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  • Dangers of semantics within the national security orbit

    Dangers of semantics within the national security orbit

    By Oseloka H. Obaze

    To insiders, the proverbial glass is neither hardly ever half full nor half empty. Insiders, who also know where the proverbial corpses are buried, can always tell if a glass was half-filled, or full, and drank down to half. In our present national circumstances, only outsiders who are not within the realm and orbit of critical decision-making would presume a glass to be half full or half empty, more so in moments of heady decision making pertaining to national security issues confronting Nigeria.

    There are inherent dangers in deploying expedient semantics into national security matters.  For national security policies to be efficacious, the situations, issues, actors, scenarios, assessments and decisions must each be explicitly characterized; and those characterizations, must be commonly shared, without any ambiguities. Failure to do so has dire consequences. Consequently, lack of clarity in the identification, definition and assessment of prevalent challenges, risks eliciting inadequate or wrong policy responses. This is a risk presently comforting Nigeria. History can be instructive. In 1991, Iraq invaded Kuwait, months after an American envoy, reportedly offered a politically correct, but offer-hand response to Saddam Hussein that was laden with semantic ambiguity. The consequences were dire, for Kuwait and for Iraq.

    Whereas diplomats can and do have the professional prerogative of deploying obfuscating words when conveying variants of messages; in tactical, intelligence, military and security matters, wordings and language pertaining to policies, command, control and communication, has to be clear, precise, unfettered and disambiguated. There is clear and present danger inherent in the ensuing controversy over the semantics on the prevailing insecurity in Nigeria, and whether the conduct, actions and results of the ongoing visceral violence, bloodletting and killings, are tantamount to genocide or not. 

    Genocide has very clear definition, global examples and thresholds.  Genocide is not a one-off event, but a progressive gruesome pogrom that manifests fully, if left unchecked.  By definition, “Genocide is the deliberate, systematic destruction of an ethnic, racial, religious, or national group.”   And here is the crux of the issue; has Nigeria reached the applicable threshold? Are the globally applicable benchmarks for determining genocide, now prevalent in Nigeria?

    Put in its proper context, Raphael Lemkin, the coiner of that terminology, did state that “genocide does not necessarily mean the immediate destruction of a nation. It is intended rather to signify a coordinated plan of different actions aiming at the destruction of essential foundations of the life of national groups, with the aim of annihilating the groups themselves.”  Coordinated plan.  Different actions. Destruction of essential foundations. Aim of annihilating groups.  These are critical component of the genocide mosaic. Horrible things happen when a series of small unchecked actions converge.

    In 1948, by virtue of the U.N. Genocide Convention, any form of linguistic ambiguities arising from semantics, was removed, and the legal definitional basis of measuring acts of genocide was expanded to include, “acts like killing, causing serious harm, imposing conditions of life that lead to destruction, preventing births, and forcibly transferring children of the group.”   The common variables of genocide are the perpetrators, the intent, the act, and the victims.

    Nigerians are acutely aware that numerous Nigerians have been and are still being killed.  Most are targeted and killed as a collective:  in their farms, homesteads, communities or in their churches. Nigerians know also of the pervasive insecurity nationwide, as well as killings arising from herders-farmers conflict, and those from Boko Haram insurgency.  Above all, Nigerians know of the rise in banditry, the ungoverned spaces, and undoubtedly, the fact that indigenous communities were being sacked and Christian churches were being razed, and their congregations brazenly killed in cold bold.   Names of communities like Owo, Basa, Oturkpo, Akpanta, Guma, Yelunta, Wanunne,  Gwoza, Tsafe, Giedam and Mangu,  gradually crept into the national consciousness and lexicon, as places where massacres took place.  These were places and silos where genocidal acts might have been committed.

    Across the nation, the number of killings has risen progressively. And beyond doubt, the key variables remain ever present in every instance:  the intent, the act, the victims, and the perpetrators. Because the perpetrators were extremist groups, notably Boko Haram and the Islamic State in West Africa Province (ISWAP), it matters little, if you term their activities jihadist or genocide.  The enormity and consistency of the killings cannot be ignored or diluted by labels and definitions. In 2024, well over 2,194 people were killed by Fulani armed bandits. In the first quarter of 2025 alone, 2,266 people were killed.  These represent a high fraction of the over 600,000 deaths arising from insecurity nationwide between 2024 and first half of 2025.

    The irony was and remains that those who obliquely and conveniently favoured or tacitly deferred to a jihadist intent and mission, were mute as their compatriots were being slaughtered. Once the acts were characterized as genocide, the same people turned defensive promptly.  As it turned out, the nation itself was in utter denial, more so, the leadership and the ruling APC government.  It took U.S. President Donald Trump to utter the defining G-word on October 31 and declare Nigeria a “Country of Particular Concern” for the national leadership to awake from its pathetic slumber.

    Those who have argued that in Nigeria, Christian and Muslims alike were being killed may have a point, insofar as those killings were those resulting from farmers-herders and other resource-control induced conflicts.   But the ISWAP bandits and Fulani jihadists were and are still on a well-defined mission of annihilation.  We cannot gloss over this reality. Their audacity, scope, capacity, resources, are also indicative of broad internal or external support.   Nigeria’s combined national security apparatus seems by design or default, utterly incapable of interdicting and containing the bandits. As internal compromises are made, and infiltration becomes rife, Nigerian soldiers are being mercilessly slaughtered.  The fate of defenceless civilians is even more precarious and dire.

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    Besides the annihilation tendencies, when entire communities are sacked, their homesteads are frequently occupied and their natural resources coveted by the bandits and their paymasters.  So, if the goal is not genocide, then it must be economic and the appropriation of rare earth minerals domiciled in the environs of the sacked communities.  Either way, Nigeria is at grave risk.

    While the inherent dangers of semantics in the national security orbit persists, secular Nigeria, certainly, does not want to join the  ranks of nations only remembered for being places where unfettered massacres took place and acts of genocide were perpetrated.  The trajectory to that dubious distinction, which is already afoot, starts with wilful governmental indifference, denial and inaction.  Historically, there are striking similarities between the emergence of Fulani bandits in Nigeria and the emergence of the Al-Shabaab militia in Somalia and the Janjaweed militia in Sudan.  We know where Somalia and Sudan have been as war torn nations. We need not toe that path.

    Nigeria is already a very polarized nation at war with itself.  Early warnings are indicative. So, whether the ongoing killings in Nigeria are sufficiently sectarian to qualify as jihad, genocide or not, is immaterial.  This is not the time for our leaders to be apologetic or to deploy exculpatory semantics.  Given Nigeria’s diversity, the dismembering of any ethnicity, religion, or indigenous community is not a circus. Put plainly, here is the inconvenient truth. There is an unfolding dissembling process in Nigeria.  These killings represent a precursor to more entrenched mayhem if left unchecked. If these acts seem, smell, sound, feel, or are coloured like genocide, then the process must be stopped before it is concretized, and Nigeria arrives a point of no return, where it will be confirmed that acts of genocide were indeed perpetrated, even if in silos.

    Deploying semantics, apologies and negotiations as rationalizing ploys or policies is starkly defeatist. We are at war with the bandits.   Let’s fight that war in a full frontal manner or risk being consumed. Rule of law and the responsibility to protect Nigerians, compel immediate action, not apologia.  A stitch in time saves nine.

    •Obaze is MD/CEO, Selonnes Consult – a policy, governance and management consulting firm in Awka.

  • The Osborne Towers haul: Not yet closure

    The Osborne Towers haul: Not yet closure

    By Olatunji Dare

    The case of the Osborne Towers Haul has got to be one of the most bizarre in Nigeria’s history.

    At its heart was the largest fortune any person or institution ever chanced upon in a single location in Nigeria, and it transformed one of the most exclusive addresses in one of the nation’s most opulent neighbourhoods into a sensational crime scene brimming with money and mystery.

    Footage of the unearthing of the haul, some $43.3 million stacked in packs of mint-fresh $10, 000 bills, in a fire-proof steel cabinet in Flat 7B at the Osborne Towers, in Lagos, not forgetting small change in hundreds of thousands of pounds sterling, made the headlines and front pages of the news media across the world.

    Early reports claimed that the haul was part of the “security” money former President Goodluck Jonathan had squirreled away for fighting the 2015 presidential election that he should have known he could not win.  He had been so crushed by his defeat, they said, that he forgot the money.

    Even if Dr Jonathan remembered, others said, how could he have come forward to claim the money, especially when his wife, the formerly excellent Dame Patience, was fighting desperately to re-possess some N54 million in bank deposits that the courts had ordered forfeited on the suspicion that it was the fruit of crime?

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    EFCC operatives who had swooped on Apartment 7B following, a tip-off from a whistle-blower were still toting up the haul when former Governor Nyesom Wike declared that it belonged unquestionably to the Rivers State Government, being proceeds of assets his predecessor and serving Minister of Transport, Rotimi Amaechi had “fraudulently” sold.

    “We will follow due process of the law to get back the money found at the Ikoyi residence,” he told Channels Television. “This money belongs to the Rivers State people. We  have conducted our checks.

    “We will stun Nigeria with this matter. We will come out with our evidence at the appropriate time.”

    So much for Barrister Wike’s plan, which was at full throttle when the Director-General of the National Intelligence Agency (NIA), Ambassador Ayodele Oke, a highly-regarded spook whom few outside the community of spooks had ever heard of, stepped forward to claim that the money belonged to the NIA.

    The funds, he said, were duly appropriated by the Federal Government at the time of Dr Jonathan for projects that could not be named, and that Oke had periodically reported on those projects, to the complete satisfaction of the authorities, among them National Security Adviser Babagana Monguno, and by extension President Muhammadu Buhari.

  • Finally, President Tinubu takes the bull by the horns

    Finally, President Tinubu takes the bull by the horns

    By Tunde Rahman

    Given how sensitive the subject has become, it is understandable that the matter of state police has taken this long. Importantly, it has also become imperative that some drastic measures have to be taken to end the current security situation.

    Last week, President Bola Tinubu finally took the critical step towards tackling the hydra-headed security problem in the country.

    States that want to establish their own police, he declared, should now be free to do so. The widely-praised decision on state police was part of far-reaching orders the President issued that week, when he declared a national emergency on security.

    Many leaders before Tinubu had seen the need for state police, but they lacked the political will to do what has long been regarded as necessary.

    In a strongly-worded statement issued on November 26, President Tinubu also directed that the Armed Forces and police should recruit additional personnel, while the State Security Service should now deploy the already-trained Forest Guards to our forests to flush out terrorists, bandits, and other criminal elements.

    The President had earlier ordered the Inspector-General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun, to immediately withdraw police personnel serving as guards to Very Important Personalities and engage them for police duties in security-challenged areas. Egbetokun said during the week that over 11,000 officers so deployed have now been withdrawn from VIP guard duties.

    While all these measures will make more personnel available and put more boots on the ground to combat crimes and other forms of insecurity across the land, the matter of state police, a hot-button issue that has been on the agenda for decades, seems to be the most fundamental.

    By finally agreeing to throw his weight behind the issue, President Tinubu has now taken the bull by the horns.

    He has taken his silent restructuring efforts to another notch. Many may not have noticed, but the silent restructuring has resulted in several courageous and innovative moves. For instance, one of the first bills President Tinubu signed into law upon assuming office on May 29, 2023, was the power sector reform legislation, which decentralised power generation, transmission, and distribution, allowing sub-nationals to participate in the sector.

    The President also approved that Federal Capital Territory funds be removed from the Treasury Single Account, thus unlocking the funds accruing to the territory for FCT Minister Nyesom Wike to deploy to developmental projects. And this is what has largely accounted for the unprecedented infrastructure revamp witnessed in the city.

    But the most significant of these are the economic reforms the President has carried out, straddling fiscal policy, energy sector reform and tax restructuring. The President removed the twin subsidies on fuel and foreign exchange, which did not benefit the people and the country as envisaged.

    The humongous fuel subsidy was like a Sword of Damocles on the nation’s economic jugular, while the multiple exchange rates that prevailed before May 2023 allowed arbitrage to operate on all fours. All that the highly connected needed to do was this: obtain the foreign exchange at the official rate and move over to the black markets to sell at exorbitant rates, thus profiteering at the people’s expense.

    There is also the new tax regime, scheduled to be operational from January next year, under which all taxes in the country have been streamlined, without burdening taxpayers with new taxes.

    These monumental reforms are already yielding fruit. The economic indicators have already turned green. All that is left is for our people to reap bountifully from the gains of the reforms. The reforms need to affect their standard of living fully.

    However, this cannot happen under the prevailing atmosphere of insecurity. This cannot occur if terrorists, bandits and other criminal elements are still on the prowl. No stone is, therefore, being left unturned in addressing the security issues. All efforts must be geared towards combating the menace and protecting our people.

    The resort to state policing has the potential to reduce crimes, if not eliminate them. The people know most of the criminals in their neighbourhoods and communities. Giving states the power to establish their own police, as is the case in other jurisdictions, will convert the groundswell of intelligence at the local level into an advantage in surveillance, crime detection, and prevention.

    Those who argue that the governors would abuse state police with their absolute control, that the police may become a tool in the hands of the states’ chief executives for hounding and oppressing political opponents, should also remember that even federal police are subject to abuse.

    The #EndSARS protests of October 2020 were initially intended to draw attention to the excesses of the police, particularly police brutality from the now-disbanded SARS unit, before hoodlums hijacked the protests to unleash arson and loot public property and assets of targeted individuals.

    State police may not be an end in itself. It would indeed require necessary fine-tuning, checks and corrections along the line when the system becomes operational. Those recruited into state police forces must be adequately trained, equipped, and briefed to understand the importance of their work and the implications of using force for improper purposes.

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    Now, the National Assembly and the general public have their own responsibility cut out for them. The lawmakers should now play their part by enacting the enabling laws to give effect to state policing. Under our federal system of government, states ordinarily should have been empowered to maintain their own police forces, as the Federal Government does. This did not happen. State police is indeed long overdue.

    President Tinubu had said in his national security emergency statement: “I call on the National Assembly to begin reviewing our laws to allow states that require state police to establish them.

    States should rethink establishing boarding schools in remote areas without adequate security. Mosques and churches should constantly seek police and other security protection when they gather for prayers, especially in vulnerable areas.”

    He had said further, “My fellow Nigerians, this is a national emergency, and we are responding by deploying more boots on the ground, especially in security-challenged areas. The times require all hands on deck. As Nigerians, we should all get involved in securing our nation.”

    Also relevant to this security challenge is the whistleblowers’ role. Our people should be encouraged to smoke out crime wherever it may be lurking by providing information to the police. It is now imperative for the National Assembly to enact the necessary laws to protect whistleblowers.

    The Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes and Other Matters Commission, Mr Ola Olukoyede, has long been advocating this. The National Assembly must now take the gauntlet in the interest of a crime-free Nigeria and for the benefit of Nigerians. Let’s seize the moment we have craved for years.

    –          Rahman is Senior Special Assistant to President Tinubu on Media & Special Duties.

  • U.S. and Africa: How not to engage a changing continent

    U.S. and Africa: How not to engage a changing continent

    • By Olalekan Adigun

    The year is 2025, yet many American politicians still behave as though the world is frozen in the post–World War II and Cold War era, when the myth of U.S. exceptionalism held strong influence across Africa. Today’s global order has shifted, but Washington’s tone toward Africa remains trapped in an age of threats, lectures, and unchecked arrogance. The result? The United States is losing ground on a continent that now demands respect, partnership, and dignity—not paternalism.

    Over the years, African leaders and citizens have grown increasingly disillusioned with how U.S. officials speak about them. From the infamous “shithole countries” remarks—echoed repeatedly by American politicians who mirror Donald Trump’s style—to the persistent framing of African states as helpless dependents, Washington’s posture feels outdated. As an African saying goes: If you are not feeding me, and I have never begged you to feed me, telling me you are richer than I am is useless information.

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    Africa of 2025 is not the Africa of the past. Gone are the days when leaders trooped to Washington “cap in hand” in pursuit of crumbs. Economically, geopolitically, and demographically, the continent has become a fiercely competitive space—and the numbers tell the story.

    China has firmly established itself as Africa’s largest source of imports. As of 2025, 34 of Africa’s 54 countries list China as their top import partner, reflecting Beijing’s broad export and developmental presence—from giant infrastructure projects and mining ventures to machinery, chemicals, and everyday consumer goods. It is a full-spectrum relationship built on convenience, speed, and mutual economic benefit.

    On the export side, resource-rich African nations increasingly look to the UAE and China. The UAE, now a major importer of African gold, has aggressively expanded diplomatic and commercial ties across the continent. China remains one of the largest buyers of African crude oil. The U.S., meanwhile, trails far behind.

    The Trump administration, which returned to power in January, aims to secure “advantageous” trade deals through tariffs and tougher rules. But such measures threaten key African economies that depend on the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA). Countries like Ethiopia, Madagascar, Kenya, and Eswatini—whose textile and apparel sectors are built around U.S. markets—face serious economic shocks if AGOA is abolished or tariffs increased.

    Instead of strengthening partnerships, Washington appears intent on signalling dominance. Africa is responding by diversifying—and choosing partners who treat them as equals.

    What Africans want is simple: Respect. Not lectures. Not threats. And certainly not condescending conditions masquerading as “assistance.”

    China’s model—while not perfect—offers lessons. Beijing does not visit Africa to scold governments over known problems; it comes to negotiate railways, ports, power plants, and industrial parks. It may all be business, but it is business wrapped in dignity. China does not insist that Africans change their political systems, cultural identities, or ideologies before cooperation can proceed.

    Contrast that with Washington’s approach.

    In 2017, after years of resistance, the U.S. finally sold Nigeria the A-29 Super Tucano aircraft to fight insurgency—only after imposing strict conditions: the jets could only be used in the Northeast. Nigeria paid $593 million of its own hard-earned money, yet Washington dictated how and where the aircraft could be deployed. Predictably, insurgents adapted and expanded operations into other regions. To many Nigerians, that did not feel like assistance—it felt like control.

    The U.S.’s unconditional support for Israel’s devastating assault on Gaza has made Washington increasingly isolated in global opinion. African countries, which take issues of justice and human rights seriously due to their own histories, watched closely as South Africa dragged Israel before the International Court of Justice in 2024. Washington’s anger over this move marked the beginning of a strained relationship with Pretoria. Trump even revived old tropes, suddenly claiming that “white South Africans” needed protection—comments widely dismissed across the continent.

    Since his first election in 2016, Donald Trump has never set foot in Africa. Yet he talks about the continent in the most degrading terms. His disdain reflects a wider problem: many U.S. policymakers still view Africa as a peripheral region deserving of sermons, not sovereignty. This is not lost on African governments, who increasingly perceive the U.S. as unreliable, disrespectful, and out of touch.

    Africa is young, rising, and increasingly empowered. New partners—China, UAE, India, Turkey, Brazil, Gulf states—are courting the continent with investment, infrastructure, and flexible diplomacy. The U.S., by contrast, is clinging to outdated assumptions and moral superiority.

    If Washington wants to regain influence, it must change its tone. Africans do not demand charity. They demand dignity. They demand equality. They demand genuine partnership.

    Until American leaders stop speaking down to Africa and start engaging it as a global player, the United States will continue to lose ground on a continent that has clearly—and decisively—moved on.

    •Adigun is a researcher and journalist based in Abuja.

  • Agbese; wise, intrepid, fearless

    Agbese; wise, intrepid, fearless

    • By Dare Babarinsa

    I first met Oga Dan Agbese in 1984 during the preparatory days of Newswatch, the pioneering Nigerian newsmagazine.  Before then, his reputation had preceded him as one of the stars among the alumni of our Department of Mass Communication of the University of Lagos, UNILAG.  Then we met at the home of Dele Giwa, off Obafemi Awolowo Way, Ikeja, where I had gone to meet the four editors who were destined to shape our lives.  Agbese was the only one I did not really know among them then.  He had the reputation of being the man writing the Candido column in the old New Nigerian newspapers, a great institution that dominated our growing up years that is now regarded as Nigerian Journalism Golden Age.

    Candido, the man behind the mask, column was said to have been created by Adamu Ciroma, one of Agbese’s illustrious predecessors as editor of the New Nigerian.  Here was he now before me in flesh and blood! We were to work together for five giddy years.  His influence was to remain with me forever.

    Newswatch early years was dominated by big dreams. I was among the four first editorial staff of Newswatch; Rolake Omonubi, Dele Olojede, Wale Oladepo and I.  Among the four founders, three of them were already well known to those of us coming from the stable of the Concord Group of Newspapers. Ray Ekpu was already a famous editor who ran the Sunday Times with so much vigour and creativity that the old conservative elements of President Shehu Shagari’s government felt very uncomfortable with him.  He was forced out and, in the end, resurfaced as the chairman of the editorial board of the Concord Group founded by that great man, Chief Moshood Abiola. 

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    When I was a student at Unilag, Dele Giwa, as the feature editor of the Daily Times, was the man who made me a stringer for the paper. I was introduced to him by my friend and roommate, Waheed Olagunju, who later became the Managing Director of the Bank of Industry. I was writing a column for the Daily Times called Campus News every Friday.  Yakubu Mohammed, the editor of the National Concord, was the one who employed me and Oladepo in November 1982.  Mohammed was also the one Oladepo and I followed into Newswatch.  The man we did not know before was Agbese.

    We soon found Agbese to be in a special class of his own.  To him, journalism was science.  To him, a journalist needs to be precise and unambiguous.  He should employ brevity if it would convey a clearer meaning than circumlocution.  He writes as he speaks; with precision and wisdom.  He put himself under the rigour of proof and demanded the same from us.  When we encounter Oga Agbese, we knew we were in a special master’s class of journalism.  He taught us a lot.  He demanded beauty of expression; not of flowery language, but of the kind of words that convey greater truth than the best photographs and paintings.  He was a special kind of artist.

    Like his other colleagues, Agbese regarded journalism as an instrument of service to Nigeria and humanity. He was resolute, resourceful and intrepid in the pursuit of his calling as a first-class journalist.  He believed in journalism as a pillar of any thriving democracy.  He put himself in the line of fire for his belief.  He was fearless. Therefore, he was one of the heroes who gave us democracy.  He endured with dignity and courage the constant harassment and intimidations during the military era.  In the formative years of Newswatch, he was designated the managing director until our editors decided to combine the office of Chief Executive and Editor-in-Chief and Dele Giwa was allowed to hold the two offices. 

    But the journey was meant to be turbulent. What was meant to be a professional business concerns soon became a serious struggle with the operators of the Nigerian state.   On October 19, 1986, less than two years after Newswatch hit the news stand, Dele Giwa was killed with a parcel bomb and our life was changed for ever.  Our editors were at the centre of the storm.  The echo of that bomb still rings in our ears till today.

    Less than one year after Giwa was killed, Newswatch carried a story on a panel report on the draft constitution that would guide the Third Republic.  The military regime of Ibrahim Babangida seems to have been looking for any excuse to pounce on the media house.  This exclusive story, which is based on the truth, was the excuse the regime used to outlaw Newswatch.  It passed a special decree, called the Newswatch Prohibition Decree, declaring that even the media house cannot seek redress in the court of law, declaring that “notwithstanding anything written in the constitution or any other law,” Newswatch remained banned.  It was the beginning of Newswatch Second Session. 

    I remember Oga Dan and his colleagues, corralled in front of our office at Oregun Road, surrounded by security agents as they were being prepared for detention.

    But no prison could keep the soul of a great person in bondage.  Despite the travails and vicissitude of those days, Agbese and his colleagues stood tall.  Agbese was figure of serenity under pressure, including the pressure of deadlines. He demanded from us his subordinates, the exactness of science and would not allow any fussy language to escape his scalpel as an editor.  He demanded what he gave. 

    His column, brimming with wits and wisdom, was a pilgrimage into Nigerian history and society.  His thoughts, deep and clairvoyant, ring with candour and bitter truth.  He was the one who described Chief Obafemi Awolowo as “the best President Nigeria never had,” in an essay he wrote to mark Awo’s 78th birthday.  When Awo died on May 9, 1987, Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, was to quote him without attribution.  Agbese was an original thinker who taught us to value critical thinking. 

    In October 1990, I went to inform him that I would be resigning.  By that time, it had become an open secret that I and four of my colleagues were planning to start another magazine, TELL.  He invited me to his house and we held a long discussion in his private study.  It was an intimate moment and our discussion was frank.  I learnt a lot of lessons on how to treat subordinates from the great men who led us in those giddy years at Newswatch. 

    I am indebted to Agbese.  I leant Mass Communications in Unilag, but the great men of Newswatch taught me journalism.  Agbese was deep.  His solidity and courage give the impression of timelessness.  You have the feeling that nothing can scare him and when you enter his office, he would raise his head, with his glasses perched on his nose, you are confronted with something almost spiritual.  Agbese had a presence filled with ethereal force, creative and comforting.  He transmits his aura with effortless ease.  He was a great man.

    My memoir, One Day and A Story, published by Gaskia Media Ltd in 2016, was based on my five years tour of duty in Newswatch.  After it was published, I went to my bosses at their new office on Acme Road to present copies.  I was received enthusiastically.  Our former General Editor, Olusoji Akinrinade, joined Agbese, Ekpu and Mohammed to give me a royal welcome.  I am happy that I had maintained a cordial relationship with my old bosses over the years.  Some years ago, when I approached Mr Mohammed to come and serve on the Advisory Board of Gaskia Media Ltd, he readily agreed. Recently I visited him at home to congratulate him on the publication of his enthralling autobiography, Beyond Expectations. With the death of Agbese, a significant chapter of that book has closed.

    But Agbese, like all great thinkers and writers, would always be with us.  His corpus of works, which includes, Babangida: Military, Politics and Power in Nigeria, The Reporter’s Companion, and The Art and Craft of Column Writing, would ensure that down the centuries, future journalists, historians and youths, would continue to cherish the depth of his thoughts, the profundity of his knowledge and the sheer beauty of his rendering.  Now, he has embraced mortality, the ultimate fate of all of us, so that he can inherit immortality. His magnificent wife, Aunty Rose, and wonderful children, should take solace that the patriarch completed his assignment on this side of the Great Divide.  When he was with us, he was blessed with the wisdom of the ages like a living ancestor.  Finally, he has become a true ancestor.  May his valiant soul find eternal rest.

    •Babarinsa, CON is chairman, Gaskia Media Ltd.

  • UNILORIN @ 50: Exciting story of a golden trail blazer

    UNILORIN @ 50: Exciting story of a golden trail blazer

    • By Kunle Akogun

    Like an acorn planted 50 years ago, the University of Ilorin has now blossomed into a full grown oak, becoming the flagship of Nigeria’s university system, shattering the records of most of its precursors and setting new standards of academic excellence, cutting-edge research endeavours, and scintillating community service.

    Not only has the university been consistently rated the nation’s number one citadel of learning by several world-acclaimed higher institution ranking agencies, it has, since the 2013/2014 academic session, been the most sought-after institution by admission seekers, according to records released yearly by the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB) and the National Universities Commission (NUC).

    Established by the federal government in August 1975, the University of Ilorin is one of the seven second generation universities in the country. Others in the second-generation league are, the University of Jos, the University of Port Harcourt, the University of Calabar, Ado Bayero University, Kano, the University of Maiduguri, and the University of Sokoto, UNILORIN took off in October 1975 as a University College, affiliated to the University of Ibadan with the late Professor Tekena Tamuno as its pioneer Head. Designated as principal, Professor Tamuno was succeeded, in December 1975 Professor Oladipo Akinkugbe. When the University College became a full-fledged University in October 1977, Professor Akinkugbe became its first vice-chancellor and he held that position until October 1978.  

    Other vice-chancellors who have administered the university were: Professor A.O. Adesola, 1978 –   1981; Professor S.A. Toye, 1981 – 1985; Professor A. Adeniyi, 1985 – 1992; Professor J. O. Oyinloye, 1992 -1997; Professor S.O. AbdulRaheem, 1997 – 2002; Professor S. O. O. Amali, 2002 – 2007; Professor Is-Haq O. Oloyede, 2007 – 2012; Professor AbdulGaniyu Ambali, 2012 – 2017; Professor Sulyman Age Abdulkareem, 2017 – 2022; and the incumbent, Professor Wahab Olasupo Egbewole.

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    At inception, the university started with three faculties (Arts, Education and Science). Now, it is a 16-faculty citadel of learning. In addition to the three foundation faculties, the university now has the following faculties: Basic Medical Sciences, Basic Clinical Sciences, Clinical Sciences, Engineering and Technology, Social Sciences, Management Sciences, Agriculture, Law, Life Sciences, Physical Sciences, Communication and Information Sciences, Environmental Sciences, Pharmaceutical Sciences, and Veterinary Medicine. And between the 16 faculties, the university now has a total of 108 academic departments.

    There are presently about 50, 000 students while the university’s staff strength is 3, 476. Since the 2013/2014 academic session consecutively, the University of Ilorin has maintained a reputation of being the most sought-after university by admission seekers. Many factors are responsible for this feat. These include the good name the university has made for itself, the high quality of its graduates, its tradition of maintaining stable academic calendar, high moral standard of its students and graduates coupled with academic excellence and its beautiful and serene environment.

     The university attracts both academic and non-teaching staff from virtually every part of Nigeria probably because of its central geographical location and the deliberate efforts of its successive administrations in attracting its workforce. Its Centre for International Education (CIE) plays a crucial role in attracting international staff and students in a deliberate and sustained effort at internationalisation.

    In pursuit of its vision to be “an international centre of excellence in learning, research, probity and service to humanity”, the University of Ilorin has contributed in several ways to the socio-economic and political development of the country. Not only has it produced high level manpower for the various sectors of the nation’s economy since its establishment 50 years ago,  the better by far citadel has also produced several graduates who have been active participants in the country’s political space. Through an excellent town and gown relationship, the university has also advanced the overall development of its host community in particular and the nation in general.

    The modest efforts of the university on internationalisation have yielded many gains, which include placing the university on the global map of higher institutions of repute, affording the university the opportunity to partner many reputable universities all over the world, affording the university access to facilities that are not available within the country, promoting internationalization within the campus thereby exposing staff and students to international opportunities such as American Council for Learned Society (ACLS), and Fulbright Fellowship, participating in the programmes of international organizations of which the university is a member, such as the Association of African Universities (AAU) and the Association of West African Universities (AWAU).

    At the University of Ilorin, student unionism is a tool for progressive transformation of the lives and status of the generality of the institution’s student populace.  The sort of synergy that exists between the student body and the university administration is such that engenders mutual trust in a no-hold barred atmosphere of openness. The prevailing harmony at the University of Ilorin is not as a result of lack of conflicts between the students’ body and the university management, but it is a function of the deployment of effective mechanisms for prompt resolution of sprouting conflicts.

    The University of Ilorin has become a fertile stable for head-hunters looking for best brains to poach either to pioneer the establishment of new universities or to assist in consolidating on the achievements of existing citadels or even to help in retrieving flailing institutions from a certain abyss of decline in fortunes into which they might have been pushed by past administrative inadequacies.

     At the University of Ilorin, the process of request and issuance of academic transcripts to former students has been entirely digitised to promote efficient service delivery with the institutionalisation of online application for transcripts as against the old manual application.

    In fulfilment of one leg of its tripodal mandates, the University of Ilorin is a veritable research hub where impactful, life-changing and national development-targeted researches are regularly churned out. Successive administrations of the university made the pursuit of excellence in research endeavours one of their cardinal priorities. And this commitment had handsomely paid off as many of the university’s researchers have secured official patents for some of their research outputs. The university currently has 36 patents with the National Office of Technology Acquisition and Promotion. 

    The culture of conscientious leadership and supportive followership is so contagious at the University of Ilorin that sundry staff unions have invariably become partners in progress with the management.

    Professor Egbewole, who is the University’s 11th vice chancellor, has not only sustained the legacy of excellence bequeathed to him by his predecessors, he has also greatly improved on it since coming on board on October 17, 2022.

    The three-year old administration of Egbewole has recorded several landmark achievements in all spheres of the university’s core mandates of teaching, research, and community service. Other areas in which the impact of this astute administrator has been felt are his humanistic approach to staff welfare, reinvention of the university’s administrative superstructure, academic excellence and research breakthroughs, stellar students’ performances in national and international outings, massive infrastructural development, collaboration and partnerships, rigorous internationalisation drive, as well as establishment, reinvention and revitalisation of academic centres to bolster the university’s commitment to academic excellence and national development in general.

    •Akogun is the Director of Corporate Affairs, University of Ilorin.

  • The slow turn of the railway wheels

    The slow turn of the railway wheels

    By Muhammad Musa-Gombe

    Quietly and without fanfare, the Nigerian Railway Corporation under Kayode Opeifa is showing early signs of renewal. Yet in a system long weighed down by bureaucracy, rust, and broken promises, the real challenge lies in keeping the wheels turning after the applause fades.

    When Opeifa was appointed managing director of the Nigerian Railway Corporation (NRC) early this year, the announcement barely stirred headlines. But among transport watchers, it drew attention. Here was a man once associated with Lagos traffic, an arena of daily chaos now handed the task of reviving a system meant to connect the whole country.

    The Nigerian Railway Corporation once symbolised unity and progress, linking far-flung hamlets, communities, towns and feeding their local economies. Over time, it slipped into decay and nostalgia, a monument to what Nigeria once had and lost. Every new management promised revival; each left behind more rust and regret. Opeifa’s arrival came into that atmosphere of fatigue, one more technocrat stepping into a place heavy with expectations and history.

    What has stood out so far is his visible, unceremonious style of engagement. Instead of remaining behind desks and memos, Opeifa has been out on the tracks inspecting stations, talking to workers, and listening to passengers. At the Lagos’ Iddo Terminal, he was reported to have seen the gap between reports and reality: dim platforms, faulty toilets, flickering lights, and weary coaches. His immediate instruction was to fix what could be fixed. Toilets were cleaned, lights repaired, and platforms tidied. It wasn’t dramatic, but it was symbolic a reminder that leadership sometimes begins with simple attention.

    In other parts of the country, quiet attempts are underway to reconnect dormant lines and stir local economies back to life. The long silent Jos–Kuru corridor in Plateau State is reportedly being reconsidered for reopening. The Eastern line from Enugu to Port Harcourt has re-entered national conversation, with cautious optimism about renewed work. Freight services, too, are being repositioned as a growth engine. The Lagos–Ibadan cargo line, still evolving, could eventually ease the unbearable pressure on highways and cut logistics costs for manufacturers and traders.

    That shift in focus is significant. For decades, discussions about Nigeria’s railways have revolved around passengers and comfort, often ignoring that rail systems across the world survive mainly on cargo. If the NRC succeeds in moving more goods efficiently, it will do far more for Nigeria’s economy than endless speeches about “modernisation.”

    Inside the corporation, there’s a noticeable calm. Staff unions, once quick to challenge management, are reported to have pledged cooperation. That may not sound like much, but for an organisation long plagued by distrust and internal friction, it’s a big deal. Industrial peace doesn’t fix tracks or coaches, but it creates space for real work to happen.

    Still, optimism must be measured. Nigeria’s railway story is littered with bright beginnings that fade into frustration. Chronic underfunding, sluggish procurement, weak maintenance, and a culture of secrecy remain major threats. There’s talk of acquiring new coaches and wagons a welcome plan, if executed transparently. But details are still hazy: no firm timelines, no public cost breakdowns, no delivery schedule. Nigerians deserve more than reports in newspapers; they deserve information. Transparency builds trust faster than announcements.

    Beyond new equipment, the bigger challenge lies in maintenance. New coaches will not survive old habits. The NRC’s history is full of once proud assets left to rot after minor faults. Opeifa has warned against vandalism and theft, but punishment alone won’t change much. What’s needed is a working repair system, spares, workshops, and community ownership. Rail stations should not become scrapyards by neglect.

    Read Also: China pledges support for Nigeria’s port modernisation

    Another obstacle is the railway’s isolation from the rest of the transport ecosystem. Rail must connect meaningfully to ports, highways, and industrial clusters to make sense. The NRC has started engaging state governments and private players, but success will depend on how far these partnerships go beyond paper. A line that ends in the middle of nowhere serves no one.

    In the months ahead, public judgment will rest not on rhetoric but on experience. Are trains cleaner? Are they more punctual? Are fares affordable? Has cargo movement between Lagos and Kano improved? These questions will tell Nigerians more about progress than any ribbon-cutting.

    The truth is, the NRC doesn’t need miracles. It needs order, discipline, and continuity. Too often, its leadership has been caught between vision and bureaucracy: grand dreams swallowed by red tape. The real transformation lies not in mega projects but in the ordinary details: working lights, clean toilets, honest ticketing, and trains that simply leave and arrive on time.

    If Opeifa can keep attention on those practical, almost boring things, he might quietly restore confidence in a system that once defined national unity. Each commuter who sits in a clean coach, each trader who moves goods safely, each town that hears the train whistle again that’s the measure of renewal.

    Nigeria has seen this story before: a burst of reform energy followed by decline. Whether this chapter becomes another cycle or the start of something lasting will depend on management’s consistency after the noise dies down. Opeifa may not be seeking headlines, but his actions are being watched. And perhaps that’s for the best a railway system improving quietly, tested daily by a public that has learned to doubt promises but never quite stopped hoping for proof.

    •Musa-Gombe is a media practitioner and public affairs analyst based in Abuja.

  • Four pillars for implementing the new tax laws

    Four pillars for implementing the new tax laws

    By Gbenga Oyebode Falana

    Nigeria stands at a critical moment in its reform journey. With the passage of modernised tax laws between 2023 and 2026, the federal government has set in motion one of the most ambitious overhauls of the country’s tax administration in decades. From digital compliance measures to the rationalisation of incentives, new dispute-resolution structures, and strengthened enforcement powers, these reforms attempt to reshape Nigeria’s tax landscape for the realities of a 21st-century economy.

    Yet, the success of these reforms depends on one fundamental factor: capacity. Tax laws, no matter how well drafted, do not execute themselves. They require competent institutions, skilled personnel, modern technology, data-driven intelligence, and taxpayer trust. Without these, even the most progressive legislation will struggle to deliver results.

    To bridge this gap, Nigeria must commit to a systematic and sustainable programme of capacity building across national and sub-national tax agencies – FIRS, NCS, State Boards of Internal Revenue, and local government revenue units. This article proposes a four-pillar blueprint to achieve exactly that: Legal & Policy Competence, Digital & Data Capability, Organisational Excellence, and Taxpayer Engagement.

    Pillar one: Legal and policy competence

    The starting point for effective tax administration is a deep and uniform understanding of the law. In Nigeria, the challenge of inconsistent interpretation across levels of government has long created confusion for taxpayers and fuelled avoidable disputes. With the new tax laws, this challenge becomes even more pressing. The country has introduced new rules on digital taxation, expanded VAT provisions, modernised excise operations, reviewed incentive regimes, and updated administrative procedures. Many of these provisions require technical understanding and accurate legal interpretation.

    To this extent, a national curriculum shared across FIRS and all State Boards of Internal Revenue is therefore essential. This curriculum should break down the provisions of the new laws into practical modules relevant for assessments, audits, enforcement, and dispute resolution. Monthly legal-policy interpretation clinics will help harmonise approaches and significantly reduce litigation. Additionally, sector-specific competence is equally necessary. Oil and gas, fintech, digital commerce, informal sector operations, telecoms, manufacturing, and financial services all have unique tax dynamics. Officers must understand the peculiarities of each sector to administer the law effectively. Therefore, legal competence is the foundation. Without it, every other reform pillar becomes shaky.

    Pillar two: Digital and data governance capability

    The second pillar speaks to the technological engine of the tax system. Globally, the future of tax administration is digital. Nigeria’s new laws reflect this reality mandating e-invoicing, e-filing, e-payment, digital audit trails, automated risk analysis, and greater reliance on real-time data. Despite significant strides by FIRS in automation, many state and local government agencies still lack the capacity to operate robust digital systems. Even where technology exists, officers often need more training to utilise the systems effectively. Consequently, a Digital Tax Operations Academy would help bridge this divide. Through structured training, tax officers would acquire skills in:

     •Data analytics and risk profiling

    •AI-based audit selection

    •Cybersecurity and digital forensics

    •Understanding and managing digital tax platforms

    •Cross-agency data matching (BVN, NIN, CAC, Customs, Land Registries, etc.)

    Digitisation is not merely about reducing paperwork; it is about building a smarter tax administration that detects evasion patterns, generates insights, and sharpens enforcement tools. With stronger digital governance capacity, Nigeria can move decisively toward automated compliance, fewer leakages, and more predictable revenue flows.

    Pillar three: Organisational excellence and human capital development

    Reforming tax institutions requires more than legal knowledge and digital skills. It requires a motivated, ethical, and professional workforce. So, the third pillar focuses on building a tax administration anchored on performance, professionalism, and integrity. For too long, promotions in public service have been heavily influenced by tenure. The new era demands competency-based progression, where officers advance based on skills, certifications, knowledge, and results. Therefore, professional qualifications must be mainstreamed: CITN, ICAN, ACCA, ANAN, cybersecurity certifications, internal audit certifications, and forensic accounting skills all have roles to play. These qualifications ensure that officers bring global standards into their daily work.

    Read Also: Nigerian-born researcher Abutu leads groundbreaking health equity studies

    Capacity building must also incorporate a gender-inclusive focus. Women make up a significant share of the taxpayer base and workforce, yet their tax experiences, business dynamics, and compliance challenges differ. A gender-responsive tax administration is not only fair it improves compliance and reduces distortions. Leadership training is another critical area. Directors, regional coordinators, and unit heads must be equipped with modern governance skills – change management, strategic leadership, collaborative problem-solving and cross-agency coordination. Organisational excellence creates the institutional backbone for efficient tax administration.

    Pillar four: Taxpayer engagement and service delivery

    No tax system can thrive without the trust and cooperation of taxpayers. The fourth pillar focuses on creating a citizen-centred service environment where taxpayers feel informed, respected, and supported. Nigeria needs a comprehensive taxpayer education strategy that communicates the implications of the new tax laws in simple language. Radio programmes, market outreach, digital campaigns, community town halls, and materials in local languages will help explain filing requirements, rights, obligations, and available remedies. Modernising service touchpoints is equally important. Taxpayers should be able to access support through:

     •Upgraded call centres

    •AI-enabled chatbots

    •Online dispute-resolution portals

    •Secure e-payment channels

    •Appointment-booking systems

    Improved service delivery reduces the cost of compliance, encourages voluntary filing, and strengthens public confidence. In addition, stakeholder engagement with business groups, market unions, civil society, accountants, tax practitioners, investors, and the broader public will provide important feedback that shapes more responsive tax policies. A modern tax system must communicate, listen, and adapt.

    Toward a high-performance tax administration

    Nigeria’s new tax laws offer a historic opportunity to strengthen domestic resource mobilisation and reduce overdependence on oil revenue. But laws alone cannot transform a tax system. Institutions do. By adopting a four-pillar capacity-building blueprint legal competence, digital capability, organisational excellence, and taxpayer engagement Nigeria can build a future-ready tax administration capable of delivering results for decades to come.

    The country cannot afford half-measures. Revenue agencies must rise to the challenge with urgency, collaboration, and a focus on excellence. If implemented diligently, this blueprint will not only improve compliance but also deepen public trust, strengthen fiscal stability, and accelerate national development. The task before us is clear: build institutions that can deliver the promise of the reforms.

    •Falana, PhD – is Commissioner Tax Appeal Tribunal & Senior Fellow Researcher at the African Centre for Tax & Governance (ACTG).

  • On sabotage, shadows and the politics of unseen hands

    On sabotage, shadows and the politics of unseen hands

    • By TJ Ishola

    Let us stop pretending. Let us stop using soft language to describe a hard reality. When I say this government is being sabotaged, I mean it, not metaphorically, not rhetorically, not as a garnish sprinkled on top of the bitter soup of national discourse. I mean it in the way a man means “fire” when he smells burning, even if everyone else is still fanning themselves and saying the air is hot. Because hear this clearly: no administration, no matter how confused, how arrogant, or how unlucky, deliberately sets out to injure itself. Not Jonathan’s. Not Buhari’s. Not even Tinubu’s. No president sits in Aso Rock plotting how to become the next headline of national disgrace.

    What we are witnessing today is deeper than incompetence. It is the anatomy of a government under siege. When 41 federal unity colleges suddenly fold their doors nationwide, not for renovation, not for policy, but because the country is too unsafe for children, it is not governance failing. It is governance being suffocated.

    And suffocation, my friend, always has a hand.

    Nigeria is not simply mismanaged. Nigeria is infiltrated. The forces holding the government down are not mystical; they are institutional. They sit in the backrooms, in the security councils, in the shadows behind the ministers’ shadows. They existed before this president. They existed before the last. They will exist after the next because the system that breeds them is older than our democracy.

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    And here is the uncomfortable truth we treat like a hot yam: The system knows exactly who the saboteurs are, but the system cannot speak.

    Power in Nigeria is like a masquerade festival, beautiful from the outside, ugly behind the mask. Sabotage is never random. It is choreographed. It follows timing, patterns, redirections, silences. Look again at November 2025. On the 3rd, the United States tags Nigeria a “Country of Particular Concern.” Within days, almost as if on cue, three high-impact, multi-location, multi-target attacks erupt: the mass school abduction, the Eruku church attack, and the Niger State mass kidnapping.

    These attacks do not strike banks. They do not strike barracks. They do not strike airports. They strike children, churches, Christians, rural communities—the exact pain points the U.S. cited. A coincidence? Please. This is Nigeria, not a horoscope.

    What we are seeing is a message; a cold, calculated, deliberately painful message.

    Someone is turning the country into a billboard. Someone wants “ungovernable” to be the first line in the world’s description of Nigeria.

    And this is not new. These are the same actors who once used Boko Haram as a political lever to kneecap Goodluck Jonathan. Those who manipulated fear from 2010 to 2015 as though it were campaign material printed in blood. Those who weaponized insecurity to engineer change. Those who tasted victory in 2015 and have never relinquished their appetite.

    This is why insecurity remains immortal. Not because presidents lack ideas, but because the real custodians of terror were never removed—only repackaged.

    If you listen closely enough, sabotage leaves footprints: Checkpoints mysteriously withdrawn before attacks; Security redeployments hours before villages burn; Intelligence warnings ignored until the smoke makes announcements of its own. Schools repeatedly flagged for risk, yet left wide open like sacrificial lambs.

    These are not accidents. Nigeria does not have this level of bad luck. These are orchestrations. And orchestrations have conductors.

    The government knows who benefits when unity schools are shut down. The government knows who profits when entire communities vanish at night. But the government cannot speak. Why? Because saboteurs are not outsiders—they are insiders with keys to the vault.

    Every president, Jonathan, Buhari, Tinubu, has been swallowed by the same silence. Different administrations, same fear. Because if you expose today’s saboteurs, you expose yesterday’s beneficiaries. That is the true architecture of Nigerian power, an intricate spider web where even the spider fears its own web.

    Meanwhile, the people’s suffering continues without pause. Families dissolved. Villages erased. Communities plunged into grief so deep that morning sunlight feels like an insult. The economy is bleeding slowly, quietly, like a patient the doctors pretend is stable. Our international reputation is a fragile pot cracked in 20 places. But leave the economy aside. Let us talk about the pain—the raw human pain stretching from Sokoto to Plateau to Ondo and across every region where gunshots now sound like punctuation marks in daily conversations.

    Unless this subterranean power is destroyed, no president will ever succeed. Nigeria does not fail because we lack ideas; Nigeria fails because ideas are held hostage by people who profit from chaos. Cabal interests shift, but their presence never disappears. They are like smoke, you cannot hold them, but they will choke you all the same.

    And here is the part that may sound naïve but is painfully true:

    The excessive sabotage of this government has one goal: to destroy public confidence.

    Once the people become frustrated, disillusioned, and exhausted, the cabal steps in wearing the costume of a messiah. They present a new face. A new hope. A new promise. And the people, battered and bruised, run towards the illusion the way the thirsty run toward a mirage.

    The cycle continues:

    Sabotage → Frustration → Messiah → Capture → Repeat.

    And Nigeria remains trapped in this elaborate dance of recycled chaos.

    Yet here is the gist, the heart of the matter: the cabal is not afraid of Aso Rock.

    Aso Rock is a building.

    Aso Rock is furniture.

    Aso Rock is temporary tenancy.

    The cabal fears something else:

    An informed population.

    A seeing population.

    A population that connects dots instead of swallowing propaganda.

    Knowledge is the machete they cannot confiscate.

    Awareness is the revolution they cannot pre-empt.

    The day Nigerians understand the pattern, the day the fog lifts and the nation starts asking the right questions, that day, the system begins to crack. Because the cabal can deceive the blind, but they cannot manipulate those who have learned to read footprints in the dust.

    In the end, the future belongs not to the loudest politician, not to the richest godfather, not to the most connected saboteur, but to a people who finally decide that knowing is a weapon, truth is a shield, and silence is complicity.

    And that is the power we have not yet embraced.

    •Ishola writes from United Kingdom.

  • Eruku 38 and magic of presidential power

    Eruku 38 and magic of presidential power

    • By Tajudeen Kareem

    The dramatic operation, concluded on Sunday afternoon, showcased unprecedented presidential involvement that transformed what could have been another tragic statistic into a testament to coordinated security response. Nigerians watched the nightmare which began on Tuesday evening, November 19, at approximately 6:00 PM when heavily armed gunmen stormed the Christ Apostolic Church in Eruku, Ifelodun Local Government Area of Kwara State. In a chilling twist that amplified global outrage, the attack was inadvertently broadcast live, capturing the horror as worshippers – including children and elderly members – scattered for safety amid sporadic gunfire.

    The attackers, described as AK-47-wielding bandits, showed no mercy. Two worshippers – Aderemi and vigilante Tunde Asaba Ajayi – lay dead as the smoke cleared. The gunmen then systematically rounded up 38 remaining congregants, ranging from a five-year-old child to a 67-year-old elder, before vanishing into the dense forests of Oreke Okeigbo with their human cargo.

    This attack didn’t occur in isolation but represents part of a terrifying escalation in Kwara State’s security crisis. Recent data reveals the staggering human cost: between January 1 and November 7, at least 207 people were reportedly killed in the State of Harmony with 177 individuals kidnapped during the same period. This translates to roughly two deaths every three days, painting a picture of a region under siege.

    The violence has become geographically concentrated in five local government areas – Ifelodun, Pategi, Edu, Kaima, and Baruten – which together account for 79% of all fatalities. These areas, either bordering or proximate to Kogi and Niger states, have become hunting grounds for armed groups exploiting Nigeria’s vast ungoverned spaces.

    What transformed this potentially devastating situation was President Bola Tinubu’s quick personal intervention. Security sources disclosed that the president immediately took personal charge of coordinating operations, providing round-the-clock oversight that marked a departure from traditional delegation of security matters.

    The president’s hands-on approach triggered what sources described as “unprecedented intelligence mapping and aerial surveillance” by the Office of the National Security Adviser. This intensive operation culminated in DSS operatives, backed by the Nigerian Air Force, swooping down on established coordinates in the Kwara forests.

    Read Also: Tinubu orders 24-hour aerial surveillance, tightens security cordon over Kwara, Kebbi forests

    Perhaps most telling of the president’s commitment was his decision to cancel his scheduled trip to the G20 meeting in South Africa to personally oversee the rescue operations. This sacrifice of international diplomatic engagement for domestic security concerns sent a powerful message both to Nigerians and the international community about his administration’s priorities.

    The president’s statement was unequivocal: “Let me be clear. I will not relent. Every Nigerian, in every state, has the right to safety. Under my watch, we will secure this nation and protect our people”.

    The broader context: Nigeria’s security crisis

    The Eruku rescue must be viewed against Nigeria’s broader security landscape, where multiple crises intersect across the country’s 36 states. Northern Nigeria faces what experts describe as an unprecedented security challenge, recording over 1,923 attacks against civilians in 2025 alone, resulting in more than 3,000 deaths.

    In the northwest, armed gangs carry out ransom kidnappings from forest hideouts, while the northeast remains gripped by a 15-year insurgency led by Boko Haram and Islamic State West Africa Province. The central belt, where north meets south, witnesses deadly clashes over religion, ethnicity, and access to land and water.

    The timing of the Eruku attack coincided with mounting international pressure on Nigeria’s government. U.S. President Donald Trump’s recent threats of military action over alleged persecution of Christians in Nigeria had already placed the Tinubu administration under intense scrutiny.

    The successful rescue operation, achieved through indigenous security capabilities rather than foreign intervention, demonstrates Nigeria’s capacity for effective response when properly coordinated at the highest levels of government.

    The 38 rescued victims represent a cross-section of Nigerian society – 26 females and 12 males ranging from young children to elderly worshippers. Their safe return, achieved without reported casualties among the hostages, stands as a rare success story in a security environment more often marked by tragedy.

    The operation’s success has broader implications for Nigeria’s approach to security challenges. It demonstrates that when leadership is directly engaged, coordinating between multiple security agencies – including the DSS, Nigerian Army, Police, and intelligence services – effective results are possible.

    The Eruku rescue operation offers several critical lessons for Nigeria’s ongoing security challenges. First, it underscores the importance of presidential leadership in coordinating complex security responses. Second, it demonstrates the effectiveness of inter-agency cooperation when properly orchestrated. Third, it shows that Nigeria’s security apparatus, when properly deployed and coordinated, can achieve significant tactical successes.

    However, the operation also highlights the broader systemic challenges facing Nigeria. The fact that presidential intervention was required for a single rescue operation raises questions about the routine capacity of security agencies to respond to the hundreds of similar incidents occurring across the country.

    As Kwara’s Governor Abdulrazaq noted while thanking President Tinubu and security chiefs, this success represents not just a tactical victory but a template for future responses to Nigeria’s complex security challenges. The question now is whether this level of coordination and presidential engagement can be sustained and scaled to address the broader crisis facing Nigeria’s security landscape.

    A postscript

    The president’s latest directive to withdraw police personnel from VIP security duties represents perhaps the most significant restructuring of Nigeria’s security architecture in recent memory. But while this bold move deserves cautious optimism, its success will ultimately depend on execution, political will, and whether Nigeria’s elite are prepared to sacrifice personal privilege for collective security.

    For too long, Nigeria’s security challenges have been compounded by a glaring misallocation of resources. With an estimated 100,000 police officers—nearly one-third of the entire force—assigned to protect politicians, business elites, and other VIPs, ordinary Nigerians have been left to fend for themselves against rising banditry, kidnapping, and communal violence. The irony is stark: those with the means to afford private security have monopolized public protection, while vulnerable communities remain defenceless.

    President Tinubu’s decision to transfer VIP protection responsibilities to the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps is not merely administrative housekeeping—it’s a direct challenge to Nigeria’s culture of privilege. The timing is particularly crucial, coming amid a surge in mass abductions and security threats that have exposed the inadequacy of our current policing model.

    The statistics underlying this crisis are sobering. Many police stations, particularly in remote areas, operate with skeletal staff while their colleagues provide round-the-clock security for individuals who could easily afford private protection. This has created a two-tier security system where the wealthy enjoy comprehensive protection while ordinary citizens face an overwhelmed and understaffed police force.

    The approved recruitment of 30,000 additional officers is a welcome step, but it merely scratches the surface of Nigeria’s security personnel deficit. According to international standards, Nigeria requires significantly more officers to achieve optimal police-to-population ratios. The real question is whether these new recruits will be properly trained, equipped, and deployed to where they’re needed most.

    While the directive is commendable in principle, its implementation will determine its success. The NSCDC, though capable, has traditionally focused on protecting critical national assets rather than providing personal security. This transition will require substantial capacity building, training, and resource allocation—investments that must be made swiftly to avoid security gaps.

    This security realignment, while significant, cannot be viewed in isolation. Nigeria’s security challenges run deeper than personnel allocation—they reflect systemic failures in governance, economic inequality, and social cohesion. Returning police officers to community policing is essential, but without addressing the root causes of insecurity, we may simply be redistributing an insufficient response to an overwhelming problem.

    The partnership with state governments to upgrade training facilities is encouraging, but success demands more than infrastructure. It requires a fundamental shift in policing philosophy—from reactive enforcement to proactive community engagement, from protecting the privileged few to serving the vulnerable many.

    President Tinubu’s directive represents more than security reform—it’s a test of whether Nigeria’s leadership can prioritize collective welfare over personal privilege.

    •Kareem is a policy analyst in Abuja.