The Nation Newspaper

Category: Comments

Cross carpeting under the 1999 Constitution
- By Akintayo Balogun
Since the restoration of democratic structures in May 1999, there have been cases of serving legislators defecting to another party other than the party under whose umbrella they contested and won elections. This act is known as cross carpeting. In the political space, it is popularly known as decamping or defection.

The issue of the defection of serving legislators had become a stigma, an embarrassment, and a form of dishonour to parties that sponsor candidates to victory in an election. To reduce the rate of defection of serving legislators, the constitution was further amended to checkmate how serving legislators jump from one party to another, particularly after being elected into office under a particular party.

Following the general elections held in February and March, there have been cases of defection. Senator Ifeanyi Ubah, representing Anambra South Senatorial constituency, crossed from the Young Progressives Party (YPP) to the All Progressives Party (APC), and recently, 27 members of the Rivers State House of Assembly moved from the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressive Congress (APC).

Cross carpeting had been a regular practice by serving legislators and governors and even a vice president at some points. Despite the amendment to the constitution however, legislators still flout the express provision with reckless abandon, based majorly on the political advantage they get once they defect to another party.

Section 68(1)(g) of the Constitution provides thus:

“(1) A member of the Senate or of the House of Representatives shall vacate his seat in the House of which he is a member if – . . . “

”(g) being a person whose election to the House was sponsored by a political party, he becomes a member of another political party before the expiration of the period for which that House was elected; Provided that his membership of the latter political party is not as a result of a DIVISION in the political party of which he was previously a member or of a MERGER of two or more political parties or FACTIONS by one of which he was previously sponsored;”

Section 109 of the Constitution provides thus:

(1) A member of a House of Assembly shall vacate his seat in the House if –

g) being a person whose election to the House of Assembly was sponsored by a political party, he becomes a member of any other political party before the expiration of the period for which that House was elected: Provided that his membership of the latter political party is not as a result of a division in the political party of which he was previously a member or of a merger of two or more political parties or factions by one of which he was previously sponsored;

It is the duty of a serving legislator who defects from one party to states/to show explicitly that there is serious division in the political party where he is decamping from or a merger of two or more political parties or a faction by which he was previously sponsored. Where the legislator fails to provide these decisive constitutional issues, his defection to another political party is tantamount to vacating his seat.

Sections 68(2) and 109(2) of the Constitution provides thus:

“2) The President of the Senate or the Speaker of the House of Representatives, as the case may be, shall give effect to the provisions of subsection (1) of this section, so however that the President of the Senate or the Speaker of the House of Representatives or a member shall first present evidence satisfactory to the House concerned that any of the provisions of that subsection has become applicable in respect of that member.”

“The Speaker of the House of Assembly shall give effect to subsection (1) of this section, so however that the Speaker or a member shall first present evidence satisfactory to the House that any of the provisions of that subsection has become applicable in respect of the member.”

Read Also: Yuletide: Don’t think of vacation this season, we’ve burden of Nigerians on our shoulders, Shettima tells NEC

The burden now is on the president of the senate, the Speaker of the House of Representatives or any of the Speakers of the various Houses of Assembly to ensure that a defector fulfils the constitutional requirement before defecting to another party.

This constitutional position of declaring the seat of a defector vacant was given life in the case of Hon. Ifedayo Abegunde V. Ondo State House Of Assembly (2015) 8 NWLR 314, where the court held thus:

“…is to the effect that only such FACTIONALIZATION, FRAGMENTATION, SPLINTERING or “DIVISION” that makes it impossible or impracticable for a political party to function as such will, by virtue of the proviso to section 68(1)(g) of the 1999 Constitution, justify a person’s defection to another party and the retention of his seat for the unexpired term in the house in spite of the defection. The division must affect the entire structure of the political party at the centre, that is to say, national leadership. Otherwise, as rightly held by the trial court and the Court of Appeal, in this case, the defector automatically loses his seat…”

Ordinarily, it is the duty of the president of the senate, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, or any of the speakers of the various 36 Houses of Assembly to declare the seats of such defectors vacant, and ordinarily, the Independent National Electoral Commission ought to act immediately upon being notified by the Speaker, by conducting a fresh election into the seat. However, this takes a lot of political will for such to happen in Nigeria particularly when the defector is joining the speaker or senate president in his political party.

In some quarters, it was argued though erroneously, that a court order is needed to determine the vacation of the seats by the serving members of a legislative house. This is incorrect. Nowhere in the constitution was it stated that an order of the court be required to declare a seat vacant or to prove that the defector has fulfilled grounds for defection. The court only comes into play when an aggrieved political party goes to court by itself and in its name, to seek an order of the court, mandating the speaker or president of the senate to declare the seat of the defector vacant as well as ordering the Independent National Electoral Commission to conduct a fresh election. This is where the court comes in. Putting the court ahead of this would be delegating unconstitutional powers to the court.

Analysts and pundits have further argued that there should be freedom of association, as guaranteed under section 40 of the Constitution.

Yes, while I agree that no legislator should be forced to stay in a political party against his will, however, a legislator, who has been elected on the platform of a political party cannot just wake up one day, due to political interest, political bias, the order of a godfather, or the future of his political interest, decide to defect to another political party that did not sponsor his election, particularly without providing the grounds for the defection to another political party. The vote belongs to the party. It was the party logo and name that was on the ballot boxes and not the name of the contestant.

In the words of Honourable Justice Taiwo Taiwo (now retired), while delivering judgment in the case of the legislators in Cross Rivers State House of Assembly that defected from the PDP to the APC, he held that it was disheartening that politicians in the country treat citizens as if they do not matter once they get into office. According to him, we cannot continue in sin and expect grace to abound.

It is obvious that jumping from one political party to another, particularly for serving legislators is in bad faith, having been sponsored by one political party. The courts have consistently held that the votes of a party cannot be transferred to another. Unfortunately, in Nigeria, the game of politics and political interest has taken precedence over constitutional provisions. We can only hope to get it right in Nigeria.

•Balogun Esq is a legal practitioner based in Abuja.
December 22, 2023
Lagos and the 2024 budget of renewal
- By Tayo Ogunbiyi
The common accounting tool governments, companies, organisations and several other institutions across the world use for planning and controlling what they must do to satisfy the people, customers and succeed in governance, business and other areas of human endeavours is budgeting.

Budgets provide a measure of the financial results a company expects from its planned activities. By planning for the future, government officials, chief executives, managers, administrators and others in leadership positions learn to anticipate problems and how to avoid them. Instead of subsequently facing problems, they can focus their energies on exploiting opportunities.

In the last four and half years, the Lagos State Government has changed the paradigm not only in budgeting, but in its implementation in the country. The state has not only effectively monitored budget implementation; it has consistently delivered a budget performance in excess of 70%. It has been the policy of the government to embark on periodic budget review.

Repeated monitoring, critical examination and diligent application of the process have impacted positively on budget performance in the state. The idea of periodic budget assessment speaks volume of the pro-activeness of the government as it affords it a scientific basis of measuring its performance in a consistent manner while putting pressure on government departments and agencies to meet budgetary targets.

While presenting the 2024 budget estimate christened ‘The Budget of Renewal’, to the state House of Assembly, Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu revealed that as at the third quarter of 2023, the period ending September 30, his government had implemented N1.032 trillion of the 2023 Budget, representing 78% of the prorated estimate of N1.326 trillion.

According to the governor, actual capital expenditure stood at N613.52 billion, 80 percent of the prorated estimate of N764.93 billion, while actual recurrent expenditure was at N419.06 billion, representing 75 percent of the prorated estimate of N561.073 billion.

He was, however, convinced that the 2023 budget will have a budget performance that is close to 90% by the end of the year.

This amply reflects the commendable form of progress that is being made in terms of budget monitoring and implementation at the ‘Centre of Excellence’. More importantly, it is inspiring that the result of a recent impact assessment done by the government shows that critical sectors such as Health, Education, the Environment, and Security are experiencing marked improvements.

In terms of literacy level, for example, the level in the state is above the national average. In terms of life expectancy, the life expectancy in Lagos State is above the national average with a much more advanced environment like Johannesburg.

The implication of this is enhanced security, improved healthcare and invariably better quality of life. The number of patients to doctors is also improving as reflected in life expectancy. Equally, the number of still births and deaths is also gradually reducing.

Read Also: Prioritise your health, strengthen bonds with loved ones, God – First Lady tells elderly Nigerians

It is, thus, quite cheering that the state’s 2024 Budget proposal is coming at a time when the focus of the government is on sustaining and surpassing the gains of the past four and half years through the completion of several ongoing projects such as the Phase 11 of the Lagos Blue Light Rail, Massey Street Children’s Hospital, General Hospital, Ojo and Opebi-Ojota Link Bridge among others.

The 2024 Budget, as proposed, has a total budget size of N2.246,234 trillion, comprising a total revenue of N1.847,951 trillion and deficit financing of N398.283 billion. Total revenue comprises Internally Generated Revenue, IGR (N1.251,322 trillion), and Total Federal Transfer (N596.629 billion).

It also consists of a recurrent expenditure of N1.021 trillion, comprising total overhead, total personnel cost and recurrent debt service. This comprises total overhead cost: N527.782 billion, which is made up of overhead (N304.753 Billion), subventions (N123.010 billion), dedicated funds amounting to N100.02 billion and total personnel cost: N319.230 billion.

Others include recurrent debt service N174.94 billion, while a total of N1.224 trillion is proposed for capital expenditure, comprising N856.387 billion for capital expenditure and N367.893 billion for repayments.

Highlights of sectoral allocation of the proposed budget shows that the sum of N535 billion was projected for economic affairs, N94 billion for the environment, N156 billion for health, N199 billion for education, N50 billion for social protection and N84 billion for public order and safety.

In summary, the budget size is made up of recurrent expenditure of N1.021, 954trn (45%) and capital expenditure of N1.224,280 (55%).

In our clime, the human challenges that confronted the full implementation of the budget are both behavioural and attitudinal as people still refuse to comply with laws of the state. The effect of this is an increase in the cost of running government in many ways because compulsory compliance which the people will not accede to, leaves government spending more money on law enforcement than it probably would have.

People driving against traffic, people not managing their refuse properly, refusing to use the PSP and patronising cart pushers who are not registered to operate, people selling along the road and so many other unwholesome behaviours are all parts of the human factors working against the budget.

From all indications, with the availability of the required financial resources, the government will accomplish its objective of sustaining a rising Lagos. Over the years, it has demonstrated enough capacity to implement projects. Ironically, however, the successes of the state have created some social and economic challenges as reflected in the number of people coming into the state to benefit from what it has to offer. It is quite similar to the case of Nigerians travelling abroad in quest for the proverbial greener pasture.

In order to ensure total success of the state’s 2024 budget, the people need to be fully involved in its implementation. For instance, they need to speak up whenever they notice any anomaly in the implementation of projects in their localities. The projects in their localities are theirs and are principally meant for them so they should monitor them to ensure that money being spent is well spent.

Similarly, existing structures for programme monitoring should be supported with proper evaluation systems especially where existing ones are weak. It is important, equally, that evaluation provides evidence-based information that is credible, reliable and useful, enabling the timely incorporation of findings, recommendation and lessons learnt into decision making.

Perhaps, more notably, all MDAs in the state need to be more creative in their revenue generation drive by focusing on untapped areas of revenue.

•Ogunbiyi is Director (Features), Ministry of Information and Strategy, Alausa, Ikeja.
December 22, 2023
Time to heal Benue
- By Donald Kumun
An unhealthy political crinckum crankum has enveloped the politics of Benue State as we speak. While someone may not be interested in apportioning the blames on any party to the development, it is equally of great essence to place it on the records that, in an atmosphere of rancour, things fall apart rapidly. The ties that binds, even as they appear to be in larger quantum, have now been jettisoned and some primordial sentiments are radicalised.

However, the time for political gladiators to heal Benue State is now. Benue State was plagued by some level of insecurity which thwarted all efforts to place her in a position where it can compete favourably with her peers. But since the inauguration of Rev. Fr. Hyacinth Iormem Alia, as the sixth democratically elected governor of the state, on May 29, relative peace have returned to the state. This is heart-warming and cheering. We need to build a great capital on this prevailing scenario and galvanise all efforts to chat the course of a new developmental pattern.

It is time for all political parties and individuals to put their differences aside and work together with the governor in the saddle to bring about actions, policies, programmes and projects that will bring about an assured mutual prosperity, given that he has begun well, according to feelers, and nobility of expressions. Some of the projects within six months of his leadership are glaring for our comprehension.

Healing Benue State requires a collective effort from all political gladiators. They must set aside personal interests and prioritize the needs of the people. This means putting an end to political vehemence. It also means focusing on developmental strides that will benefit the people and improve their quality of life.

This is the time to engage in a dialogue to address the root causes of the heat they have needlessly generated in Benue State. This could involve constructively discussing imagined issues hovering on an alleged political marginalization. By understanding and addressing these underlying issues, they can work towards long-term solutions that will foster peace and stability in the state.

In the first place, what really do all the sides of the divide want? We must start by interrogating our conscience from this viewpoint and then accelerate into other areas of common concerns.

Furthermore, there is every need to work towards promoting inclusivity and unity among the diverse communities in Benue State. This can be done through initiatives that encourage dialogue and the spirit of sportsmanship,

Healing Benue State also involves implementing policies that seeks to eliminate the bad governance that slipped the state into a comma. This is a pivotal effort towards restoring sanity, law and order and will go a long way to protect the sanctity of our collective existence.

Those who seek to make a political capital from this situation where brothers are fighting themselves in order to retain dominance must first and foremost desist from this drift forth with.

In saner climes, key players do exist and actually do play a crucial role in resolving political tensions and other issues related thereto. These array and various layers of stakeholders include politicians, government officials, community leaders, traditional rulers, civil society organizations, and the general public.

Development-oriented political stakeholders must swing into action by acting as mediators in resolving the brouhaha by facilitating dialogue and negotiations between different political parties or factions. They can help create conducive environment for dialogue and strive to find a common ground.

Read Also: Prioritise your health, strengthen bonds with loved ones, God – First Lady tells elderly Nigerians

It is now the best time for all the stakeholders and indeed the gatekeepers of our society to use their influence, wealth of experience, and resources to advocate for efforts that will foster peaceful existence that accounts for a redirection of efforts and elimination of both the centripetal and centrifugal conjugations. They need to speak out, not necessarily, to apportion blames, name and shame anyone, but to promote a healthy conversation at a time like now that such is needed. Diplomacy should be the focal point in this instance.

Political stakeholders must now embark on a mission to rekindle the trust, reunite and work towards building a lasting legacy of selfless service by showing good examples to the teeming younger generation that is keenly watching and documenting their outings. They must work assiduously to heal our land and re-unite for a common objective-develop a human capital base. Too much heat is not good for Benue State.

Our stakeholders must and can play a role in ensuring that all relevant parties are involved in the reconfiguration process. This includes marginalized groups, such as women, youth, and minority communities. By promoting inclusivity and participation, political stakeholders can help to address grievances and build a more friendly and participatory space.

It sinks badly when those who are vertically and horizontally placed in places of responsibility turnaround and start playing the roles of the devil’s advocates. An abrupt deviation from this malpractice will salvage the situation and rededicate our energy into more productive ventures. It is time for the “Critical Stakeholders”, and indeed, all the first class chiefs, who have seen it all, to step up their games.

Good enough, most of these honourable and distinguished personalities have already spoken on the news to give the governor a level-playing ground for him to steer the affairs of the state. Those who haven’t done so are enjoined to follow suit. This is the least of the duties that they owe Benue State at the moment.

Overall, no political elder need promote any form of negative energy. It is important that each and every one refrains from recruiting jobbers to escalate issues and elevate them out of proportion. Through mediation, advocacy, reconciliation efforts, mutual respect, inclusivity, monitoring, and promoting good governance, they can contribute to the much needed long-term peace and tranquillity that we crave for in the state.

•Kumun, is Principal Special Assistant to the Benue State governor on Print Media.
December 22, 2023
Tudun Biri: An alternative viewpoint
- By: Nurudeen Dauda
SIR: The bombing of people gathered for “Maulud” on December 3 by a Nigerian Army drone in Tudun Biri, Igabi LGA of Kaduna State is very disheartening. Is it a failure of intelligence, command or “technical” failure? Why is it recurring under a professional armed forces like ours? Should we continue to accept a “repeated” incident of this nature as mistake?

This must not be swept under the carpet as the previous ones. There should and or must be a thorough and transparent investigation to unravel the real causes of this avoidable disaster in order to prevent a repeat. There must be payment of “Diyya” (compensation) to the families of the victims by the government. Appropriate “Diyya” should be given!

However, it seems like we have not learnt any lesson from Boko Haram crisis. Conspiracy theories made it last longer than necessary. We are at it again! There are now so many conspiracy theories being dished out left- right and centre by many people especially politicians on the unfortunate incident of Tudun Biri. It is sad to note that we often politicize security issues or whip ethnic or regional and or religious sentiments on it.

Conspiracy theories both nationally and internationally were responsible for the escalation of Boko Haram crisis. From the onset, some non-western educated people supported the sect because they erroneously believed that western educated people (‘Yan Boko) were agents of corruption, inequality, injustice, and embezzlement which are all taught in western schools.

Some people in Borno State were even clapping, dancing and rejoicing anytime Boko Haram hit security agencies. The sect members were initially being hailed and shielded by their parents, brothers and sisters until it backfired.

Read Also: NGF, ex-VP Sambo, Emir seek thorough probe of Tudun Biri error bombings

In the same vein, during the height of Boko Haram crisis, despite the fact that most of the Boko Haram leaders and members were Kanuris, some northerners alleged that it was created by President Jonathan to “depopulate” the north. On the other hand, it was alleged that some southerners advised President Jonathan not to take the fight against Boko Haram “serious” because it was created by the north to embarrass him and to make the country ungovernable.

Killing of Nigerians by the armed forces in the name of mistakes is inexcusable. However, for us to get it right, we must keep ethnic, regional and/or religious politics aside in order to understand the root causes of our crises. It is high time we get back to our senses. Politicians will always use our sad moments as their political capital. A lot of politicians are playing politics with our sad moments in order to score some political points.

I believe that most of the crises in the north from farmer-herder clashes, cattle-rustling, armed banditry and kidnappings etc., are largely from within. It is important we understand it from this perspective and find a lasting solution than dishing out conspiracy theories.

As we acknowledge and salute the sacrifices being made by our gallant armed forces in protecting us we must therefore urge them to remain professional in their services to the nation.
- Nurudeen Dauda, Kaduna State.
December 20, 2023
Another bleak Christmas looms
- By Mike Kebonkwu
End of year, 2022 and Christmas was harrowing for many Nigerians. Most Nigerians marked the Christmas and end of year activities but could not celebrate because there was no money in their pockets to buy the essentials and necessaries for their families. It was a tale of woes; no thanks to the Muhammadu Buhari-led government’s end of year package of change of the colour of the local currency, the Naira.   People were made to deposit their old notes and swap with the newly designed notes within a very short duration of time. Many people who had savings in their banks’ accounts could not make withdrawals and those who live by the day had no money to trade and buy even the most basic of needs because the new note was in short supply. The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and the government told the nation and the world that the economy was going cashless in full swing. This is in the midst of huge illiterate population domiciled in our communities, villages and hamlets that do not engage in banking of any kind, and have no bank accounts. Furthermore, we are also talking about huge population without mobile phone and for those that have phone they could do no more than receive and make calls.

Typical of our fire brigade approach to virtually everything, there were no proper or adequate arrangements for people to swap their old notes.   The situation was chaotic as people besieged banks at wee hours of the day and queued endless at the Automated Teller Machines (ATM) that will not dispense cash. The old notes disappeared and the new one was scarce and unavailable. People developed acute migraine and suffered all manners of indignities just to get money to buy food and medicine.

The motive and big idea behind the whole currency change turned out simply to be a political tool wrapped in fiscal monetary garb deployed and targeted to tackle opponents for political end; without evidence of economic benefit either to individuals or the economy. It only brought with it hardship, pain with no gain, and in some cases death. The economy as well as private businesses and individuals are yet to fully recover from it.

Here we are again, another end of the year 2023, one year after and anniversary of the change of the colour of the Naira.   Again, there is Naira scarcity of the worse kind. It started first as rumour that there was Naira scarcity in some states a few months ago. It has now taken a worse dimension of national crises. We cannot just continue like this.   People walk on the streets in anger and frustrations, struggling to eke out a living. After the petrol subsidy removal, prices of goods and services sky-rocketed. To add to the pain, there is now no currency note or cash in their pockets; the situation is grim and agonizing. For the lucky few that have deposits in their account, their luck would not even take them far as they cannot withdraw more than N10,000 over the counter or with their ATM card.

It does not matter how much money you have in the account; that is the situation staring us in the face. Yours sincerely had a personal experience as I went to a banking hall with my cheque to do some transactions. I am actually old-fashioned with little internet savvy. Besides, I love the whiff of crisp naira notes in my wallet. At least with some cash one could buy from the local neighbourhood markets and sometimes also get food from the food vendor under the Lin tree shade close to my office. Why would the apex bank, the CBN not be able to satisfy the circulation of local currency demand of citizens? Where is the deposit money of customers? The government monetary policy has virtually killed all the petty businesses, small and medium businesses that thrive on cash from day to day; vegetable vendors, yam etc. Using the internet banking has been as challenging as ever as most transactions still fail due to hiccups and delays.

Read Also: Christmas comes to bless

The Point of Sale (POS) services operators have turned shylocks, bleeding the already sapped Nigerian. For citizens to embrace the cashless economy, efficient and right infrastructure and environment must be provided by the government for ease of doing business.   Why are we perpetually condemned and sentenced to pain just to solve our economic problem only to remain in the same position going round the circle?    This time around, it appears that some gnome and eerie spirits have spirited away depositors money at the commercial as well and the apex bank. Government and CBN officials are telling us some people are hoarding the local currency! How, a currency that is in free fall due to rising and uncontrolled inflation and has virtually lost its value! Something just does not add up!

It is time to interrogate the competencies of those driving our monetary and fiscal policies and supervising our economy. Apart from civil servants and probably those who earn their salaries through the banks, any reasonable person will think twice now before taking money to deposit in the bank when he knows that it will be a tug of war to get his money whenever the needs arises. It has become necessary for the people to engage the government in a democratic dialogue to find out what is happening.

People will now resort to traditional banking system of putting money in carved earthenware pots, under the carpets and pillows with its security risk and implications. Sadly, when you have access to currency note even from the banking halls, they are torn, worn-out; smelly dirty notes that you are given. Inquiry revealed that the money in circulation is highly likely to be the ones that the CBN had signed out for destruction and replacement. However, these currency notes find its way back into circulation through same corrupt official at the apex bank in collusion with deposit banks. We have to demand accountability from the government and officials. We just have to rise up to the occasion and insist that the proper thing is done by officials at all levels. We should not leave it only to the Femi Falanas and a few activists out there who have been branded as professional agitators.

The national minimum wage of N35,000 is not paid; many states are not even operating the scheme and are paying salaries in arrears. The price of a bag of local rice is over N48,000 at the moment, well above the minimum wage. Rice goes with soup or stew and other condiments. School fees for those with the misfortune of having children in school have to be paid. Medicals and basic drugs are beyond the reach of sick people and elderly who are dependent on drugs for one age related cause or the other. No visible government intervention and we do not have producing pharmaceutical companies.

We are sentenced to consume and patronize substandard drugs imported by unscrupulous dealers from India and China; killing our people in the process! How long shall we continue on this ugly trajectory of greed and unpatriotic behaviours! Why have we reduced our value system to money, and only what money can buy? This is why we are breeding brigands and hooligans as political leaders and nobody is taking us seriously.

Look at the huge distraction in Rivers State today where the House of Assembly complex has been demolished and other illegalities being perpetrated just because someone feels his political structure is threatened. It is a shame to reduce the electorate and people of a state to an individual’s political structure and everybody is watching and doing nothing to protect democracy and the rule of law. For the current naira scarcity, the government must do something fast and drastically to arrest this ugly drift to give succour to Nigerians at this Yuletide and end of year’s celebrations.
- Kebonwu Esq is an Abuja-based attorney.
December 20, 2023
Tertiary educational institutions, IPPIS, other matters
- By Andrew A. Erakhrumen
Many people, particularly the stakeholders in the tertiary educational sector, were all agog over the recently well-publicised news that the Federal Executive Council has approved the exemption of federal tertiary educational institutions from the Integrated Payroll Personnel Information System (IPPIS) “…..with immediate effect”.

Cursorily, this is a good move from this current central government! Certainly, it is not yet time for celebrations because of the long history of insincerity from several past governments concerning their promises to Nigerians. For some of us, we are, rightly, treading cautiously based on our episodic memory. While we commend this move, as it stands today, there is no “big deal” concerning the removal (exemption) of these institutions from IPPIS platform because there was no need for their forceful enrolment in the first instance. That action by the anti-intellectual former president, Muhammadu Buhari and his confused and directionless co-travellers with anti-education mentality was a senseless voyage – to nowhere – in a rudderless ship powered by vain ego. While deceiving themselves and others with fake anti-corruption mantra, IPPIS succeeded in centralising “…..series of fraud and other malfeasance on payrolls belonging to [federal] government…..for the benefit of a few top civil servants, bureaucrats and politicians…..”. Yes, “corruption” is everywhere in Nigeria, now, with its greatest enablers being those in public offices!

Deep-thinking people including Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) gave reasons why government’s forceful enrolment of federal universities’ members of staff on IPPIS was inappropriate and illegal but the anti-intellectuals saw no reason with them. It was all about “we are in power and control” by those low quality public office holders and uncivil civil servants! For almost four years of this misadventure called IPPIS in tertiary educational institutions, there has not been ONE “ghost worker” discovered there while “corruption” festered in the office of the Accountant-General of the Federation through the IPPIS ‘window’.

Of course, IPPIS was (is) meant to punish those ‘arrogant’ people calling themselves intellectuals, first and foremost, in Nigerian federal universities. According to Fela Anikulapo-Kuti (1938–1997), it has been the case of “…..Sorrow Tears and Blood….” for those who know where the shoe pinches. It was, and still is, a catastrophic experience for those whose peanuts called “salaries” were ‘hanging’ somewhere for months through IPPIS! We know of people who suffered severe pain, life-threatening situations and death owing to unexpected dislocations, caused by unpaid ‘salaries’, which were not their fault! Nigerians have gone through a lot! They are still going through terrible conditions! As the years go by, it continuously appears as if all Nigerian governments are constantly set up to punish the people they were/are expected to superintend over! Why will people not “Japa” anyhow?

Read Also: IPPIS: Centralised payment platform will reduce ghost workers — NAAT

However, in order to not sound pessimistic (although, we still do not have a sound and convincing basis for optimism), it will be a commendable venture if the current central and other sub-national governments are trying to positively depart from the negative route established by their predecessors. History has it that no group of people, and their governments, have succeeded in moving forward, positively, with anti-intellectualism mind-set and actions! Knowledge rules the world; thus, the politicians and ruling class should work with the intellectuals and intelligentsias for the benefit of the majority of the people. Currently, there is a dangerously growing wide gulf between the rulers and ruled. It will be beneficial if the ruling class get off its high horse and admit its wrongness in not engaging those producing knowledge, and their sound knowledge, in sourcing evolving solutions to societal challenges. Each society has its problems but the ruling class cannot claim to have the monopoly of knowledge for solving them! Observably, Nigerian governments are still suffering from hang-over from dictatorship inherited from military rule. The (warped) Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution that was not originally written by the people is also a challenge. Yet, it is disheartening to see those being referred to as “democrats”, before May, 1999, behaving worse than the military despots that many Nigerians fought to send back to the barracks!

To be sincere, there is currently no basis to discredit the arguments of critics who still hold the belief that there is no significant difference between the past and current central government. For instance, they ask: where is the student loan that was supposed to have been operational since September? Where are the palliatives to cushion the effects of the unprecedented astronomical increases in the price of premium motor spirit (also known as petrol) since May 29? Government calls it petroleum subsidy removal; the discerning knows it as petroleum price increase! Where is the demeaning N35,000 monthly palliative promised to federal government workers since September? Concerning the federal universities, where are the promotion arrears as far back as 2015/2016? Where are the unpaid salaries, for months, to many lecturers, in these universities as a result of the lacuna already identified on the IPPIS platform?

Where are the earned academic allowances said to be in the 2023 budget that was signed into law? Where are the withheld eight months ‘salaries’ resulting from a strike action for which IPPIS was part of the reasons? Where are the ‘salaries’ from the ‘new salary scales’ for workers in tertiary educational institutions? The ‘new salary scales’, without collective bargaining, (with good intentions, we are told), were unilaterally adopted, by government, to be operational from January, 2023.

To some, it may (rightly or wrongly) appear too early to doubt these promises by the federal government; nonetheless, experience has been a good teacher to us. We have consistently learnt that talk is cheap especially from politicians! They will always say what they think people want to hear. Therefore, we have gone far beyond the level of being shocked by disappointment from any politician or government. Although, government’s untrustworthiness is condemnable but we are prepared for it! A government that took over power, from another, from the same political ‘party’, should not be in power for more than six months and still be promising what it has power to implement during the month it was sworn in!

Or, did this federal government (and its “technical advisers” at the Bretton Woods Institutions) require six months to increase the price of petrol in what they call petroleum subsidy removal? It took only minutes (on the day this federal government was inaugurated) for the pronouncement to be made by the president! To clear doubts that this government is now departing from the old path of “promise and fail”, it should immediately defray all monetary arrears earlier-highlighted. Once this is done, the “doubting Thomas” amongst, and in, us will be easily convinced with clear facts on the table.

Finally, we really hope to be proven wrong that the federal government is not trying to use this IPPIS matter as a carrot (decoy) to achieve its decades-long well-known desire to fully abandon public universities through poorer funding.
- Erakhrumen teaches at the University of Benin.
December 20, 2023
On Ogun gubernatorial election petition
- By Funmi Branco
On Friday November 24, a special panel of the Court of Appeal delivered judgment in the appeal filed by Ladi Adebutu and PDP against the re-election of Governor Dapo Abiodun as Governor of Ogun State in March. The court dismissed PDP’s appeal and affirmed the judgment of the Election Petition Tribunal which upheld Governor Abiodun’s declaration as governor. Three justices heard and judged the appeal – Justice Ikyegh, Justice Mustapha, and Justice Inyang. Ikyegh and Mustapha dismissed the appeal, while Justice Inyang upheld the appeal.

PDP and Adebutu have since gone to town saying that they won the appeal, based on Justice Inyang’s decision. By simple logic, Justice Inyang’s judgment cannot be the judgment to follow – she was only one of three justices. The other two justices dismissed the appeal – their collective decision outweighs hers. This is a simple fact that common sense dictates, and is the practice of the courts. What Justice Inyang wrote was a dissenting judgment, which Oxford online dictionary defines as “one delivered by a Justice who disagrees with the majority as to the final order resolving the litigants’ dispute.”

Nigeria has many cases in which courts have declared that no matter how forensic or eloquent a dissenting opinion is, it is not the decision of the court on the case. The decision remains the judgment of the majority. If PDP is so sure that it won the appeal stage of the gubernatorial petition against Governor Abiodun, then PDP should not appeal against the decision. PDP and Adebutu should accept the judgment and wait for the supplementary election that Justice Inyang mentioned.

Ordinarily, that should end the matter, but there is more. The dissenting opinion of Justice Inyang is shocking because it completely departs from what Nigerian lawyers have known to be the law and what the courts have consistently expressed as correct – even up until this year in other petition appeals, like the Presidential Election Petition case.

For instance, an elementary legal principle says that witnesses must not give hearsay evidence. This means that a witness can only testify about things they did or saw. They cannot testify about information that was told to them. PDP’s case in the petition was that the number of voters with PVCs in the polling units where elections were cancelled was more than the number of votes in the margin of lead between Governor Abiodun and Adebutu. However, the individual witnesses who testified about the number of PVCs collected in their polling units all said that they did not have personal knowledge of the number of PVCs collected. Each person testified that the figures in their witness statements were told to them by third parties on Election Day. So, what witness evidence did Justice Inyang use to come the conclusion that the margin of lead was slimmer than the number of disenfranchised voters?

And even on disenfranchised voters, Nigerian law is clear – the voters who were disenfranchised must come to court themselves, show that they had PVCs to vote and that they attended the polling units to vote on Election Day. While PDP alleged that over 40,000 voters were disenfranchised in Ogun State, they brought only about 40 acclaimed voters to court – a mere 0.10% of the number of witnesses needed. So, again, what did Justice Inyang use?

Read Also: Lagos, Ogun, five others named most viable states

Moreover, it is on record that practically all the documents tendered by PDP were dumped on the tribunal. What this means is that the documents were just brought to court but were not read to the court to show what part is relevant to the case. An example may help here – in a case, one side may tender in evidence a dictionary that has 1,600 pages. The court cannot and should not read the entire 1,600 pages. Even the opposing party need not. The party tendering the dictionary has the duty to identify the specific page and definition in that dictionary that he wants to use. Similarly, if a petitioner tenders the voters register, that register is useless until specific witnesses come and start mentioning the precise entries in the register that are relevant to the petitioner’s case.

In its haste to file an unjustified petition, PDP and Adebutu filed a petition without referring to the documents. The register of voters was tendered in a Ghana-Must-Go bag and after the day of tendering that register (before trial began), those documents never featured in the case again. No witness spoke to the documents. No witnesses read them. No witnesses tied them to PDP’s case. PDP did not even eventually use it – because it was not relevant to the Margin of Lead point that was the heart of PDP’s case. So, whose evidence did Justice Inyang rely on to ascertain the number of voters with PVCs who could not vote on Election Day?

On the number of voters who could not vote on Election Day, only two witnesses set out the total number. These were the star witness (whose evidence was all hearsay) and one forensic analyst whose evidence was thrown out because it came by subpoena. Justice Inyang did not upturn the tribunal’s conclusion that the star witness merely repeated hearsay evidence. Justice Inyang also did not upturn the rejection of the subpoenaed witness’ evidence. This means that there was no single witness who stated the total number of voters with PVCs who could not vote on Election Day. So, what figures did Justice Inyang use?

Justice Inyang’s justification for her conclusion was that INEC did not call witnesses and so INEC was firstly deemed to have admitted the PDP’s evidence and secondly subject to the legal presumption of withholding evidence. INEC never admitted PDP’s case. How could INEC have done so? INEC filed a robust defence to the petition, denying practically every allegation that PDP and Adebutu made. Not done, INEC cross examined these witnesses and in fact, some of the strongest bases for the tribunal disbelieving these witnesses were the answers elicited under cross-examination by INEC. Under Nigerian law, if you cross-examine your opponent, you have disputed the case. You can no longer be said to have admitted the case or abandoned your case. Where did Justice Inyang then get the backing for her conclusion that INEC admitted PDP’s case?

Further, it is completely alien to Nigerian law to say that if a party to a court case does not call witnesses, then the presumption of withholding evidence applies. This presumption states that if there is evidence to produce and a party does not produce that evidence, the law will assume that the evidence was not produced because it was unfavourable to the party that withheld it. However, that principle does not quite apply to calling witnesses. The correct position is that a party is not under obligation to present witnesses at all, to present a specific witness, or to present a particular number of witnesses. This is because a party is free to conduct its case as it likes, and because a defending party is only required to call witnesses to answer parts of the opponent’s case that have been proven or credibly substantiated.

If your opponent has not been credible, the burden to refute his case does not even shift to you. Even PDP did not argue that the presumption of withholding evidence applied to the petition.

In any event, an elementary legal principle states that even an admitted claim cannot set up declaratory reliefs. Adebutu approached the court to be declared the Governor of Ogun State. A declaratory judgment is a very potent legal tool because it settles the entitlement of parties against the world. As such, under Nigerian law, even if your opponent admits your claim, you must still prove your case, if you want declaratory reliefs. And this makes sense – imagine that Peter Obi sues Atiku before the court and asks for a declaration that Peter Obi was the winner of the February 2023 Presidential Election. Imagine further that Atiku responds to that case by admitting the claim and confirming that indeed, Peter Obi won the election. Should the court then declare Peter Obi as president because his opponent admitted his claim? That would be ridiculous. Because the relief is a declaratory relief, Obi would be compelled to prove it – he would not be allowed to rely on Atiku’s admission.

So, when Justice Inyang expressed her dissenting opinion, she was saying that Adebutu did not need to prove the case. She was saying that Adebutu could obtain a heavy declaratory judgment simply based on admission. She also closed her eyes to the robust defence filed by APC and Abiodun – both of whom did not admit the case. When the founders of the law stated that justice should be blind, they did not require or envisage that judges themselves would be blind to truth and legal principles.

In summary, PDP’s case was so bad that the only Justice who expressed a minority opinion in its favour had to allege things that PDP did not allege, argue points PDP did not argue, investigate documents that PDP did not read to the court by itself, and express legal points that PDP itself never expressed knowing them to be wrong. It is a good thing that the correct outweighed the incorrect in that court.
- Branco contributes this piece through funmibranco@aol.com
December 20, 2023
Addressing energy poverty and inequality through renewable energy
By: Ayobami Adedinni & Godwin Jimoh

SIR: Lack of electricity in Nigeria critically affects the overall development of its economy. The country has the world’s largest absolute electricity access deficit, with 45 per cent of the population (90 million) lacking access to the electricity grid, a recent World Bank report states. Large disparities exist in access to electricity between urban areas (84 per cent) and rural ones (26 per cent). This deficit has increased by over seven million citizens over the last decade as the pace of population growth has overtaken the pace of electrification, the report adds. This disproportionately affects vulnerable groups, particularly women and children, worsening existing inequalities.

Electricity is an essential part of modern life and important in driving socio-economic development. People’s needs for electricity vary from powering home appliances, operating machines, enabling communication, storing agricultural produce, preserving medical equipment, and transportation, to mention but a few. Nigeria should be able to transmit about 15,000 megawatts (MW) of electricity, but due to weak and ageing infrastructure, it transmits less than 5000 MW of about 13,000MW of electricity generated to its over 200 million citizens.

These recurring energy challenges have further worsened the country’s economy and forced vulnerable groups’ reliance on unclean and unsustainable sources like kerosene and firewood, leading to respiratory illnesses and deforestation.

A recent report by the Sustainable Energy for All (SEforALL), estimates that 40 per cent of PHCs in Nigeria lack access to electricity. This lack of reliable access to energy continues to undermine the coverage and quality of basic healthcare and social welfare services delivered to millions of people in the country.

Nigeria’s recurring electricity challenges have further resulted in weakened industrialization, unemployment, the withdrawal of foreign investments, and her inability to compete in the global market. The World Bank estimates that Nigeria loses about $29 billion a year resulting from unreliable electricity.

Access to reliable and affordable energy is essential for socio-economic development and the overall well-being of communities. In Nigeria, decentralized renewable energy solutions have great potential to bridge the energy gap and provide access to electricity in both rural and urban centres. According to a recent IRENA release, renewable energy can help Nigeria not only meet its energy needs but also power sustainable economic growth and create jobs while achieving global climate and sustainable development objectives.

Read Also: Renewable energy: Electric vehicle expert urges FG to support local players

Adopting renewable energy sources like solar, biomass, and hydro presents a compelling solution to address energy poverty and promote sustainable development in Nigeria. Renewable energy will be more affordable and accessible to last-mile communities where grid extension is expensive. Renewable energy sources, such as solar PV and mini-grids can generate electricity for hospitals, schools, companies, farm operations, transportation, and powering home appliances, among others.

Women often require energy for productive activities like sewing, processing agricultural products, and running small businesses. Renewable solutions like solar-powered lanterns and micro grids can address these specific needs, empowering women and contributing to their economic independence. The adoption of clean cooking technologies serves as a suitable alternative to save their health and environmental hazards.

The way forward in bridging the energy gap is:

•Federal and state governments should implement supportive policies that incentivize investments in renewable energy and facilitate grid integration.

•Removal or grant of tax waivers on imported renewable energy equipment and streamlining of licensing procedures in Nigeria.

•Improving the income of rural women to catalyze the achievement of transion to clean energy.

•There should be more public-private partnerships, i.e., collaborative efforts between the government, private sector, and NGOs like renewable energy-driven associations like the Renewable Energy Association of Nigeria (REAN) to leverage resources and expertise for the implementation of renewable energy projects, facilitate project monitoring, and collectively address challenges.

•State and local government should invest in efficient clean stove programs for women and small-scale clean energy agro-processing machines.

•Innovative investment for implementing renewable energy and removal of bottlenecks from local financial institutions.

•Adequate education and training should be provided for women, especially in rural areas, in the use of clean cooking technologies and solar energy systems.

•Innovative financing models, such as micro-finance and green bonds, are accessible to renewable energy developers to design projects for low-income households and communities.

•Adopting demand-side subsidies and grants to make renewable energy solutions more affordable for low-income households and communities.

.Promoting public awareness by stakeholders like the Renewable Energy Association of Nigeria to create awareness and more adoption of renewable energy and to further speed up Nigeria’s energy transition targets.
- Ayobami Adedinni & Godwin Jimoh, Renewable Energy Association of Nigeria, Abuja.
December 20, 2023
Northern Nigeria and its out-of-school children
By: Aisha Ali Abubakar

SIR: In Northern Nigeria, the rising number of out-of-school children presents a significant challenge to the region’s development and future prospects. The complex interplay of socio-economic, cultural, and infrastructural factors has perpetuated this issue, leaving a substantial portion of the youth population without access to education, a fundamental human right.

Socio-economic disparities stand as a primary hurdle in ensuring children’s enrolment and retention in schools. Poverty-stricken families often struggle to prioritize education due to financial constraints, compelling children to leave school to support their families. The cyclical nature of poverty exacerbates this situation, trapping generations in a cycle of limited opportunities and perpetuating educational disparities.

Cultural norms and practices in Northern Nigeria contribute significantly to the educational imbalance, especially for girls. Deep-rooted beliefs, early marriage customs, and societal expectations limit girls’ access to education. These norms undermine the importance of education for girls, leading to disproportionately low enrolment rates and hindering their overall development and empowerment.

Moreover, inadequate infrastructure and educational resources further impede children’s access to education in the region. The shortage of schools, trained teachers, and educational materials, particularly in rural and remote areas, presents a significant challenge. Limited access to safe transportation options also compounds the problem, making it difficult for children to reach schools regularly.

Read Also: Jigawa, UNICEF, other to address Out-of-School rate

Addressing the issue of out-of-school children in Northern Nigeria demands a multifaceted approach. Government intervention is pivotal, requiring policies that address poverty alleviation and provide financial aid to families. These policies should prioritize and incentivize education, particularly for marginalized communities, to ensure equitable access for all children.

Community engagement and awareness campaigns play a vital role in reshaping mind-sets and breaking cultural barriers. Educating communities about the transformative power of education, especially for girls, can challenge existing norms and encourage families to prioritize schooling for their children. Empowering local communities through education-focused initiatives fosters an environment conducive to learning.

Investments in infrastructure development are crucial to improving educational access. Building more schools, ensuring adequate educational resources, providing teacher training, and establishing safe transportation networks are necessary steps to enhance educational opportunities for children in Northern Nigeria.

Collaborative efforts between government agencies, non-governmental organizations, community-based groups, and private sectors are essential. These partnerships can pool resources, expertise, and innovative solutions to reach out to the most marginalized children effectively.

In conclusion, addressing the issue of out-of-school children in Northern Nigeria necessitates a comprehensive and collaborative effort. By addressing socio-economic, cultural, and infrastructural challenges collectively, Northern Nigeria can pave the way for an inclusive and equitable education system. Providing quality education to all children is not only a fundamental right but also a catalyst for breaking the cycle of poverty and fostering sustainable development in the region.
- Aisha Ali Abubakar (Kirawa), Borno State University, Maiduguri.
December 20, 2023
Climate Change and Africa’s absence in the energy transition framework
- By Kola Ibrahim
The current global approach to fighting climate change and systematically transitioning to clean energy will leave Africa in the cold. While Africa’s participation in the research and development of climate adaptation is very negligible, its role in the climate mitigation technology and development is also controlled by external forces. Despite Africa having significant natural resources necessary for mitigation technology, the continent plays no fundamental role in mitigation development. For instance, Africa has some of the important natural resources for renewable energy, yet most of the renewable energy investments and technologies are not in Africa, neither is Africa playing any role in important aspects of the renewable energy technology value addition.

For instance, over 70% of Cobalt mining is from Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC); 65.2% of Manganese mining is in South Africa, Gabon, Ghana and Cote d’Ivoire; 21.3% of Graphite resources is in Mozambique and Madagascar; 89% of Iridium resources is in South Africa; 73.6% of Platinum is in South Africa, and 13.5% of Copper in DRC and Zambia. This is based on current information. There is possibility that more deposits of these and other minerals may be discovered, both within and outside Africa.

Moreover, new technology may expose new natural resources useful for renewable technology. An instance is the discovery of phosphate, titanium and vanadium deposit in Norway, which quantity, according to Norge Mining Company, could provide 50 years of global supply (IRENA, 2023). In fact, more than half of African countries have at least one critical mineral needed for renewable energy development.

Aside the mineral resources are other natural capital, including wind power, solar potential, water bodies, rainforests, mangrove and water bodies. According to a brief by International Finance Corporation, Africa’s wind energy technical potential is more than 250 times its current electricity generation. IRENA also estimated Africa’s solar energy technical potential at 7,900 Gigawatt. Yet, if the 93 Gigawatt of wind power added globally in 2022 was installed in Africa, it will provide electricity for 737 million people in Africa, who lack access to electricity. This means that Africa has all the wind and solar resources to provide universal electricity access not only for the current population, but also for powering its development and industrialisation on an environmentally sustainable basis. Africa has the second largest river (Nile) and longest river (Congo), aside several rivers across Africa that provide opportunity for hydro renewable energy generation.

Another example of Africa’s natural capital is the Congo basin rainforest, the second biggest rainforests in the world, spanning six central African countries (DRC, Congo Brazzaville, Gabon, Cameroon, Central African Republic and Equatorial Guinea). These forests, spanning 3.3 million square kilometers, provide natural mitigation services for the world, with annual net carbon dioxide sequestration put at 600 million tonnes of CO2 equivalent, while the forests reportedly store an estimated 25 to 30 billion tonnes of CO2 equivalent (Creeze et al, 2022). This is aside other rainforests (e.g. West Africa rainforests) across the continent.

In spite of these huge natural capital that can facilitate Africa’s sustainable clean and sustainable energy sufficiency and provide leadership in climate mitigation development globally, the continent is far behind in development of renewable and clean energy technology. This is not unconnected with the lack of serious investment in research and development and funding for climate change technology (both mitigation and adaptation). This is coupled with gross underdevelopment of the continent, which means it has little fund for research and development, that often require huge financial resources. Worse still, global climate change and green technology, research and inventions have been patented and controlled by the developed capitalist countries and big multinational corporations. Consequently, the continent’s built renewable energy capacity, aside being very little, is also controlled by global finance capital outside of Africa. Currently, global renewable energy market, especially wind and solar PV and battery technology and market are dominated by China, Europe and the US.

Africa, at 194 TWh, has only a tiny share (2.5%) of global renewable electricity generation. Africa came third after Oceania and the Caribbean regions, which are smaller regions in terms of landmass, population, economic size and resources (IRENA and AfDB, 2023). Moreover, majority of Africa’s renewable electricity generation comes from hydro-power generation. Out of the 54GW of renewable energy generation capacity, hydropower contribute at least 38GW (63%) in 2021, with 60 percent of this installed hydropower being more than 20 years old. Solar and wind energy contribute 10.4GW and 6.5GW respectively.

With renewable sources constituting only 20.7% of Africa’s current electricity generation (hydro, 17.4%; solar, 1.5%; wind, 1.2%, and geothermal, 0.6%), and Africa’s electricity shortfall at 160GW, it means Africa’s renewable energy generation will be overwhelmingly dominated in the coming period by external sources. Currently, China, North America, Europe, Asia Pacific and India control 91% of global solar energy manufacturing market with Africa having only 1.65%. Also, in the wind energy market, Africa only has 1.1% of the market share, while China, US and Europe control 82% of the market. The wind farms in Africa are controlled by foreign businesses.

Interestingly, most of the investments in Africa are from external sources. For instance, in the hydropower energy sub-sector, China accounts for 60% of all investment in Africa between 2009 and 2018. China also account for 55% of solar PV module supply, and 19% of solar product EPC (engineering, procurement and construction) in Africa.

In terms of renewable research and development (R&D), Africa is far behind. Of the $3.14 billion spent on renewable energy R&D globally in 2022, Africa’s contribution is very negligible. Furthermore, Africa does not appear in major patents ownership in the renewable, clean energy and low-carbon energy technology, which is dominated by Japan, United States, China, Germany and Korea.

Read Also: Rivers crisis: loyalists blast Rep member for attacking Wike

The implication of these facts is that Africa will be an insignificant player in the global energy transition. Beyond this, it will mean Africa’s economy, which is in dire need of power, will be more tightly controlled under the green economy than – or as much as – under the current fossil fuel (black) economy. While Africa will be severely impacted by climate change and global warming, caused by historical and current emissions from major industrialised economies, the pro-market solutions being proposed through the green economy, energy transition and climate adaptation by global multilateral institutions will further put Africa’s economy and society under the dictates of global finance capital, as Africa is currently playing an insignificant role in technology, investment and knowledge acquisition.

In summary, Africa will have no say in, or input to policies and actions on climate change that directly affect its people. It is not accidental that most of the Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) and action plans on climate change by African countries are horridly put up with no serious scientific input. Most of the data used in arriving at major plans and actions are premised on assumptions, since there are no serious localised research and knowledge of climate change impact, especially loss and damage.

No doubt, some minimal clean energy and green technology investments have been made in some African countries. Most of these projects were funded through foreign loans (either concessional or business). Moreover, the infrastructures to harness the major benefits of the projects are not available. For instance, the Ethiopia’s Grand Renaissance Dam, which is expected to add six gigawatt, needs transmission and distribution infrastructure, which is currently not available. Secondly, the project is financed by Chinese financial institutions, with most of the technologies imported. Also, Morocco’s solar and wind projects have the capacity to provide electricity for parts of Africa, but on the basis of capitalist market arrangement, this cannot made be possible because the projects, aside being funded through loans, are aimed at making profits, not lighting up Africa. It is therefore not accidental that Morocco’s solar electricity is being exported to Europe, which already has overcapacity for electricity, rather than being used within Africa, where there is huge shortfall of electricity generation and supply.

In summary, the current state of Africa in terms of technology acquisition and ownership, as well as participation in climate solution production is very negligible and will therefore subject the continent to further economic slavery. Africa, aside being terribly impacted by global warming and climate change caused historically and in the contemporary period, by major industrialised economies, will also bear the cost of adapting to impacts of climate change and global transition to clean energy, not with its own technology, but through opening up its economy to exploitation of its natural capital, human resources and wealth. Yet, the biggest challenge is that most African countries are stuck with fossil economy, either as fossil fuel producer or major consumer, whose economies and infrastructures are dependent on fossil fuel. Therefore, African governments, and especially its people demand for serious restructuring of the global climate change governance system, if they are to come out of climate change stronger, economically and socially.

•Ibrahim, an author and scholar-activist, is a public intellectual and climate justice researcher and campaigner.
December 19, 2023