners to see to the development of the country through good governance.

    Here, I am not postulating that all politicians across the political class should divest into the ruling APC. Far from that; we need a robust opposition. All democracies need the opposition to actually put them on their toes by challenging policies and actions of the party in government. In the days of yore, the legendary Chief Obafemi Awolowo played such a pivotal role with aplomb. His voice of courage, reason and insight provided alternative policy guidelines for both the First and Second Republics.

    Notwithstanding the conclusion of the 2023 Nigerian presidential election processes, there are a few lessons to take away for all involved and also for other election management bodies in sub-Saharan Africa most of which view Nigeria as a model in electoral practices. Matter of fact, there is a compelling need for a forensic audit of the process which ought to be subjected to sustained debate within the intervening period which should form the fulcrum for strengthening the electoral processes in the build-up for the 2027 general polls.

    As the saying goes an unexamined life is not worth living. What are the lessons, challenges and gains of the 2023 electoral management system?

    It is curious that in the aftermath of the elections, all leading political parties ululated that they won and when INEC declared the APC, both dominant opposition parties disagreed. Firstly, it was intriguing that the Nigeria’s 2023 presidential election main opposition parties (the People’s Democratic Party and the Labour Party) both laid fervent claims of winning the elections as against the ruling party’s declared by the elections management body, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). In claiming that the elections were rigged against the two main opposition parties who jointly laid claims to have won the elections, neither of them the PDP nor the LP could provide alternate results as entered at the polling units which they claimed to have won. Instead, both were heavily relying on the courts to allocate votes to them. When asked by the courts to provide evidence of the votes allegedly tampered with by the election management body, INEC, neither of them could produce such results.

    It might interest the readers to note that in the Nigerian presidential electoral processes all the polling units are required to have agents of the political parties fielding contestants for the presidential elections and such agents are required to sign the result sheets from the polling units and keep a duplicate of same while a copy of the result is pasted publicly for viewing by the voters who are allowed to watch the process at a distance.

    Happily both opposition parties mobilized their adherents and sustained their claims to the media spaces. My fears about a discernible media trial of particularly the judiciary notwithstanding, I followed the frenzy in the hope that, perhaps a magic wand was in the offing, alas, that was not to be. Hence, I am at a loss at to why the opposition parties who claimed to have won the presidential elections could not produce these results that are readily made available to all political party agents by the Nigerian elections management body INEC as a matter of law. 

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    Secondly, the unpreparedness of the opposition parties and their candidates came to the fore towards the 2023 Nigerian presidential elections under consideration. For instance, Peter Obi the presidential candidate of the Labour Party abandoned his political party (The People’s Democratic Party) for the Labour Party in May 2022, few months to the February 2023 presidential election. It is worthy of note that Obi was the vice presidential candidate in the penultimate elections of 2019 as a running mate to the former vice president, Atiku Abubakar, who incidentally was re-elected as the presidential flag bearer of the People’s Democratic Party in the 2023 presidential elections under a most acrimonious atmosphere. Hence both opposition candidates had a divided political base less than a year to the 2023 presidential elections with Obi taking the entire south-eastern states where he hails from, a traditional home base for the PDP since 1999, providing bloc votes for the PDP’s presidential candidates in spite of any local politics going on in any of the region.

    Consequently, the People’s Democratic Party and its presidential candidate for the February 25, 2023, presidential election Atiku Abubakar already lost the entire south-eastern geo-political region votes before the polls with the emergence of Peter Obi as the candidate of the Labour Party. This is also bearing in mind that the political landscape is viciously divided along religious and ethnic lines, both of which play key roles in the support base of any candidate to emerge president in Nigeria. Hence both factors worked in the favour of Peter Obi who is a Christian and an ethnic member of the south-east geo-political region, while Atiku Abubakar, a Muslim from the north-eastern geo-political zone stood no chance in the southeast. Therefore, the opposition of 2019 presidential elections were effectively divided and notably weaker in the 2023 presidential polls.

    Thirdly, on the other hand, the ruling political party the All Progressive Congress fielded a presidential candidate who had both ethnic appeal in the southern region as well as religious appeal in the far northern geo-political regions. Moreover, the All-Progressive Congress as a ruling party managed to keep its base 2019 electoral support base intact with the power shift agreement to the southern geo-political regions after the eight-year rule of Muhammadu Buhari from the North-western region. Thus, as a political party, the APC kept a tight ship, holding on to its base while attracting other bigwigs from the southern regions with the power shift to the south agenda. In spite, of all of these permutations, the result of the 2023 general elections revealed that if both leading opposition parties had morphed into a single party to confront the ruling party, perhaps the outcome may have been different. It is sad that the opposition which could not manage its selves will expect a different result. 

    In the final analysis, it can be deduced that the Nigerian electoral management body, INEC overpromised towards the presidential election of 2023 and under-delivered; in fact, its delivery can be said to be very underwhelming. This ordinarily should have attracted commensurate sanctions. There are obvious gaps which the electoral management body should endeavour to fill to win the trust and legitimacy which some political actors have exploited to damage its reputation. 

    • Dr Oyinloye is an associate professor in the Department of Conflict, Peace and Strategic Studies, Afe Babalola University, Ado Ekiti.
  • African football won the 34th AFCON, with Côte d’Ivoire a close second

    African football won the 34th AFCON, with Côte d’Ivoire a close second

    • By Chuka Onwumechili

    The 34th Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) came to an end in Côte d’Ivoire with millions of viewers around the world shouting at TV screens, and an astonishing performance by Côte d’Ivoire both on the field as champions and off it as hosts.

    The West African country beat Nigeria 2-1 in the final but the good news was bigger than the match. The group stage of the most important national tournament in Africa produced an average of 2.47 goals per game – the highest in the competition for over a decade.

    As a sports communication and African football scholar watching the matches, I’ve noted three particularly pleasing trends at this year’s event. African football revealed its depth of talent at a national level; refereeing was by and large fair; and a tough approach to broadcasting rights has paid off. The 34th AFCON attracted record TV viewership and, with that, most likely record revenue too.

    Depth of talent

    On the field, the 2019 decision by the Confederation of African Football (CAF) to expand the tournament from 16 teams to 24 is paying off. Critics had believed it would bring down the level of action because of the perceived talent gap between the top nations and the rest of the continent.

    But if a read of the media around AFCON is anything to go by, results on the field proved the opposite. Upsets drove emotions and no doubt developed new fans, especially in underdog nations.

    The eight teams to reach the quarter finals were different from the eight that reached the quarter finals in the previous AFCON. Although the two teams that ultimately played the championship game have now each won three editions of the competition, neither was particularly high on the list of likely winners when the tournament started.

    The progress of the continent was underlined by accomplishments made by the likes of Angola, Mauritania, Namibia and Cape Verde. They overcame far better known countries to get to the knockout stage.

    Video assistant referees

    The use of video assistant referees (VAR) was instructive at AFCON. This is a system used globally where referees analysing television footage of the action are asked to rule on decisions.

    The use of VAR was roundly praised in Côte d’Ivoire compared to the kind of controversies over biased or incorrect VAR decisions in European leagues. Former UK player Gary Neville said that Europe had a lot to learn from Africa. Portuguese coach Jose Mourinho praised AFCON’s “unbiased” VAR decisions for ensuring every team had a chance to perform at their best.

    But it was not simply the use of VARs. The match officiating by on-field officials was credible, generating few controversies.

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    Record numbers

    CAF boss Patrice Motsepe estimates nearly two billion people watched AFCON on TV. The previous record was at the last AFCON, where CAF reported 65 million viewers. The tournament was broadcast to 180 countries all over the world.

    Market research analysis estimates this will translate to US$75 million for CAF. It wasn’t long ago that the confederation faced a financial threat over legal disputes between it and its broadcast partners.

    The total revenue from this AFCON is expected to outstrip the US$125.2 million generated from all sources during the previous edition in Egypt.

    The income from AFCON has enabled CAF to increase payouts to participants as well as to those in its other competitions. AFCON’s increased visibility means the rest of the world is starting to regard AFCON as a must-watch event.

    AFCON 2025

    These three trends taken together, the 34th AFCON appears to have been a pleasing sign of things to come for the tournament and with it the development and visibility of African football.

    Morocco hosts the next AFCON in 2025. The North African country will use the opportunity to prepare for hosting some of the games at the 2030 men’s football World Cup finals.

    Morocco, which has been a regular bidder to host the World Cup, has six venues ready for the next AFCON that have been serving as “home” venues for African countries that do not have approved grounds to host international games. Morocco’s readiness is not in question.

    • Onwumechili is professor of Communications, Howard University. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. “https://theconversation.com/african-football-won-the-34th-afcon-with-cote-divoire-a-close-second-223451”
  • Media contents in moments like this

    Media contents in moments like this

    • By Olajide Ogbeye & Abdulwarees Solanke

    The time to appreciate the role of the media in the polity most are moments like this when the world is grappling with enormous economic challenges that have wider implications on  social cohesion and political stability of countries. We are all victims of skyrocketing inflation, crippling the global economy, and eroding the living standard of the average citizens. 

    So, in this uncertain time, we are faced with urgent need for assurance that this tough time will not last forever. Can our mass media in Nigeria guarantee this when what is most evident in many of their contents are depressing news, exaggerations, hate speeches and hurtful innuendos?

    Yet what we need are news and information what will toughen us to stand as steel, strong and solid to see us through this season of despair, as we search for policies and initiatives that will assure welfare and living wages for all.

    We need credible news and empowering information content that will guide and give us choices and alternatives on sustaining an average living standard during inflation as fixed income-earners and business opportunities for prospective investors, radio and TV programmes that enlighten us on everything about the public enemy number one called inflation, according to President Ronald Reagan, opinions, analyses and policies that will reduce it to one digit so that the real income of an average Nigerian can improve or increase.

    What should be on our airwaves in difficult times of economic instability and quagmire, especially the skyrocketing inflation that has eroded the standard of living of the people and reduced them to disturbing derelicts in the society as more money continues to chase fewer goods?

    Until the latter part of the last century, the airwaves were the exclusive preserve of state or government broadcasters. In Nigeria, liberalization of broadcasting came as late as the early 90s, less than 30 years ago. With official liberalization of broadcasting, the era of state dominance of the airwaves ended and the commercial service broadcasters entered to redefine the broadcasting landscape.

    Let us step up a bit on the media landscape. With the advent of information, Communication and Digital Technologies, the boundaries of the media have been blurred dramatically. We are today in the world of media convergence where tools and technologies, platforms and genres of communication are supportive or complementary. The state is no longer in virtual control of media content nor are commercial services providers of media content the only competitors with government and public service media in the media landscape. This is because there are individuals with vaster powers in content creation, sarin and control with the followership they command in the social media.

    Social networking platforms like Facebook, X (Twitter) etc. are dramatically altering the way we communicate and share information. They are the superpowers of the new age of information, the age of explosion. It is the age of varieties that often providers may not necessarily be interested in what serves the utilitarian preferences of the consumers but the commercial or profit interest of the providers.

    Again, let me ask what should be on our airwaves in difficult times of economic challenges, in which government faces serious imbalances in trade, exchange rate, galloping inflation, and higher lending rate and as such the government is left with the only option of deficit financing year in, year out?

    I hasten to answer this question that under this economic instability, all genres of the media, including government and public service media, community broadcasters, citizens journalism practitioners, blog owners, social influencers, everyone with authority and expertise in information or content provision must at this difficult time focus on offering advice or solutions and policies to the general public and the government respectively on how to improve standard of living and bring inflation under control?

    With our channels, platforms and media, we have a responsibility, to empower the citizens with information, putting before them choices and alternatives that guide them to make the best decisions on issues of pricing, alternative choices, how it is advisable to borrow to finance projects or start businesses during inflation since the borrowers gain more during the period and businesses yield higher profits. More importantly, media must serve as a strong veritable tool of economic policy formulation which will impact positively on the life and living standard of an average Nigerian.

    Importantly too, the media must serve as the barometer for measuring how government is faring in its formulation and implementation of policies geared to reduce inflation to one-digit needed for economic growth and employment generation, and other economic challenges the country is bedevilled with at the moment. As such, media must be a tool of social engineering by leading the way of suggestion and solution provisions for myriad of problems confronting our dear nation.

    We must serve as the feedback mechanism for evaluating government policies, since every policy comes with its give-and-take-away. Media must not only lead in pushing for a positive change in the welfare or well-being of the people, it must also always reassess the policy implementation strategies of the government and enlighten the general public about how impactful they (policies) have been in offering panacea to the economic challenges. It is a responsibility that all media outlets must accept with pride and proficiency. They should be directing or teaching how to positively channel their energies and impulses as well as means of unleashing their creative potentials through sports and leisure activities during the lockdown.

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    What we should broadcast, share, post, analyse and discuss in moments like this must be more of offering solutions in the area of policy recommendations. We must not be harbingers of confusion or apostles of contradiction, misinformation and half-truths about our economy. Our content must be designed to make the public keep hope alive. We should also not sustain stereotypes and prejudices that will complicate the situation we are in just as we must never be champions of hate speeches and carriers of fake news. We must not engage in sharing content that serve to preserve unfathomable myths.

    Our public communication, through the airwaves, online or in print must be relevant, simple and easily understandable, not on complicated or complex and esoteric themes and subjects that bear little or no relevance to public security, safety, survival and subsistence. They must be on what will assist everybody to make quick, life-sustaining decisions, because during inflation, goods and services easily go out of reach of an ordinary salary-earner, what we are confronted with are matters of life and its standard.

    The prerequisite for these are authority, credibility and trust of government officials as sources of public information during the situation as we find ourselves now. It also requires professionalism and humanity of information processors and carriers in what is aired or published. But it also demands the readiness of the citizens to yield to change and fundamentally, the fear of Allah in what is provided as information, what is published as news in newspapers and online or broadcast on air.

    Under situations as this, we must work tirelessly to offer solutions and public office holders are not island of knowledge. Media must serve as effective link through which economic experts and professionals offer genuine solutions to our economic challenges, especially inflation. Our type of inflation is imported. As a mono-cultural economy that relies solely on oil exportation, our economy is susceptible to external shock. Exchange rate is the major determinant of the prices of goods and services in Nigeria. It is worrisome and disheartening that our inflation rate is as high as 28.92% in Nigeria today. Much more jobs need to be done by the media.

    • Ogbeye and Abdulwarees works with Voice of Nigeria.  
  • Government has not done enough! Or has it? A Lagos tale

    Government has not done enough! Or has it? A Lagos tale

    • By Temitope Omoakhalen

    Despite growing up in a community where political debates were as regular as Sunday dinners, I never thought I’d find myself amid decision-makers in governance, let alone attend a town hall meeting with the Governor of Lagos State. My journey to politics and governance began on that fateful Saturday, May 29, 1999, when I saw a man on the television, dressed in white Agbada and a green Yoruba cap swearing an oath on the Bible. I did not fully grasp the significance of that day, but it piqued my interest because, unlike typical noisy Saturdays, most shops were locked up on this day, making our street look like a ghost town. Little did seven-year-old me know that what I watched was the rebirth of a government “of the people, by the people, for the people, and from the people” – a mantra we have heard echoed throughout these 24 years of uninterrupted democracy.

     Over the years however, the hope and trust that the citizenry had in its leaders seemed to have dissipated. Expectations were high for economic reforms, social development, and infrastructural development at the turn of the new century. Lagos blossomed and continued its journey to becoming the Centre of Excellence indeed and in truth. I have watched places like Oshodi transform into something beautiful, I have watched public schools infuse technology into their learning curriculum, I have watched COVID-19 test the tenacity of an Incident Commander, and I have seen us export music, movies and culture to the globe.

    In just one administration, I have seen the government produce a state-of-the-art rice mill, empower thousands of youths and women in agriculture, improve waste collection and even solve a lot of the housing dilemmas.  Despite these, “the government has not done enough” has been a constant mantra throughout the changing dispensations and administrations.

    I must confess that this school of thought is not alien to me. While I applaud the government for providing BRT buses, the queues at the close of business suggest that more buses need to be rolled out. While I commend the beauty of the parks in different strategic locations in Lagos, the maintenance needs to be improved. While I am grateful for the intervention of LAGRIDE to ease the transportation hitches, the traffic congestion needs to be dealt with. Armed with this same ideology, I applied for the Lateef Jakande Leadership Academy to understand why it seemed so difficult for the government to do “a lot!” It is my journey as an outsider becoming an insider I document here. Perhaps, seeing through my eyes might give you answers to this age-long question, “Has the government truly done enough?”

    On Thursday, January 25, I experienced my first town hall meeting with Mr Governor, Babajide Olusola Sanwo-Olu. The ambience was electrifying, and the expectations of the people were as clear as daylight. They wanted to hear their governor talk even if they weren’t sure about the promises that would be made. The air was charged with a sense of responsibility as if each citizen in the room was a superhero ready to question the powers that be. As a Fellow of the Lateef Jakande Leadership Academy, posted to the Ministry of Information and Strategy, my initiation into the town hall world felt like stepping into a political circus, complete with the ringmaster, Sanwo-Olu, presenting the THEMES Agenda scorecard.

    As Mr Governor stepped onto the stage to speak about the accomplishments of his administration, it was clear that no other state in Nigeria was doing what Lagos was doing. With the multifaceted investments in transportation and traffic management, we shouldn’t even have the kind of congestion we now have. But, as my commissioner aptly put it, “Lagos is a victim of its own success.” It made me think of New York – the city that never sleeps – a place as fast-paced and diverse as Lagos, facing its own set of challenges. I couldn’t help but draw parallels when I learned that 57% of Americans are frustrated with their government. That’s more than half the population! Yet, without the stats, one would think that all is well with the most powerful nation on earth. It turns out, that disillusionment knows no geographical bounds. The difference? Americans may grumble about their politicians, but they’ll be darned if they let anyone speak ill of their country. It made me wonder if Lagosians could adopt a similar sentiment – a sort of “Lagos Pride” as encapsulated in our mantra, “This is Lagos!”

    The difference between New York and Lagos perhaps rests in the patriotism of its citizenry. They have traffic issues, they have waste management struggles, and it’s always so busy yet the people have a love-hate relationship with their city. They love the powerful strides they are making in all sectors, but the hate comes from the aftermath of its success. Like Lagos, a victim of its own success. People will keep coming because it is a society that works. As long as people keep coming, there’s going to be traffic. Sad but true. Of course, the government will not rest on its oars and must continue to creatively solve our transportation challenges but for every new train depot opened up or a subway built, there will be more people thronging to Lagos – a land of possibilities!

     As the town hall unfolded, I discovered the government had been quietly working behind the scenes. The traffic situation, though still reminiscent of a labyrinth, had seen improvements. I couldn’t help but think of it as the government’s attempt at preparing catfish pepper soup for its citizens when all they could afford was hake fish – not exactly what we asked for, but sustenance, nonetheless. Imagine realizing at the town hall that four Mother and Child centres were already commissioned, “jigi Bola” had been relaunched, and a massive renovation of primary healthcare centres was underway. As I heard about the reconstruction of Massey Street Children’s Hospital, aiming to become the largest children’s hospital in Africa, I couldn’t help but wonder, “Why didn’t I know about this sooner?” Was there a conspiracy against spreading the good news, or was the government playing hide-and-seek with its achievements? Am I a selective listener of the news, choosing only to hear sensational news that trends or is the media simply full of news that’s designed to make citizens feel like the government is not doing enough? I don’t have the answers, yet.

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    Lagos had acquired boats, completed roads and flyovers, launched minibuses, and created jobs. I read through the achievements of Mr Governor so far and I was wowed. It may not be a perfect feast, but it was a meal on the table. In a country where hungry families [other states] go to bed without “fish”, Lagos had managed to serve something delicious. Maybe it is time to applaud the efforts of the government. A child who wants ice cream may never appreciate the fact that the pap served by his parents is the only meal they can afford at the time. With encouragement and a citizenry that backs up its government, I know that more can be achieved. For every great stride Lagos makes, it will battle immigrants who see Lagos as their own “promised land”.

    The THEMES agenda has had its fair share of successes. Against an unbiased scorecard, Lagos has done remarkably well.   Can more be done? Definitely! But I think Lagos should strive to be in competition with itself. If it chooses a standard too low, then it might become a local champion and rest on its oars but if it picks a standard too high, it may become frustrated with unfulfilled promises. During the town hall, I found myself questioning whether we, as citizens, have actively sought out positive news. Are we viewing every piece of information through the lens of discontent, or are we willing to acknowledge the strides taken? So, every time we yell that the government has not done enough, perhaps we should ask ourselves by what standards and in what context given its limited resources.

    As I left the town hall, buzzing with information and a newfound perspective, the words echoed in my mind: “This is Lagos!!!” Just as Americans end with “God bless America,” perhaps it’s time we embrace the spirit of “This is Lagos!!!” – Imperfect, striving, and always pulsating with life.

    •Omoakhalen (TBOG) writes from Lagos.

  • AFCON 2023: Alex Iwobi and the cyber bullies

    AFCON 2023: Alex Iwobi and the cyber bullies

    • By Jude Ndukwe

    Sometime in 1999, Students’ Union Government (SUG) executives of the University of Uyo, led by Comrade N. Udom visited the office of the then Dean of Student Affairs, Prof D. Wilson. I was the Secretary-General of the SUG at the time. Our only reason for the visit was to ‘compel’, the Dean to help rein in some students who had made it their pastime to boo and jeer at us at every turn.

    We had gone with the confidence that our demand would be complied with as such behaviour which we considered atrocious were beyond the borderlines of good behaviour expected of students of the institution especially when our only offence, in our own estimation, was emerging against the interests of some self-appointed student-kingmakers. We impressed it upon the Dean that if no action was taken to curb the situation, it could degenerate into an avoidable crisis as our supporters were agitating to square up with the booing party.

    But we always reassured them that the authorities would be formally notified of the situation with appropriate actions expected to be taken by them to curb the menace.

    But to our shock, Prof Wilson told us in as simple terms as possible that the students were within their right to cheer, boo or jeer at us as long as there was no element of threat to life or physical attack on our persons.

    He explained that the moment we volunteered to serve them as leaders, we opened ourselves up to such scenarios, and that we should take them in our strides just as we take the cheers from our supporters since they were all part and parcel of the baggage of public office. We left disappointed but better orientated to handle such scenarios without allowing them affect our commitment to serve all students of the institution irrespective of the political divide they belong to including their actions or inactions towards us.

    I have given this story just to highlight the fact that those who represent or serve the people in one capacity or the other must be ready for the days of boos, jeers and cheers. They are all part of the baggage of being in the limelight in any endeavour.

    So, when one of Nigeria’s finest and most loyal footballers, Alex Iwobi, reacted angrily to Nigerians bullying him on the social media for what they considered his below par performance especially in the final match between Nigeria and Cote D’Ivoire at the just concluded African Cup of Nations (AFCON) tournament, by deleting the national team pictures on his social media pages, it is a sign that he is merely human after all despite the adroit skills within his kitty and the global popularity he commands.

    However, such popularity comes with a huge responsibility part of which is to allow situations simmer down before reacting. With that, a more rational decision can be taken at every point in time.

    Granit Xhaka formerly of Arsenal now knows better after he reacted angrily at his own fans who booed him off as he was being substituted for Bukayo Saka in an English Premiership League match against Crystal Palace in 2019. Just like Iwobi, Arsenal fans had adjudged Xhaka to have been playing below par long before that match and as he walked off the pitch to be replaced by Saka, Arsenal fans descended on him with boos. Things got so bad that Xhaka reacted there and then by dishing out expletives to the fans in return, swearing and gesturing aggressively at them and ripping the Arsenal jersey off himself.

    That was unacceptable but it was long coming. Xhaka had suffered threats and abuse to himself and his family before that day. In a statement he released few days after the incident, a penitent Xhaka said “repeated abusive comments at matches and in social media over the last weeks and months have hurt me badly.

    “People have said things like, ‘we will break your legs’, ‘kill your wife’ and ‘wish that your daughter gets cancer’.

    It went too far and led to an unprecedented meltdown for an otherwise blistering career for Xhaka at Arsenal. Such an action was even termed unforgivable by some analysts. To many, Arsenal’s door would be perpetually closed on Xhaka. Even Xhaka himself had concluded so.

    Then came Mikel Arteta. He was hired as Arsenal manager around that time. He convinced Xhaka to stay on and win back the fans with improved displays. Xhaka did despite doubts about himself and his relationship with the fans. In fact, he had said the decision to continue at Arsenal despite the imbroglio was the first he would be taking without first consulting with his family. He worked hard and warmed himself back into the hearts of the Arsenal faithful with exceptional displays and statistics, ending his career on a high, and eventually leaving loved and celebrated by the same fans, four good years after that ugly incident.

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    Another player that suffered even worse abuse is Nigerian-born England international Bukayo Saka. After missing the penalty kick that should have kept England in the final match of Euro 2020 against Italy, the young Saka who carried the burden of the entire nation on his tiny and fragile shoulders as a teenager then as the taker of the last and decisive penalty kick for England was mauled to no end on social media by his own country’s fans with a majority of the unconscionable abuses being racist in nature.

    But Saka didn’t allow that ugly episode break him. He suffered, yet, he offered to continue to play for England without any fuss. Today, he is already a cult hero in the England national team despite his young age.

    Like a former Arsenal striker, Charlie Nicholas once said concerning the Xhaka episode, as sad as it is, they are part of the burden that comes with being in the limelight: “They’ve hammered people like (Dennis) Bergkamp , and many greater players…in the past, and that is part and parcel ultimately of being a footballer at the top level.”

    But then again, we are all human and no one deserves the kind of bullying Iwobi suffered in the hands of some Nigerians after the final match against Cote D ‘Ivoire. These lads are making enormous sacrifices to represent our dear nation at the highest footballing level. They deserve encouragement and not abuses, commendation and not condemnation. While one agrees that losing that match was painful, we should also know that there can only be one winner in such a tournament. It is Cote D ‘Ivoire’s turn today, tomorrow it could be Nigeria’s turn. And no single player should be held responsible for the loss and we must not forget so much in a hurry how these boys have put smiles on our faces and given us the bragging rights over other African nations except the champions despite our crushing socioeconomic challenges back home.

    They really did well!

    As for Alex Iwobi, he has the future ahead of himself. He can choose to use this opportunity to bounce back stronger and better or whither away into national obscurity and oblivion. He will do well to choose the former and hear Nigerians sing his name to high heavens again.

    Just like Xhaka and Saka did, he can rise from this ash of disappointment to the height of national stardom again. He can win back his friends, the fans, who frustratingly turned their back on him when he needed them the most. Just like Xhaka and Saka both of whom Iwobi know very well, he can regain his heroic status and become the toast of the same fans once again.

    Nobody wins by giving up. Iwobi should not give up on Nigeria! He can reign again!

    •Ndukwe sent this piece from Abuja via Stjudendukwe@gmail.com

  • Jimi Solanke and Wole Soyinka

    Jimi Solanke and Wole Soyinka

    • By James Gibbs

    The death of Jimi Solanke on February 4, sent long-term observers of Nigeria’s cultural scene reflecting on the remarkable career of a much-loved stage personality. Among the appreciative articles published were several that drew on long and close acquaintance. One strand in the Solanke story concerns his work with Wole Soyinka that was particularly intense between 1960 and 1976. It may be said that he served an apprenticeship with Soyinka and offered him a masterpiece. During those years, Solanke acted in productions by Soyinka, accumulated relevant experience and grew as a performer. The young graduate of the Diploma Course in the School of Drama at Ibadan matured into a remarkable actor capable of taking on the most demanding roles, and equipped himself to become a versatile performer.

    Thanks to Soyinka’s publications, and other hard-copy sources, a sense of the growth of the performer can be sketched in. This brief investigation of part of Solanke’s formation might be given the title, From menacing Left Ear of State via the Fifth Aweri and the Ogbu of Gbu to the Elesin Oba and Beyond. Along the way, the biographical notes illuminate points of social history, theatre history and political history.

    Relevant ‘hard-copy’ sources for Solanke’s early work in my ‘occasional theatre archive’ include Soyinka’s Ibadan, the Penkelemesi Years, a Memoir: 1946-1965, newspapers and theatre programmes from the 1960 to 1976 period along with missed and mourned West Africa magazine. In Ibadan, the memoirist mentions Solanke as amongst the ‘fledglings’ involved in the staging of A Dance of the Forests, (1960).  

    Soyinka does not indicate the role Solanke took or the back-stage function he performed, but he includes him in the troupe and that inclusion provides a starting point. Soyinka’s list of members of the 1960 Masks, in which some names are glossed, provides an opportunity to note the company Solanke was keeping. 

     A Dance was staged by the 1960 Masks in Lagos and Ibadan in October, 1960 and those involved in the production included:

     Patrick Ozieh, a petroleum engineer; Olga Adeniyi-Jones, of a long-indigenised ‘expatriate’ line, and an accomplished contralto; Ralph Opara, Yemi Lijadu, Segun Olusola, all broadcasters; Funmi Asekun, of ample proportions, who soon abandoned stage appearances but continued to effectively ‘mother’ the company; Francesca Pereira, of an old Brazilian stock, a melifluous [sic] soprano … Gaius Anoka, a schoolteacher, as was Dapo Adelugba … Then the fledglings, Tunji Oyelana, Femi Fatoba, Sola Rhodes, Yewande Akinbo, Segun Sofowote, Femi Euba, Wale Ogunyemi, Jimi Solanke and others who would form the core of the new Orisun Theatre, less the ones that got away … (Ibadan, 69-70.)

    During the sixties, Soyinka complemented major stage productions with 1960 Masks by working in a revue format with a new drama group, Orisun Theatre, that, it was envisaged, would become professional. In the revues, performing irreverent, hard-hitting sketches, Solanke emerged as an actor and singer.  I have not found any references to his participation in the first Orisun Theatre revue, The Republican (March, 1963), but that may be because my documentation is particularly thin at that point. I can see that he was deeply involved when that show was resurrected, changed and re-staged – a typical Soyinka procedure – some six months later and just after Nigeria had become a republic.

    In the programme for The (New) Republican (November 1963), we read that the sketch ‘CRISIS!!!!!!!!!!!!’  was performed by ’Jimi Solanke, Yomi Obileye, Sonny Oti, Wale Ogunyemi, Tunji Oyelana, Eddy Fatoba, (and) Yemi Ogunbiyi’ – by, that is to say, a significant cohort of Orisun Theatre talent with some of whom Solanke was destined to have long, creative connections.  Of the several crises in Nigeria in the run up to the performance I think, following Frank Aig-Imoukhuede’s article in The Daily Express of March 11, 1964, that the one that prompted this sketch had to do with ‘food difficulties during a conference of African statesmen’. The newspaper reference includes: “But does the cook always end up with the ‘man in charge’ stamping on his unconscious body when it lies in a faint?” Perhaps significantly, no one is credited with the authorship of this sketch. Like some of the others, it may have been built on physical rather than verbal comedy.

    Moving on through the programme for The (New) Republican, we come to ‘ART CLASS’ that was credited to ‘WS’ and for which the programme provided relevant political background.  Briefly, the sketch commented on the creation of a fourth Region – the Mid-West – from parts of the Western Nigerian. Provinces were, it seems, amalgamated to form a new state with its capital in Benin City: three had become four.

     In ‘ART CLASS’, the challenges posed by this new administrative arrangement were subjected to scrutiny. The programme note on the sketch read as follows:

    Today’s theme – Trinity.

    The subtle imagination of our artists can be seen in the frescoes and public monuments where the principal of ‘A bit of each’ is rigidly upheld – shall we call it? – the artistic trinity. But a new problem has arisen – what happens to the numerous reliefs, plaques, etc. now that they are confronted with a new unit? Will they now evolve a quartet symbol? We offer them an obvious solution.

    This ‘obvious solution’ was acted out by “Yomi Obileye, Sola Akinsanya, Jimi Solanke, Wale Ogunyemi, (and) Elow Gabonal.”  That list includes some of ‘the usual suspects’, and it is helpful to know that Soyinka hovers behind ‘Elow Gabonal’ that he has used as both a nom de plume and, as here, a stage name. Soyinka worked with Solanke in various ways. On this occasion, they were in the same sketch.

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    Soyinka’s genius for writing revue sketches – and for inspiring and shaping the group improvisation that sometimes resulted in sketches – led to the staging of another revue:  Before the Blackout. This was put on in Lagos and Ibadan during March/ April 1964, and Solanke was deeply involved. For example, he featured with Tunji Oyelana in the performance of the songs – or ‘musical productions’ – that opened and closed some of the shows. These can be linked to ‘glees’ and established a connection between Orisun performances and expectations encouraged by Yoruba Travelling Theatre troupes.  As we might anticipate, given Soyinka’s determination to create engaged theatre, both ‘The Ballad of Traditional Philosophy’ and ‘The Ogbu of Gbu’, were overtly political. The latter, based on ‘The Vicar of Bray’, revealed the satirist’s affinity with the Eighteenth Century English traditions that he had responded to when an undergraduate at the University of Leeds (1954-57).

    Solanke also continued acting. A moment from a performance of the sketch, April Fools’ Ship is caught in a photograph in the published text of Before the Blackout (Orisun Acting Editions, n.d.) and shows an actor in flowing robes (presumably Tafewa Balewa) paddling a ‘boat’ inscribed ‘APRIL FOOLS’ SHIP, towards a second actor (Solanke?) wearing a hat with a feather stuck in the side – perhaps Festus Okotie-Eboh.  The picture is captioned:

    Scene from April Fools’ Ship, adventures of the Ministerial boat. Too ‘well-lined’ to be easily scuttled, it finally capsized from over-loading.

    The episode this sketch alludes to is the subject of a paragraph beginning on page 200 of the Methuen edition of Ibadan that is worth reading for the political background and for a vivid account of the feathers it ruffled. However, to return to Solanke, and his involvement in Soyinka productions is to find him a year or so after Before the Blackout playing the Left Ear of State in the premiere of Kongi’s Harvest (August, 1965).  That was a modest role but one that had to be played with silent menace. For the ‘revival’ of that play – resurrected, changed and re-staged (October, 1966), Solanke played the Fifth Aweri. The ‘fledgling’s’ promise had been recognised: he was entrusted with ‘lines’ and given a part with some complexity.

    After Kongi’s Harvest, Solanke name next jumps from my collection of cuttings some ten years later when, in 1976, he created the monumental role of Elesin Oba in Death and the King’s Horseman.  Thanks to Gerald Moore, who reviewed the University of Ife production for West Africa (10th January, 1977), we have a vivid account of Solanke’s outstanding portrayal.

    History was made by that production and that performance, and the ‘rest is history’ too. Some of it, like that reported above, is social history; some theatre history and some political history. It is to be hoped that appreciations of the life and work (the personal history) of Jimi Solanke will trace in greater detail the trajectory of the actor who, between 1963 and 1976, was transformed from a menacing Ear of State into a multi-faceted Elesin Oba and who still had nearly 50 years to live and create. Though the above draws on fragmentary evidence, it hints at the way the fledgling Jimi Solanke, grew his wings. By 1976, he was fully fledged and ready to soar on the winds.

    •Gibbs sent this piece from Bristol, England.