Category: Comments

  • Why insecurity in the country is political

    Why insecurity in the country is political

    • By Mike Kebonkwu

    Terrorism, banditry, politically motivated killings, large scale abductions and kidnappings for ransoms, ritual killings by cultists, brigandage; just name it!  Sixty-three years after our flag independence, we still live in a state of insecurity; Nigeria is still not free economically and politically.  We are unable to move away from the old tribal prejudices and build a true Nigerian citizenship. Sixty-three years after independence we are still divided more than ever before and have elevated tribal fault lines to religion without any rallying national leadership.  Sixty-three years after independence we are not able to secure the lives and properties and feed our citizens; while criminals and gangsters levy taxes on communities as if there is no government in place. 

    Sixty-three years after independence, criminals kill policemen on duty and cart away their weapons, no consequences.  Insurgents, terrorists attack and ambush military patrols and convoys, no consequences.  Bandits kidnap school children and travellers daily on our roads, no consequences; families are allowed to grieve and pay hefty ransoms.  Just the other day, brigands attacked Abuja-Kaduna bound train and abducted scores, and killed many of the passengers; a government led presumably by a tough retired military general went into negotiation paying off huge ransom under cover.  

    We have lost count of number of schools and school children abducted in the northeast and northwest alone and most of them never returned or rescued. The pattern of attacks and abduction is Taliban-like campaign against the girl-child education in Afghanistan and our leaders go to sleep with two eyes closed. The spate of insecurity has become grim and frightening when soldiers are ambushed and killed on the lines of duty by brigands who share the links on social media.  

    At the end of the day, the only response from the government and military high command is the platitude that the criminals will be brought to book, ‘otan’; which book? Our rights to life and freedom of movement have been abrogated not by force of law or constitution but by the abdication of responsibility by the government that has failed to live up to its bidding to provide safety and security to citizens.

    Brigands levying war on the state and ethnic agitators for self-determination are turbaned as celebrities, heroes and freedom fighters.  These are people who are laying siege to our ways of life and attacking symbols of authority of the state.   They operate from the heartland of the communities with some of them honoured with chieftaincy titles from the traditional stools.  Politicians and clerics present these brigands as activists fighting for economic liberation of their people demanding that the federal government negotiate with them and grant them amnesty or pardon.  Political leaders and clerics cannot be holding brief for criminals and expect that the problem of insecurity will go away! 

    Sadly, the military has been misled by the wrongheaded political campaign and advocacy to embrace negotiation with these brigands and terrorists establishing dedicated units and personnel to engage in de-radicalization, training and reintegration of so-called repented terrorists.  Negotiation with terrorists and criminals just cannot be the business of the military and security forces; that is up to politicians and religious people where necessary. When soldiers are invited, the method of dialogue and negotiation will change. What I understand as a global best practice and doctrine of military negotiation with enemies of the state is through the barrels of the assault rifle.  A soldier’s dialogue with criminals and brigands should only be through the back-sight aperture of his AK-47 rifle with a view to neutralize the miscreants.  Soldiers are not trained as diplomats and arbitrators; they are trained to shoot and kill!

    The spate of insecurity is alarming almost always at this time of the year and the entire country has become a huge theatre.  We may not get to know the scale of casualties and victims in statistical exactitude but the situation is grim everywhere you go.  To live the next day in the country is counted as gain and miracle.  You have to watch your back anywhere you find yourself whether it is in the market, on the roads or in places of worship.  Even though our houses are built like correctional centres with high prison walls, the home does not offer the usual peace as a place of safety. 

    Insurgents, kidnappers and bandits are on the rampage.  The recent kidnapping of some students at the Federal University Gusau in Zamfara State is not just an isolated case where the federal and state governments are trading words over the usual negotiation and pacification of the brigands.   It is a common and daily experience of the ordinary citizen.  We get to know of this latest kidnap because of the social profile of the victims.  Nigeria now compares to Haiti because kidnapping in Nigeria is not a class war as everyone is a potential target by the gangsters.  Any target that enters their net and range is captured and ransomed; the more opportunistic the target the better.

    The insurgents, bandits, unknown gunmen and other criminal elements take on the security forces, soldiers and police as a campaign of terror and intimidation on the state.  The government has been caught almost in a helpless situation engaging in pacific method of appeasement which has driven the stake high for the criminals while the victims languish in internally displaced persons (IDP) camps scattered across country without adequate quarters and boarding. Sometimes the so-called repentant terrorists even go on street protest making demand on the state for promises not kept.

    Read Also: ‘I’m not responsible for insecurity in Imo’

    The catalyst to insecurity in the country is the ethno-cultural and filial defence of the criminals whether it is banditry in the northwest or insurgency in the northeast or ethnic agitation for self-determination in the southeast.  Banditry and kidnapping have become huge trade after oil and gas.  Again, we may never know the mafia Dons and Capone behind the cartel who appear to have connection with official bureaucracy giving them ideological imprimatur and asking for state pardon and amnesty for the criminals.

    To fight insecurity, we have to also confront the pervasive corruption that permeates the ranks and file of the security agencies under the payrolls of the cartels behind the heist both in the oil industry and the merchants driving the insurgency and banditry. Official lethargy for political correctness must also be dealt with while the military and security forces must up their game.  That these criminals are allowed to get away with the audacious attacks on the police and the military without consequences send jitters the spine of citizens that insecurity is run and oiled by a cartel with political influence. 

    Time there was in this country when the mere presence of one single soldier in a neighbourhood would send miscreants and criminals in the neighbourhood scampering for safety as they take flight for fear of the symbol of the state in their presence.  Today, criminals carry the fight to soldiers and dare our security forces even in their deployment and patrols.  The expectations from the military after these attacks should be swift and almost a scotch-earth response on the miscreants capable of permanently neutralizing the audacious bravado and temerity. The brazen attacks on security forces and kidnapping and abductions have to stop.  Sometime ago, some soldiers on patrol were brutally cut down in Shiroro in Niger State by bandits and after threat of dire consequences, we have not seen the heads of those criminals on the platter. 

    Moving forward, we should accept the fact that the insecurity crippling the country is both political and criminal in their dimensions with a seamless mix.  We must also accept the fact that you don’t win the war against criminality by pacification and patronage; criminals do not rationalize.  We should try and severe the ethnic cord and filial bonds and attachment with criminal groups and stop offering them political covers.  The security forces should build up capacity and separate their military callings from political massage and patronage. Corruption in government institutions that sustain criminality and banditry should be fought with heavy hand and conscience and dismantled.  Clerics and politicians who offer platforms and ideological protection should be dealt with without sentiments.  If we fail to stand up now to confront this behemoth of insecurity, then the picture looks bleak tomorrow.  We can still rise above the old prejudices and build a Nigeria of our dream.  Happy Independence Nigeria; viva!

    • Kebonkwu Esq is an Abuja-based attorney.
  • Rescue ECOWAS from obsolescence

    Rescue ECOWAS from obsolescence

    • By Alade Fawole

    Now that France is being called out and facing serious backlash against its toxic neo-colonialism in West Africa is the best time for the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) under Nigerian President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to seize the initiative and begin the process of reinventing itself and resetting its priorities in the light of contemporary geopolitical changes across the globe. It needn’t be delayed any further. Reason: France has been its major albatross, and it is best to strike now that its power is waning. ECOWAS must endeavour to clinically detach itself from its stifling influence, an influence which has crippled the success of many of its noble objectives, one of them being establishing a single regional currency. Africa needs to be truly free from France, and there is hardly a more auspicious time than now to liberate itself from thraldom.

    How should ECOWAS do this reset? Honestly, I have no magic bullet for it, but I believe that the sub-region parades some of the finest intellectuals, thinkers and diplomats who can come up with a framework or action plan. All ECOWAS needs is tap into this rich pool of expertise. The first step is to have a think tank do a comprehensive, holistic and dispassionate reassessment of the governance processes across its 15 member-states, creatively design suitable formulas or templates that are more suited to the histories, cultural peculiarities and contemporary circumstances of the region, as opposed to our current blind subscription to the Western prejudice that nothing but liberal democracy is best for us. (I have more to say on this in a future write-up). As is already clear to all, the so-called liberal democracy we have been goaded into adopting hasn’t performed admirably well for us. 

    Secondly, having done the above, the organization would need to ensure that no member-states are allowed to be left outside its ranks, isolated, marginalized or dismissed from the collective body, for to do that would create cracks in the region that foreign interests would exploit to keep West Africa perpetually subservient and underdeveloped. To that extent, ECOWAS would have to carefully reassess the usefulness, functionality, efficacy and applicability of its sanctions mechanisms, so as to prevent the possibility of self-inflicted implosion. 

    Let’s carefully examine the situation. Currently, four countries out of 15 members – Guinea, Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger Republic – are on suspension and under different sanctions. Three of them, i.e., Niger, Mali and Burkina, are not only landlocked, with no direct access to the sea, but are also the largest territorial states in the sub-region, covering vast swathes of the notoriously inhospitable and largely ungoverned Sahel belt. Being landlocked is by itself a terrible handicap, as their international trade necessarily depends on the seaports and other transportation facilities, in fact on the benevolence of their coastal neighbours. For the sake of unity, collective development and sub-regional security, can we afford these states being totally isolated in a way that completely eviscerates their development? Not a good proposition. 

    The reality, in any case, is also that the remaining member-countries, all of them littoral states with their uninhibited access to the vast Atlantic ocean, cannot simultaneously expect to develop and hope to remain safe, secure and stable, whilst the contiguous Sahelian states with the widespread and intractable jihadi terrorism and insurgency remain isolated. Mali has been in the throes of unrelenting Tuareg insurgency for decades, which even forced ECOWAS to intervene militarily in 2012. Both Burkina Faso and Niger also confront Tuareg insurgency while also coping with relentless murderous jihadi terrorism. A bird that perches on a stretched rope can only remain stable if the rope itself is stable, and vice versa. So it is a case of mutual dependence! All hands must be on deck for collective security and stability to be meaningful.

    That being the reality, ECOWAS would now have to do a thorough reassessment. First, it must neither confuse nor equate itself with the European Union. Unlike the EU which it apes, ECOWAS is not a supranational organization, and as such cannot reasonably enforce the kind of stringent political, social and economic conditionalities, (such as strict adherence to liberal democratic principles and procedures in its domestic governance) that the EU subjects its prospective members to. The time is not yet ripe for that, as ECOWAS is for the time being more of a family grouping and the slightest cracks of disunity will open the regional doors to outside interference which are not in anyone’s interest. It will be impossible to expect Mali, Burkina Faso, Guinea and Niger not to trade one foreign master for another (China and Russia in place of France) as an existential imperative if their own regional kith and kin continue to reject, ostracize and punish them in the name of a backslidden liberal democracy.

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    Let it be clear, I am no fan of military dictatorship, but I’m also realistic enough to know that situations that we have no immediate power to resolve must be wisely and carefully attended to. And I’m not also advocating that these countries be left totally scot-free for their brazen assaults on constitutional rule and breach of ECOWAS protocols, but that ECOWAS should have considerations for the plight of their suffering peoples and also avoid totally ostracizing them from the community. Sanctions are increasingly becoming counter-productive and they hardly change governments these days. Instead, they force dictators to dig in and double down whilst the hapless populations bear the full brunt of imposed sanctions. ECOWAS must not be driven to become enemies of fellow ECOWAS citizens.

    It does West Africa no credit if its leaders allow ECOWAS to unravel, for that would only satisfy its foreign traducers, help to divide and render the sub-region incapable of rising to defend collective interests and coordinate mutually beneficial development. It is the only one among the sub-regional groupings in Africa (AMU, ECCAS, EAEC, SADC, IGAD) to have advanced the cause and processes of continental integration the farthest. It must not be allowed to unravel, for its fall portends a catastrophic setback for the progress that has been recorded in continental integration since 1963. For example, it is obviously impossible to meaningfully implement the newly established African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) whilst member countries are ostracized by sanctions that include border closures, trade embargoes and boycotts.

    Going forward, I suggest that ECOWAS should urgently constitute a high level panel, a think tank of sorts, to be made up of foremost knowledgeable scholars, eminent thinkers, former and serving diplomats and diplomatists, etc. to undertake a critical and clinical appraisal of the situations in the sub-region and design appropriate and actionable steps to take and the methods to adopt. I know I do not have his permission, but frankly speaking, the one name that comes to mind as I write this piece is Professor A. Bolaji Akinyemi, formidable political science and international relations scholar, consummate intellectual, thinker and former foreign affairs minister.  I apologize to the eminent professor if I overreach myself. There are other equally famous personages across the sub-region whose formidable intellect, expertise and experience can be usefully tapped for this purpose. This is my humble recommendation to the ECOWAS chairperson, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

    • Prof Fawole is of Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife.
  • Wrong call, Madame Minister

    Wrong call, Madame Minister

    Women Affairs Minister Uju Kennedy-Ohanenye has been busy walking back her blunder. She disclosed last week that she was herself a victim of sexual harassment in her university days and would, thus, not abet such abuse against other victims. She spoke against the backdrop of the sexual harassment allegation by students of the University of Calabar (UniCal) Law faculty against suspended professor and former dean of the faculty, Cyril Ndifon. The minister had recently made a curious call amidst ongoing investigation of the allegations against Ndifon by the UniCal management, threatening students who claimed they were sexually harassed with jail time if they testified against the law professor.

    Addressing university administrators and journalists on sexual harassment in tertiary institutions at a forum in Abuja last Monday, Madame Minister said she had a lecturer on Constitutional Law while in school who nursed an ulterior motive concerning her and failed her several times because she refused to play along, thereby making her to almost miss going to Law School. She recounted: “We all went to university and we know how some students go for more marks and how some lectures victimise students. I was also a victim while in the university. I also wrote a letter on a particular course in Constitutional Law for my paper to be re-marked, because a lecturer had been failing me and asking me to pay for a place and invite him to come. I wrote a letter after others left for Law School without me. I wrote the letter and requested for a re-marking of my paper in another school and refused to compromise to him. When a panel was set up and my paper was brought, they realised he had written 80 percent but (yet) indicated ‘fail’ on the list.”

    That recollection was with particular reference to the minister’s earlier intervention in UniCal management’s probe of Ndifon that had elicited public uproar. “On the University of Calabar case, I made those calls personally. If a child can come out and carry placards on the streets, is it to speak to a mother like me that will be a problem? All I asked was for justice to be done,” she said, adding along the way: “So, for the UniCalabar case, I spoke with the students, the vice-chancellor and the professor (who) asked us to write him a letter. Now, we are getting more people involved, including the (Department of State Services) DSS, for investigations to be carried out because there are talks that show that there is more going on besides sexual harassment. Without investigation, we won’t know and we would not allow emotions to be involved to ensure we get justice.”

    As minister oversighting women affairs, Kennedy-Ohanenye’s interest in the UniCal affair is in order and indeed expected. It would be oddly negligent of her ministerial brief were it otherwise. But that was also why the manner of her earlier intervention was odd, spurious and at variance with expectation.

    The UniCal management had suspended Professor Ndifon on 17th August after female students of the Law faculty openly protested and petitioned against him, claiming he had subjected them to sexual harassment and assault. Ndifon denied the allegation and countered that the students’ protest was orchestrated by adversaries within the faculty who harboured a grudge against him. Before the suspension, the university management issued the don a query, and said it was dissatisfied with his response; it therefore raised a panel of inquiry to interrogate the charges against him while also giving him the opportunity to defend himself. UniCal Vice-Chancellor, Professor Florence Obi, explained severally that the management was left with no option than to raise the inquiry panel because Ndifon’s accusers were both staff and students of the Law faculty and the allegations were diverse. “Let me emphasise that sexual harassment is not the only issue being investigated by the university, although that is what has taken the centre stage with the public. There are equally serious matters that relate to violation of extant rules and regulations of the university being investigated as raised in the students’ petition,” she said in one her media encounters.

    Read Also: PDP will not exceed four years in Osun, says APC council chair

    According to the vice-chancellor, the inquiry panel was raised in line with public service rules and the university management, in pursuit of an unbiased probe, made sure to involve many interest groups. Observers, she noted, were drawn from the Public Complaints Commission (PCC), the Independent Corrupt Practices and other Related Offences Commission (ICPC), the Nigeria Bar Association (NBA) and Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA), the Nigeria Police gender unit, UniCal alumni and students, among others. “In addition to this, the panel has livestream sessions on zoom as advertised in some national dailies, through which interested persons participate,” she added. The vice-chancellor said she, however, learnt the investigative panel had severally invited Ndifon without him honouring the dates.

    But the call that Madame Minister alluded to in her comment at the Abuja event had not shown as much dispassion. It was the leaked audio of a telephone conversation she had with a UniCal student by which she threatened witnesses to keep off the panel or risk jail time if they give testimony contradicting alleged private confessions to her by the supposed victims. In the audio message, the minister fumed at one of the girls who claimed to have been sexually harassed by the don, warning her not to allow herself be used by the vice-chancellor: “If your VC makes you to go and lie against somebody, you will go to jail, trust me. I want you to be very careful because your future is at stake. You can’t join anybody and maltreat a fellow human being, and equally nobody wants you to be maltreated,” she said.

    The minister plied a treatise on how the witness could get implicated, and this bears being relayed in her words: “The day I spoke with you, I recorded what you said and you told me the whole truth. I have contacted your VC, I don’t know what her plans are, I don’t want to quote anybody, I don’t equally want to condemn anybody or judge anybody. But I want you to be very careful because this thing is going to backfire. If I were you, as you have already said to me: nobody raped you, nobody sexually harassed you. I’ll keep off from this case if I were you. But if she makes you to go there, she is recording whatever you people are saying in that panel and if she records you and I bring my own and get you contradicted and this man has gone to court, my ministry will join them and make you go to jail so that you will be an example to others. So I want you to be very, very careful. You are telling me, if your VC permits you before you can come and see me? There is nothing she can do to you, she is not the one paying your school fees. So, face your future by standing on the truth at all times. Save my number. When you have time to visit me, I will find a way to empower you people so that your life will be easier for you. I am a minister, I am above her by position, you know that. So don’t go and do anything that will put you into a very big trouble, that will scandalise you before the whole world because this matter has gone far and beyond. Now, I won’t play what you people said to me except when you people try to deny it, that is when I will play it. I will conceal it because it’s something you told me in confidence. So, I am warning you to keep off from lying against anybody.”

    Those assertions by Kennedy-Ohanenye were a mélange of witness intimidation, blackmail and inducement simultaneously, besides prejudicial summations about the inquiry’s proceedings. Following the outrage that trailed the leakage of the audio, she tendered an apology, saying her intentions were “sincere and aligned with my consistent advocacy for the welfare of Nigerian women and the pursuit of justice. I stand for all Nigerian women, and I stand for justice.” It was well and good she did that, because it was confounding she had seemed to be pushing to obstruct the UniCal inquiry and exuded more concern for the accused don than for his alleged victims. And she is women affairs minister! Now that she is strenuosly walking back her iterations, she should be courageous to just admit she made a wrong call and not burn energy whitewashing the call.

    •Please join me on kayodeidowu.blogspot.be for conversation.

  • Uzodimma and Imo youths: An appraisal

    Uzodimma and Imo youths: An appraisal

    • By Izunna Chidozie

    Imo Governor, Hope Uzodimma, recently made a skills and engagement promise to Imo youths. While addressing youths at a graduation ceremony of Skill-up Imo initiative in the state, the governor promised to assist no fewer than 4,000 interested indigenes of the state to relocate to Europe and Canada before the end of December this year. Such youths while in Europe would be actively engaged in skills acquisition, job placements and sundry forms of human capital development and entrepreneurship.

    The governor had said while addressing a crowd of mostly youths: “Let me tell you something: I have gone further to negotiate with European Union companies and Canadian companies. They are sending us areas of visible skills which our youth will also learn. By December this year, 4,000 Imo youths will be employed in Europe. Once the letter comes, the governor will pay for your air ticket.”

    Ever since that promise, some Nigerians, including Imo indigenes, have taken to both traditional and social media, to lampoon Uzodimma for encouraging Japa (overseas relocation) syndrome among the youths in his state. Some argued that rather than encourage exodus of Imo youths to Europe and Canada, the governor should work hard to create jobs for such youths in his state.

    While the argument of the governor’s critics may seem plausible on the face of it, it suffers a diminution in logic and essence when subjected to critical analysis within the context of globalisation and modern universal concept of labour movement.

    By pushing a policy that encourages the immigration of Imo youths to Europe and elsewhere, Uzodimma has not done anything new or strange. Whether by design or default, the governor is modelling an Asian Diaspora policy, especially the Chinese model of Diaspora engagement that has seen Chinese citizens migrate from China to Europe, Africa and the Americas for jobs, skills acquisition, study, including study of foreign languages.

    Under President Xi Jinping, for instance, China has fashioned one of the smartest Diaspora policies which encourages China citizens to travel the world for job, studies and skills acquisition. Today’s estimate places the number of people of Chinese origin outside China at over 60 million. While some of these people have acquired citizenship of their current host nations, China still considers them to be nationals of China, regardless of their acquired citizenships. This policy, which is now even more aggressively applied by Beijing, has contributed to China emerging as one of the topmost super powers in the world.

    The Chinese are all over Africa, United States, Canada and Europe working, contracting, studying and actively engaging in all manner of entrepreneurial ventures.

    Ditto for India, Mexico, the Philippines and other emerging powers in Asia. Now, you know why these four countries top the log of nations with highest Diaspora remittances. In 2022, India led the chart with a princely $100 billion in remittances, followed by Mexico with $60 billion, China ($51bn) and Philippines ($38bn). The Chinese are all over the world learning foreign languages, deepening their knowledge of other cultures, expanding their knowhow in tech and science. The Chinese are doing what some persons consider as menial jobs in all parts of Africa including Nigeria. Some have picked up impeccable English, French and Arabic languages. They know what you know, but you don’t know what they know. They understand the ways and cultures of the outside world but the world can barely scratch the surface of the tech might and cultures of the Chinese. This is possible because of a deliberate Chinese policy to encourage its citizens to Japa to the uttermost parts of the world with full government support.

    Read Also: How to prevent Military rule in Africa, by Ganduje

    China is unrelenting in pursuing her well-thought out Diaspora policy because it’s seen as a critical factor in the country’s ever-increasing global influence as a world power. Beijing is consciously husbanding Diaspora Chinese resources in the fields of leadership, economics, science and technology, diplomacy and soft power.

    Those who criticize Uzodimma for not creating the 4,000 jobs in his Imo State should also ask China why she did not create jobs at home for her very strong Diaspora contingent.

    Last year alone, Diaspora remittance to Nigeria stood at over $20 billion. This is in addition to knowledge, skills and values acquired overseas by these Nigerians. These Diaspora Nigerians return home from time to time to apply their skills, create jobs, set up businesses and transfer skills acquired overseas. Many high-flying Nigerian professionals and business people were once Diasporans who returned to the country after their exposure, study and skills acquisition adventures in the West and Asia. That exposure gave them a head-start on their return to the country.

    Truth be told, Nigeria needs a stronger Diaspora contingent. Whether they are medical doctors, nurses, lawyers, innovators, entrepreneurs, factory workers and other artisanal hands in the Americas, Asia, Europe and elsewhere, their cash remittances and skills transfers to Nigeria will help to enhance the nation’s GDP. This is the logic behind Uzodimma’s Diaspora push for Imo youths. They need such exposure. In a country where people sell their land and valuables to finance their migration overseas, a government that offers to help such persons, especially the youths, deserves commendation, not criticism.

    Only an armchair critic would doubt Uzodimma on this. It was the same doubt they expressed when he pledged to upskill Imo youths in the sphere of ICT. As you read this, Uzodimma has fulfilled that promise. He has caused the upskilling of 15,000 Imo youths under the state’s Cohort-2-Skill-up Project, with a promise of training another batch of 40,000 young people in different digital skills.

    The programme did not end at upskilling the youths. They were handed a laptop each as a take-off tool to the acclamation of two key persons in the nation’s digital economy matrix: The Minister of Communications, Innovation and Digital Economy, Bosun Tijani, described the project as a bold step to impact the lives of the youths. He noted that Imo State is emerging as the digital headquarters of Nigeria.

    The other personality who witnessed the graduation ceremony and the presentation of laptops to the youths was Africa’s serial ICT entrepreneur and chairman of Zinox Group, Leo Stan Ekeh. While acknowledging that “nobody has done what Governor Uzodimma is doing in Imo”, the tech billionaire challenged the 15,000 youths to take advantage of the training they have acquired and the tools they have received.

    Logic: If Uzodimma made similar promise to Imo youths before and fulfilled it, there is no reason to doubt that he will fulfil his latest promise to the same youths. For a governor who is the first to create the Ministry of Digital Economy in his state and the first to empower youths in his state with requisite light-years-ahead skills in ICT at such magnitude, Uzodimma should be seen as a futuristic leader on a mission to resource the youths of Imo into competitive global citizens. In the next 15 years, Imo will never be the same again. A Silicon Valley would have sprouted in the eastern heartland courtesy of Uzodimma.

    The Chinese are all over Africa trading (there is a Chinese market in Lagos), doing artisanal jobs and winning the big contracts, Africa should never be shy to ship her citizens to the uttermost parts of the earth to do the same. The International Labour Organisation (ILO) encourages the shared principle of labour movement. Uzodimma has taken one bold step in this direction, he deserves our laudation.

    •Chidozie, public infrastructure management advisor, writes from Owerri, Imo State.

  • INEC’s alarm on November polls

    INEC’s alarm on November polls

    It is improbable anyone would dismiss offhandedly, recent security concerns by the Independent National Electoral Commission INEC on the fate of the November 11, governorship elections in Imo, Kogi and Bayelsa states. Not with the outcome of the last general elections that are still facing a plethora of litigations across the country. Not with observed covert efforts by politicians to convert the dire security situation to partisan political advantage.

    Things are not helped by rulings from election tribunals that voided party primaries’ nominations in Imo State and House of Representatives elections; because candidates emerged through primaries held outside their senatorial zones on account of same insecurity.

    Ironically, the disruptive effect of the security situation prior to the last elections has continued to reverberate across the country as contestants seek redress for perceived electoral infractions. As high as the number of these litigations are, they inexorably highlight two pitfalls – the imperfections of those elections and the refusal by politicians to accept defeat even when the facts of their losses are clear.

    Emotions are bound to be ruffled by yet another alarm from the same electoral body on the prospects of insecurity affecting adversely, the conduct of the impending off cycle polls in three states.  In the instant case, the electoral body is worried that if the level of insecurity in the three states is not brought down, it could affect free and credible polls.

    It’s National Commissioner, Mohammed Haruna threw up this foreboding possibility when he warned that if ‘insecurity is allowed to continue, there is the likelihood that people will be afraid to come out to vote on the election day’. He said the impact is already being felt as INEC is having a shortfall in the number of ad hoc staff to superintend over the elections as most of those expected to work are afraid of their safety.

    Apparently worried by the growing level of insecurity and violence in Kogi and Imo states, Haruna described the situations as unacceptable and unhealthy for our democracy even as he rated Bayelsa a shade better than the other two states.

    Before the last general elections, the same electoral umpire had raised similar concerns on the possibility of elections not holding in sufficient constituencies as to adversely affect their outcome due to insecurity. Chairman, Board of The Electoral Institute, TEI, INEC’s training arm, Prof. Abdullahi Zuru shared this view as the elections drew nearer.

    He had warned that, “if the insecurity is not monitored and dealt with decisively, it could ultimately culminate in the cancellation and or postponement of elections in sufficient constituencies to hinder the declaration of election results and precipitate a constitutional crisis”.

    At other times, the commission was clearly apprehensive of the recurring attacks on its facilities across the country and their fallouts on the conduct of free and fair elections. But it got assurances from the security hierarchy that things would improve to allow the polls to go on without substantial theat.

    INEC was not just crying wolf then.  The concerns were clearly evident from the unceasing security infractions across the country. There was the challenge of the Boko Haram insurgency in the northeast, banditry and kidnapping for ransom in the northwest and insurgency of the herdsmen and sundry criminalities in the north- central. The southeast and southwest contended with self-determination agitations, kidnapping and other criminal manifestations while militancy held sway in the Niger Delta.

    These added up to stretch the capacities of security agencies to elastic limits and heightened fears on the conduct of free, fair and credible polls. Then also, there were many local governments across the country, constituencies and wards under the control of sundry non-state actors foreclosing security penetration and possibility of elections holding there. It was a matter of conjecture how INEC could possibly conduct elections in those places under the uncertain setting.

    Somehow, elections results were announced for some of those crisis prone areas. How that happened can only be explained by INEC. But, reports had it that voting centres were provided outside the wards in some of those impenetrable areas, in circumstances that have continued to confound political observers.

    Trust politicians! The governments in power in those states capitalized on the situation to rig the election to advantage.  It is not for nothing that insecurity contributed largely to the electoral disputes arising from the last general polls.

    There is the threat of repeat performance in the coming off cycle elections. This must be checked especially given the rancorous and deadly nature of the politics played on these shores. This is more so given accusations of political coloration being ascribed to these flashpoints of insecurity.

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    This angle should be further explored. Allegations had been freely traded by sundry political actors regarding the political dimensions to the festering insecurity in some of the states. Even then, the decrease in insecurity as the last elections drew closer and the rise of same thereafter, would seem to suggest positive correlation between elections and resurgence of violence.

    That may account for the observations by INEC in the two states. The introduction of technological innovations was largely to put a check to man-made obstacles to credible polls and reduce acts of violence during elections.

    Technology would guarantee direct transmission of election results from the polling units to INEC result viewing centres. That will take care of ballot box snatching, re-writing of results in homes and hotels and manipulations that rubbish the collective will of the electorate.

    That objective was substantially served during the last elections. But technology curiously failed during the upload of the presidential results. That has been the major source of the challenge to the outcome of the election and accusations of sabotage against INEC. But that is not all. There was an observed loophole in the collation of results at the local government headquarters during the governorship and state assembly polls.

    That is where the governments in power in the states manipulated election results. That was the story of party agents and officials chased away by those who control the instruments of power at the states. They struck at the wee hours only to manipulate the final results which they took to the state headquarters of INEC.

    With the aid of some compromising officials of INEC, the altered results were declared only to ask aggrieved contestants to go to court. Go to court? Ironically this exhortation has come to assume a pejorative undertone in our clime. Why? It conjures the miserable impression (rightly or wrongly) that one may not be able to get justice when once the result has been declared by the INEC.

    And the daunting tasks of proving electoral infractions evident from tribunal rulings that do not lend themselves to clear comprehension seem to reinforce this feeling. The courts are there quite alright. But they do not constitute credible alternatives to the collective will of the people as expressed at the ballot box. They are definitely no alternatives to the sovereignty of the electorate.

    So each time our elections end up in courts (they often do), they convey the message of a faulty electoral process-one unable to approximate the collective will of the voters. Barring devious antics of desperate politicians, our electoral system should be able to produce undisputable popular candidates. That is the antidote to the mad resort to election litigations that have in many cases only imposed unpopular candidates on the electorate.

    That is the clear challenge before INEC still smarting from low morale on account of accusations and counter accusations that trailed the last general elections. It has yet another opportunity to redeem the image left of the organization. Good a thing we are contending with just the governorship election in three states. There should be no room for excuses this time around.

    Pervading low morale and shaken confidence in the electoral process capture aptly, the mood of the electorate. It happened before. But through reforms and improvements in the electoral process peoples’ confidence was restored.

    Scepticisms are again on the rise as to whether this is all there is to democracy. Our brand of democracy is facing serious crisis of relevance and should be able to market itself as a credible alternative to other forms of governance construct. It is not just enough to eulogize democracy in this aberrant form. Democracy is not an end but a means to public good through credible representation. Democracy has to prove its relevance in guaranteeing the sovereignty of the electorate or pass for any other form of abhorrent governance paradigm.

  • A Nigerian presence in Houston: Why Tinubu must act

    A Nigerian presence in Houston: Why Tinubu must act

    • By Oladapo Aderinola

    Due, perhaps, to sheer coincidence or divine benevolence, Houston Mayor, Sylvester Turner breezed into town recently at the head of a 30-member delegation on trade and investment mission as I sat in nervous apprehension in one corner of my home.

    I was in a quandary about how to renew my Nigerian passport due to expire shortly, on account of the daunting challenges. 

    Mayor Turner had come to “encourage the federal government to open a Nigerian Consulate in Houston”. 

    If the august visitor’s body language offered a guide, the 62nd mayor of Houston must have got something to write home about as he smilingly broke into springy dance to Kizz Daniel’s “Go Low Low Low, Buga Won” rhythm after being customarily decorated in traditional Nigerian costume. 

    In a sense, the visit was intriguing. because, as far as it is known, there had been no such a move since the two-term mayor took office in December 2015 and served concurrent four-year terms of a maximum of two.

    A plausible reason for his wait until now could well have been because of the widely acknowledged perversity of the Buhari administration whose policies and performance had almost turned an average Nigerian into a woeful wreck and the country he could call his own to a strange, benighted empire of graft.

    All this was at a time the armchair do-gooder government took hefty foreign loans and made outlays on the construction of a railway line across the desert to some impoverished neighbouring country, complete with generous gifts of exotic automobiles as a neighbourly act.

    Mayor Turner knows his onions. In his final year as Houston’s top leader, he had focused on finishing major projects and initiatives including, apparently, the establishment of a Nigerian Consulate. 

    The establishment of a Nigerian Consulate in Houston is laudable and long overdue for several reasons.

    As extra diplomatic representation in cities outside the capital, consulates are key touristic, economic or financial centres. Consulates also perform such functions for nationals of their home countries as replacing or renewing their passports and processing visas for citizens of their host territory while promoting trade and economic relations. 

    Houston has one of the largest populations of Nigerians living in the United States. According to the U.S. Census, between 2010 and 2021, the Nigerian population in Houston grew from over 21,000 people to nearly 64,000.

    One reason is that Houston has a strong economy and job market coupled with clement weather which makes it attractive to many immigrants, especially, Nigerians looking for better opportunities. 

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    Houston is the largest city in the state of Texas and the fourth most populous city in the United States after New York City, Los Angeles and Chicago. It is a major centre for the oil and gas industry as well as a hub for health-care and technology to which many Nigerian professionals are drawn.

    As the second largest oil and gas producer in Africa, Nigeria is a major exporter of crude oil to the United States of America. 

    An added thrill is that Houston has a number of universities, including Texas Southern University, University of Houston and Rice University with a significant number of Nigerian students. 

    Sadly, with all the available statistics, Houston has lacked the favour of being considered by any Nigerian government as a location of a Nigerian Consulate up till now. 

    Consequently, Nigerians in Houston have, for far too long, faced Hobson’s choice between salads and soup, in matters of replacing or renewing their passports. They have either had to fly from Houston to Atlanta in Georgia in addition to hotel accommodation, or return to Nigeria and face the terrors associated with such a move. 

    Time was when the Nigerians were able to get such consular services with minimal inconvenience under the auspices of a Nigerian group. All that came to grief in 2011 when a bitter fight broke out amongst the leaders of the group over power and control. A motley group later sprang up and filled the void. Eager Nigerians including, especially, undocumented immigrants, periodically flooded specified centres in Houston at the behest of the private groups for some sort of consular services for a fee. But the occasional nerve-wracking bedlam at such centres did not make the choice particularly attractive. Many of them would rather face the cost and the rigours of flying over 689 miles from Houston to the Nigerian Consulate in Atlanta for the service.  

    For how long will this anachronism be allowed to rule the day instead of well-ordered consular service for Nigerians in a mega city like Houston? Nigeria is not a banana republic and an elected government is in place. 

    President Tinubu owes it a duty to posterity and honour to his place in history by doing the needful to uproot any anachronism wherever found. 

    One way to start is to heed Mayor Turner. 

    •Aderinola, former editor of the Daily Times, lives in Houston.

  • Conspiracy against Feb 25 poll continues

    Conspiracy against Feb 25 poll continues

    By Friday, the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) and the Trade Union Congress (TUC) were still adamant about their ‘indefinite and total’ strike beginning on Tuesday. They declined to meet with the ad hoc federal delegation raised to address their grievances. The negotiations and the strike threat began inauspiciously and conjunctively in June. Admittedly, the negotiations have been largely desultory, punctuated by the order of the National Industrial Court (NIC) temporarily barring the unions from calling a strike. Since June, the strike threat has been hurled around many times, positioned almost like the sword of Damocles on the head of the Bola Tinubu administration. The temper of the president’s October 1 Independence anniversary address is unknown: whether it will be a damp squib or it will take the wind out of the unions’ sails. Subject to that anniversary address and the interpretation of the NIC order, it is expected that more strike threats will be issued in the months ahead. The reason is that the economy is so damaged by debts and systemic inefficiency, and the country’s foundational structure so weakened and compromised by years of exploitation and corruption, that it is unlikely there will be an easy meeting of minds between the government and the unions in the near future. Indeed, the whole strike threat has become a political witch-hunt.

    While it is true that the Tinubu administration has approached the union grievances with less assiduousness than expected, and has been unconvincing and sometimes provocative about cost-cutting, it is even truer that the NLC in particular has been fanatical and conspiratorial about embarking on strike, regardless of its combustible consequences. The NLC is inseparable from the Labour Party (LP) which lost the February 25 presidential poll, and both have since remained bitter and inconsolable. Workers have legitimate right to respond angrily to spiraling cost of food and fuel and other services such as healthcare and education, but it is not clear from the demands of the unions that they have an understanding of the enormity of the damage done to the economy in the past two decades or so. Nor is it certain that they know that the problems cannot be rectified in a few months or even years, let alone a little more than hundred days.

    Read Also: Tinubu, Sultan urge NLC, TUC to shelve proposed strike

    Two things are painfully clear. One is that whether the unions acknowledge it or not, or whether they deny involvement or not, a conspiracy is afoot to conjure a different outcome to the February 25 poll. Many names have been mentioned, and the security services are obviously aware of the roles being played by various actors. Things will, therefore, probably get to a head sooner rather than later, while the consequences, one way or the other, are unlikely to be pleasant. Alarmingly, too, the conspiracies and incitement have taken a definite, ethnic twist. Students of history are generally less romantic about civil disorder and revolutions, for no one is able to predict their outcomes. But these drawbacks will not dissuade those advocating street protests or the total collapse of the system. The second issue is that in responding to these and many more budding crises besetting the country, the Tinubu administration itself has been inscrutably less surefooted. The president’s kitchen cabinet has so far not demonstrated the overarching expertise sufficient to inspire confidence. The administration has focused almost exclusively on designing policies potent enough to tackle the country’s economic crisis almost to the detriment of assembling ad hoc teams to shape and explicate its responses to the crises.

    Moreover, the cabinet is curiously large, though redeemed by the presence of many bright minds who are evidently an asset to the country. Blending them into one powerful defensive and attack team has, however, proved herculean. More importantly, no one, including the president himself, has really and exhaustively spoken to the magnitude and depth of the country’s economic crisis in order to put the unions’ noses out of joint. The unions have a superficial and insular understanding of issues, and are even more naïve about the solutions. Until the administration saturates the media space with the enormity of the crisis the country faces, even to the point of exposing the culpability of the previous administration, few will appreciate the enormity of the crises, while the unions continue to exploit the pains of the gullible. Printing trillions of naira and distorting the economy in the midst of massive infrastructural collapse, in addition to allowing insecurity to become cancerous, will not be resolved quietly and painlessly. Conspiring to delegitimise the presidential poll and inciting public revolt will also not help resolve the crises as ex-president Olusegun Obasanjo and others romanticise. Sadly, in these parts, and in particular in the past few months, protests do not seem designed to coax the administration into rethinking its panaceas but to serve as witch-hunt; they are tailored towards system collapse whose end and scope no one can foretell, not to talk of manage.

  • Iwuanyanwu, Ohanaeze and new Southeast

    Iwuanyanwu, Ohanaeze and new Southeast

    Two Saturdays ago and last Thursday, Southeast leaders embarked on critical self-examination of peace, security and development in their region. It will of course not be the first time such a forum would be organised, but they are right to keep doing it over and over again until they get it right. The September 23 examination was in fact a monologue by Ohanaeze Ndigbo president Emmanuel Anyanwu who briefed the media on the September 28 and 29 Igbo Day celebration. Like others before him, he was customarily long on diagnosis, but frightfully short on solutions. He also laced his discourse with a lot of sentiments without saying exactly how they would check the anomie ravaging the Southeast. Igboland is of course not the only region destabilised by seemingly irresoluble and autogenous conflicts. The South-South blazed the trail under the cover of Niger Delta militancy decades ago. It was followed by the Northeast under Boko Haram, and soon too, the Northwest under banditry. With the exception of perhaps the South-South, none of the other regions has really been pacified, with all sorts of unproductive conflict resolution mechanisms thrown into the mix, including the famously termed kinetic and non-kinetic measures flying all over the discourse space.

    Chief Iwuanyanwu means well, and deserves to be encouraged and supported. He was quite emotional when he spoke with the media on his perspective on the Indigenous People of Biafra-inspired mayhem convulsing the Southeast. “I’ll take a non-kinetic approach that will require the cooperation of everybody,” he sighed.  “I’ll talk peace.  I am ready to lay down my life to see that there is peace in Igboland. I’ll go to Finland and everywhere to see that there is peace in Igboland. I’ll go and cry to them. I pray to God that I achieve success. I have decided that as a father, I am tired of the death of my children…” It is not clear what he hoped to achieve with his display of emotions over a problem that has virtually metastasized like Boko Haram and banditry, having been left to fester for far too long.

    Perhaps the Ohanaeze president said so much more, and the media merely abbreviated his contributions. However, eventually, he addressed what seemed to be the socio-economic background of the crisis, though he hemmed and hawed considerably over it. Said he: “Each time I hear anybody killed, I feel very sad. I feel very sad too because those of them who are joining whatever it is they are doing, it is because some of them are hungry. Some of them are unemployed. I am not saying that hunger and unemployment should make somebody become a criminal, but not everyone has the capacity to endure hardship or hunger…It is good for the federal government to have peace in the South East. It won’t pay them to have bloodshed. Because you see, bloodshed doesn’t pay anybody. So whatever sacrifices they make to bring the non-kinetic approach which saves killings and bloodshed will be useful and that is what I want to do…I am going to reach all these people by any means and I will talk for peace. I will beg them. I will even give them my life. If they want to take my life I am ready to surrender.”

    Read Also: Imo killings: Insecurity has overwhelmed southeast – Ohanaeze

    Chief Iwuanyanwu was sensibly hesitant about identifying hunger as a predisposing factor. Militancy in the Southeast is essentially indistinguishable from IPOB, far more than the much tamer Ralph Uwazuruike-led Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB). It is indeed unlikely that for the considerably industrious people of the Southeast, a people too proud to beg for favours or constitute themselves into a burden on anyone, hunger can be prioritised as a factor. Instead, they are more likely seduced by the nostalgic message of Igbo renaissance encapsulated in their republican worldview and years of national ascendancy, not to talk of their notional exceptionalism first broached and promoted by Nnamdi Azikwe and the Zikist newspapers. IPOB took that notional world to the stratosphere, and has sustained it by lore and violence. Chief Iwuanyanwu was circumlocutory about the contributions of IPOB to the tragedy afflicting Igboland and disrupting the advance and expansion of commerce and industry. He should take the bull by the horns. If the region continues to be escapist in dealing with the real factors promoting unease in their homeland, but seems fixated on overreaching themselves in other regions, little will be achieved. Igbo leaders’ primary area of responsibility is the Southeast; they must tackle the crisis bedeviling the region boldly, bravely, and, most importantly, intelligently.

    In her contribution rendered virtually to last Thursday’s Southeast Economic and Security Summit in Imo State, former Finance minister Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala also sermonised about healing the divisions in the region and helping the Southeast to regain focus. Said she: “We have lost focus. We have lost sight of our biggest community assets. We are fragmented as a people.  We don’t support each other, instead, we attack and undermine each other.  We are too individualistic. An individual can be good but better when we come together with others as a body.” Disunity is hardly the chief problem of the Igbo. Their town unions all over Nigeria attest to their remarkable and formidable single-mindedness, to the point of becoming the envy of their hosts. They have leveraged on those unions to forge great economic and sometimes political agenda. Indeed, contrary to Dr Okonjo-Iweala’s thesis, Igbo individualism has been sensibly managed and retooled into a force for economic progress.

    What ails the Southeast, beginning with MASSOB and now elevated and accentuated by IPOB, is the abject failure of leadership in the region and the abandonment of example and direction by those entrusted with imbuing the Igbo with a sense of purpose and direction in order to position them within the national agenda. Igbo leaders miscalculated badly in subordinating themselves and the Southeast agenda to the dangerous nihilism of the unqualified, unideological and megalomaniacal Nnamdi Kanu. Not only did they refuse to interrogate what they carefreely regarded as the marginalisation of the Southeast, they also badly and shockingly proved inept at appreciating the dynamics of Nigerian politics, particularly the issue of winning the presidency. After decades of miscalculation, the Southwest finally experienced, through the politics of MKO Abiola, the epiphany of building national coalitions as a prerequisite to winning the presidency. President Bola Tinubu simply borrowed from Chief Abiola’s playbook, while also sensibly rallying the Yoruba leadership coalition to thwart and defeat the resurgent nationalism of Sunday Adeyemo, alias Sunday Igboho. While the Southeast rode on the back of the IPOB tiger and ended in its belly, the Southwest put down the tiger and epically staked its claim to the presidency.

    Until the regions now infernally locked in the viselike grip of insurgency and militancy come to terms with the real factors predisposing them to crisis and destabilisation, and abandon their escapist and sentimental ratiocinations, the chaos they connived at will probably outlast the present generation. The Northwest is oscillating between negotiations and counterinsurgency operations; the Northeast is enjoying some reprieve from insurgency due to internecine war between Boko Haram and ISWAP; and the dispirited and bloodied Northwest is at a loss what to do with the bandits they had mollycoddled for years. The regions all manifest the failure of leadership, especially with too many unqualified but popular politicians put in state saddles. The Southwest may not be the archetype of progress and development, nor a perfect example of state stability, but the other regions need to borrow a leaf from its playbook. If the Southeast is to emerge from its self-imposed stupor, it must start by acknowledging its failings and shortcomings.

  • Put ASUU matter to rest

    Put ASUU matter to rest

    For more than one year, the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) has been grappling with the nightmare of eight months withheld salaries following last year’s strike. It’s a miracle that after that assault on their psyche they still remain sane. Consider the progression of the assault, then reflect on the outcome, and then make up your mind. Firstly, the strike was about more than a decade of unfulfilled promises and broken agreements signed by the federal government. It was not ASUU that broke agreements. The strike then dragged on for about eight months. Secondly, the government disregarded its own part of the blame and decided, because it had the power and the purse string, to punish ASUU for feeling short-changed. Salaries were thus withheld.

    Thirdly, the government also encouraged a splinter union, the Congress of University Academics (CONUA), to be carved out of ASUU on the pretext of ASUU’s unreasonableness in pursuing its rights or being too rigid in demanding respect for agreements. Effortlessly, right became wrong. Still sane? Then consider this final detail. Both President Bola Tinubu, who was then candidate for presidential election, and Chief of Staff to the President Femi Gbajabiamila, who was then Speaker of the House of Representatives did their utmost to broker a truce between the warring teachers and the presidency, but failed. Both are now in office. Last year they did the talking, but this year they could, if they choose, walk the talk. So far they have not. So ASUU is still holding the short end of the stick, is blamed by the public for the long and debilitating strike, has endured a traumatic splintering of the union, and is still eight months short on their wages.

    Read Also: The he-goat and the ram: Reality of ASUU strikes

    It is not even clear anymore whether anyone understands the issues at play, or how to define academic work: whether it comprises only teaching or it combines so much more, including research and projects supervision, among others. Everyone knows that the last administration had little regard for education. The new administration claims to regard it with awe. If it won’t or can’t walk its talk, then it should at least come out and defend the iniquitous decision to punish the teachers on multiple fronts. Perhaps they can convince the public that the sun revolves around the earth after all. If that is the case, the teachers, it is guaranteed, will gladly denounce Copernicus and charge Galileo with the intellectual crime of suspected, rather than formal, heresy.

  • Blues for Mohbad

    Blues for Mohbad

    I must confess right at the onset that I had absolutely no knowledge of Mohbad until the day after his death was announced. That being the case, I must confess that his name in the title of this piece is no more than a convenient peg on which to hang this article. After all, I have very little knowledge of the artiste and even less about his artistic work. These notwithstanding, it would be negligent for a regular columnist to ignore the furore which the passing of Mohbad has generated in virtually all media outlets over the last two weeks.

    The first time ever that I heard about Mohbad, real name,  Ilerioluwa Oladimeji Aloba was in a news feed which announced his sudden death. What drew my immediate attention to the subjet was his age. There is some element of waste when a twenty-seven year old person is reported dead especially when the death was sudden as it was in this case. The first thought in such circumstances is that there is more to that event than meets the eye. In the case of Mohbad such suspicion was justified by the fact that the young man had questioned the status of his safety shortly before he died in what has turned out to be inexplicable circumstances . Given this background, it is puzzling that he was rushed into his grave less than twenty-four hours after he died. It has even been said that his father had to be persuaded from lowering his son’s body into the grave as late as midnight on the day of his demise. One wonders why there was the need to dispose of his body with such  undignified haste.

    Even under the most normal of circumstances, there is a great deal of sadness attached to the death of a twenty-seven year old.  At that age, one is confidently expected to be in prime physical, mental and psychological condition. At that age one is expected to be on the threshold of one career or the other after a long period of tutelage. At that age one would have invested in training for a career and thinking of settling down to begin to shoulder marital responsibilities. To put it into proper context, death at twenty-seven is a tragedy of monumental proportions not only for the immediate family of the victim but to society as well. Up till then, the dead person would have been a consumer of public amenities and just about to become a contributor to societal needs. It was from these points of view that I considered the report of the sudden demise of Mohbad.

    Within twenty-four hours after I became aware of the person however, it became clear to me that Mohbad was not just any young man but one who had contributed much more to society than your typical twenty-seven year old. On the contrary, he was a big star, shining uncommonly brightly in a Milky way of stars, a young man of exceptional promise which made his demise all the more painful from both personal and societal points of view. I have always been in awe of people with any form of musical talent probably because my only talent in that direction is severely restricted to listening to the product of those to whom the Muses have been kind enough to admit into the brotherhood of Orpheus. He it was who was so gifted that he was able to charm his way into the underworld there to seduce Hades with his talent. He gave such a performance before the the Lord of the Underworld that his wife Euripides who had died was given leave to go back to the land of the living. Such is the power of music that according to the immortal bard, music is the food of love which sickens and dies in its absence. I have always wished that I had a modicum of musical talent but having lived so long without it, I have learnt to come to terms with my condition.

    Read Also: Envoy to honour MohBad with Independence Day dinner in New York

    I have been a lover of music all my life, since I was first fascinated by the music of the young Victor Olaiya singing Mumude around 1958. However, I really arrived on the music scene in those halcyon days of the sixties, just after independence when music of all genres began to shake our air waves. Music was not only coming from Ghana, Britain and the USA but it was being made and released by a crowd of musicians right here in Nigeria, so much so that the music aficionado was spoilt for choice. Those were the heydays of highlife and there is little doubt that the high priest of highlife was Bobby Benson.

    Bobby Benson had started his career as an entertainer in the period after World War II and formed a big band which played a broad repertoire of music styles and was fronted by his wife who danced to the melodies of her husband’s band. However, it was the time that highlife was taking shape and Bobby Benson became a pioneer of this genre which was to become very popular in both Ghana and Nigeria. It is not therefore coincidental that Bobby Benson who played trumpet, saxophone and piano had space in his band for a bevvy of young musicians who can now be regarded as having provided a backbone for the music genre which over a span of more than seventy years has refused to die. It might have changed shape and evolved in other directions but it has survived all kinds of tribulations and after all said and done, there is Afrobeats today because there was highlife and people like Bobby Benson who brought it to life. Bobby Benson was not just an entertainer who played highlife but a mentor to some of the legends who left their mark on the development of that musical genre. The alumni of the Bobby Benson school school of highlife music reads like a list of who is who in the field.

    One of his earliest mentees was Victor Olaiya who in his prime was reverently referred to as the evil genius of highlife and was closest to being named as the official highlife musician to the nation as he played several gigs on official occasions. He was on the bandstand when Queen Elizabeth came visiting in 1956 and shared the bandstand with the great, Louis Armstrong to celebrate Nigeria’s independence in 1960. He was back three years later to celebrate with the country when she attained the status of a Republic. One other factor that is worthy of note is Victor Olaiya’s longevity as he was active on the music scene for more than sixty swinging years as band leader and front line trumpeter. There was also a time when he joined the soul music bandwagon at a time when that American export was sweeping the world.

    Another Bobby Benson alumnus was Victor Uwaifo who first came to public attention for his high jump exploits as a student of St, Gregory’s  College in the fifties. Known for his virtuosity with the guitar, Uwaifo turned to, or rather, combined his music with academics and went all the way to becoming a Professor of fine arts at the University of Benin. Joromi, perhaps his best known work was a monster hit in 1966 but has retained a freshness which has continued to impress generations unborn at the time it was composed.

    John Akintola Ademuwagun who left the sedate setting of the classroom for the hurly burly music world also served tutelage under Bobby Benson. Better known as Roy Chicago, he was one of the better known bandleaders in the sixties as his Abalabi Rhythm. Dandies fronted by the velvety voiced Tunde Osofisan churned out chart busters one after the other with onilegogoro composed by Jimi Solanke being the biggest hit of them all. At over eighty, Jimi Solanke is still making music in his own inimitable fashion. Roy Chicago’s greatest claim to fame was that he not only reached into the richness of Yoruba culture to create his own unique sound but somewhere along the way he introduced gángan into highlife.

    Another product of the Bobby Benson school was the maestro from the creeks, the unforgettable Cardinal Rex Jim Lawson. Just writing that name has led to an attack of goose pimples brought on by the memory of the smoothness of his music. For good measure, Rex Lawson played trumpet with both Victor Olaiya and Roy Chicago before forming his own band. Unfortunately, his enormous potential was truncated by death at the age of thirty-three. His was a case of not how long but how well as he left behind a massive legacy in the minds of those who have been fortunate to have the opportunity of listening to the music of this honorary but highly appreciated Cardinal of the Church of highlife. Zeal Onyia and Eddie Okonta are two other giants of highlife who once studied at the feet of Bobby Benson.

    All the musicians mentioned above were not only superb instrumentalists, they were all composers of the first order. Bob Dylan it was who won the Nobel prize for Literature for the sheer poetry of his songs and this is as it should be because what are songs if they are not poetry set to music? Apart from being poets, these musicians were also great instrumentalists coaxing beautiful sounds from their instruments with which they developed a familiarity reserved for parts of their body. They were not born with the virtuosity we have come to associate with them but learnt how to play them and then developed a familiarity with them through long bouts of assiduous practice. These men were however not just players of their instruments but were creators, explorers of uncharted territories who had to make things up as they went along. They were also men of iron discipline who had to convince other men to submit to their demonstrable superiority in skill and determination to make something out of practically nothing.

    Bobby Benson and Co were all innovators but the man who took highlife forward was Fela Ransome-Kuti who came back from his musical studies in England and put a band he called Koola Lobitos together. Highlife was fusion music at its best as it contained elements from jazz, calypso, samba, ball room music and indigenous music all rolled together to produce a giddy mixture of sound and emotions which captivated a large audience in Ghana and Nigeria. Fela extended that tradition but unlike the pioneers who incorporated the big band sound of jazz giants like Louis  Armstrong, Count Basie and Duke Ellington into their music the jazz content in Fela’s music was the atonal jazz genre of bee-bop made popular by Charlie Parker, Dizzy Gillespie and Miles Davies. You either liked it or you did not, which is why music lovers of the time were almost equally divided in their appreciation or the lack of it for the music being played by Fela and his Koola Lobitos. As we moved into the seventies however Fela had an epiphany and began to play a brand of music which he called Afrobeat because it was the sound of Africa produced by a band which for emphasis was called Africa ’70. This medium crossed all boundaries both physical and psychological and became truly international as it left the shores of Africa for other parts of the world. By the eighties Fela, now known as Anikulapo-Kuti was perhaps the best known Nigerian outside the country both for his music and his activism which was directed primarily against the Nigerian state with whom he had a lot of beef to settle. He also gained instant fame or notoriety in some quarters when he married twenty-seven wives in one day. Fela was a classically trained musician and in the early days of Koola Lobitos, all the members played from the sheet music in front of them on the band stand! This was a departure from the older exponents of highlife who were taught to play by ear. Like them however Fela was an instrumentalists par excellence who made great music from his trademark trumpet, the saxophone and the electric organ. As it has turned out, the most famous alumni of the Fela school are his own sons, Femi and Seun who are keeping a family tradition in music going strong.

    • To be continued……..