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Decoding the CBN’s debt market agenda

By Sola Oni

The real motive behind the plan by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) to take over the issuance and management of fixed income securities is still shrouded in secrecy. But the investing public deserves a more cogent and transparent explanation from the governor of the apex bank.

What is clear, however, is that the proposal has ignited a storm of debate across the financial market. The apex bank may well be driven by the desire to improve efficiency, enhance coordination, and perhaps rein in the abuse of Treasury Bills by banks that have turned them into easy profit avenues, often to the detriment of securities dealing firms.

Yet, beyond these possible intentions, the move raises weighty questions about institutional boundaries, regulatory clarity, and the long-term health of Nigeria’s capital market.

Fixed income securities, typified by government bonds, corporate bonds, and treasury instruments are the backbone of every mature financial system. They provide a benchmark for interest rates, enable governments and corporations to raise capital, and serve as a safe investment option for individuals and institutions. The success of this market depends on transparency, predictable regulation, and the confidence of investors.

Traditionally, the roles in this ecosystem are clearly defined. The Central Bank focuses on monetary policy, controlling inflation, managing liquidity, and ensuring financial stability. The Debt Management Office (DMO) handles the issuance of government debt instruments, while the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) regulates the capital market and protects investors. When these lines blur, confusion sets in, and the integrity of the market is threatened.

The CBN’s proposed foray into fixed income securities risks duplicating the functions of both the SEC and DMO. Such overlap can create regulatory arbitrage and uncertainty among market participants. Investors, particularly foreign portfolio investors, place a premium on institutional clarity. A fragmented regulatory environment could therefore undermine confidence and reduce participation.

Globally, leading economies have maintained a separation of responsibilities. In the United States, the Federal Reserve conducts monetary policy and manages short-term liquidity through open market operations, but the U.S. Treasury issues bonds, and the Securities and Exchange Commission oversees the secondary market. In the United Kingdom, the Bank of England works with the Debt Management Office but does not control the bond market. The same applies in South Africa, where the Reserve Bank maintains macroeconomic oversight while the National Treasury handles debt issuance.

I must be quick to add that these models work because they ensure checks and balances. No single institution controls all aspects of debt management, market regulation, and liquidity administration. Advocates of the CBN’s plan argue that bringing fixed income activities under one umbrella could enhance efficiency and liquidity management. However, efficiency in financial markets rarely comes from centralisation; it grows out of collaboration and transparency.

Nigeria already has strong infrastructure in this space: the Nigerian Exchange Limited (NGX) and FMDQ Group, supported institutionally by CBN, provide well-established platforms for listing and trading debt securities. What is required is not a takeover, but closer coordination among the CBN, DMO, SEC, and market operators to strengthen market depth and investor confidence.

A major risk of the proposed approach is the potential conflict of interest. If the CBN becomes both a regulator and an active participant in the fixed income market, it could compromise transparency and pricing integrity. Markets operate best when guided by clear rules and independent oversight, not when one institution assumes overlapping powers. Nigeria’s financial system would benefit more from a coordinated framework that leverages the comparative strengths of each institution. The CBN should continue to focus on its core mandate of monetary stability, while working closely with the DMO on debt management strategy and with the SEC on market regulation.

Furthermore, reforms should prioritise expanding participation in the fixed income market, encouraging corporate bond issuance, improving disclosure standards, and leveraging technology to increase transparency and efficiency. These steps would deepen liquidity and attract sustainable investment without altering institutional roles.

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The CBN’s ambition to strengthen Nigeria’s debt market is commendable. However, true market development is built on shared vision, not concentrated power. Nigeria’s financial system has matured through years of institutional collaboration, a delicate balance that thrives on trust and predictability. Disrupting that equilibrium could destabilize an ecosystem painstakingly built over decades. If the CBN now intends to take over the fixed income market in broad daylight, one must ask: what becomes of SEC and the self-regulatory organisations (SROs) that safeguard market integrity? The days when SEC was merely a department under the CBN are long gone.

The CBN’s ambition could easily morph into a full-blown takeover of the fixed income market. And once that line is crossed, the Nigerian Exchange Limited (NGX) may well become the next target. Nigeria’s fixed income market doesn’t need another overlord; it needs integration, transparency, and inclusivity. The apex bank must resist the urge to blur regulatory boundaries or intimidate market operators into speaking in guarded tones for fear of victimisation. True reform flourishes in open dialogue, not in a climate of quiet compliance.

When the market went red recently in the presence of the Finance Minister, Wale Edun at NGX over the capital gains tax controversy, he wrapped his comments in a dose of damage control, assuring nervous stockbrokers that the government would look into the issue. At the heart of this new drama over fixed income securities lies a simple truth: confidence is the currency of every capital market. Once that confidence is shaken, even the best-intentioned reforms lose credibility. The CBN must remember that leadership of the financial system does not translate to ownership of it. Collaboration, not control, will define the strength and sustainability of Nigeria’s debt market. If the apex bank truly seeks progress, it must build bridges, not boundaries, with other regulators.

•Oni, an integrated communications strategist, is also a chartered stockbroker and commodities broker.

November 17, 2025
Nigeria and the folly of military nostalgia

By Mayowa Alakija

History is not just a collection of old stories; it is the memory of a nation — a mirror reflecting both its mistakes and triumphs. Yet today, many young Nigerians, born after 1999, have become strangers to their own history. Out of frustration with bad governance, unemployment, and economic hardship, some now echo a dangerous call on social media for military take over!

Such sentiments, though often born of anger, reveal a frightening ignorance of what military rule truly meant for this country — the blood, the fear, the silence, and the destruction. Those who lived through it remember not glory but grief. The military era was not a golden age; it was the darkest chapter in our national story.

Nigeria gained independence in 1960, full of promise — a land of endless potential and unity in diversity. But that promise was shattered on January 15, 1966, when Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu and other young officers staged Nigeria’s first coup. They claimed they wanted to end corruption and tribalism, but their bullets silenced the nation’s founding fathers — Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa, Premier Ahmadu Bello, Chief Samuel Akintola, and others. In one bloody night, democracy died, and suspicion was born.

The revenge coup of July 1966 deepened the wound. General Johnson Aguiyi Ironsi was assassinated, and the country slipped into chaos. Ethnic mistrust consumed the land, and by 1967, Nigeria was at war with itself. The Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970) under General Yakubu Gowon remains one of Africa’s greatest human tragedies. Over a million people — mostly women and children — perished. The war left physical scars on our land and psychological scars on our souls.

This was the price of military intervention — a nation that lost its innocence to the sound of gunfire.

After the war came a cycle of power and betrayal. General Gowon promised civilian rule, but the lure of power prevailed. On July 29, 1975, Brigadier Murtala Mohammed overthrew him. Murtala was energetic and decisive, briefly giving Nigerians hope. However, that hope was short-lived. In February 1976, he was assassinated in a failed coup attempt. His deputy, Olusegun Obasanjo, took over and returned Nigeria to civilian rule in 1979 — the first time in Africa’s history that a military government handed over voluntarily.

Just four years later, on December 31, 1983, soldiers returned. Major-General Muhammadu Buhari ousted President Shehu Shagari, claiming to save the nation from corruption. His “War Against Indiscipline” began with good intentions but quickly became an era of fear. Newspapers were banned, journalists imprisoned, and citizens brutalised for minor offences.

In 1985, another coup toppled Buhari. General Ibrahim Babangida seized power, promising a “new beginning.” Nigerians initially welcomed him; he smiled where others barked. But behind that charm lay deceit. Babangida’s endless “transition to democracy” became a cynical game. His greatest betrayal came in June 1993, when he annulled the election won by Chief Moshood Abiola — the freest and fairest in Nigeria’s history. That act destroyed public trust and plunged Nigeria into crisis.

When General Sani Abacha seized power later that year, Nigeria entered its darkest tunnel. His rule (1993–1998) was an age of fear and blood. Critics disappeared, journalists were jailed, and human rights were buried. The execution of environmental activist Ken Saro-Wiwa and eight Ogoni men shocked the world and isolated Nigeria internationally.

The economy collapsed under corruption and greed. Abacha’s cronies looted billions — money still being recovered decades later as “Abacha loot.” Ordinary Nigerians suffered, while a small circle of power-hungry men fed fat on the nation’s lifeblood. When Abacha died suddenly in 1998, Nigerians did not mourn — they celebrated. That speaks volumes.

By 1999, after more than three decades of military domination, Nigeria was left wounded — economically, socially, and institutionally. The return to civilian rule under General Abdulsalami Abubakar was like light after a long night. But democracy had to be rebuilt from the ruins: broken institutions, crippled infrastructure, and a people traumatised by decades of dictatorship.

Today, some youths who never knew that darkness call for a return to military rule. But they forget — under the military, there were no elections, no free speech, no accountability, and no future. The gun ruled, and the people obeyed. The freedom to protest, criticise leaders, or demand justice — all of which democracy allows — would never have survived under a regime of fear.

Across Africa, the story is the same. Military takeovers have left nations in ruins. In Uganda, Idi Amin’s brutal rule between 1971 and 1979 killed over 300,000 people. In Ghana, Jerry Rawlings’ coups in 1979 and 1981 led to economic collapse before democracy eventually returned. Sudan, Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso are still struggling under soldiers who promised salvation but delivered suffering.

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Every coup begins with promises of discipline and reform, but ends in dictatorship and decline.

Democracy may be a hard road, but it is worth taking. The truth many young Nigerians ignore is that the current government is not blind to the nation’s challenges. Under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the government has begun steps to rebuild the economy, strengthen national security, and reposition Nigeria for growth.

The economic reforms — including the removal of fuel subsidies, unification of the exchange rate, and efforts to attract investment — are painful but necessary corrections after decades of decay. They are not instant fixes, and their success will depend on transparency, accountability, and consistent implementation.

On security, the military is being re-equipped, morale is improving, and local defence collaborations are being strengthened. Insurgency in the Northeast has reduced, and efforts continue to curb banditry and kidnapping in the Northwest and Middle Belt.

No government is perfect, but unlike the military regimes of the past, this one is accountable to the people. It can be questioned, challenged, and voted out — and that, in itself, is the power of democracy.

Young Nigerians must understand that the call for a military takeover is not bravery — it is betrayal. Betrayal of history, of sacrifice, and of the dreams of those who died so that we might live free. The military once promised to save Nigeria, but nearly buried it.

If today’s system is weak, we must strengthen it, not destroy it. If leaders fail, we must replace them, not hand power to men who rule without consent. Progress is not born in the barrel of a gun; it is forged through patience, participation, and persistence.

We must say it clearly, for the sake of generations unborn: never again. Never again should Nigerians flirt with the idea of military rule. Never again should we trade freedom for fear. Never again should we forget that every coup, no matter how noble its excuse, leaves a nation bleeding.

The soldiers once promised to save Nigeria, but they nearly destroyed it. Our duty now is to ensure that never again shall this nation bow to the rule of the gun.

•Alakija writes from Mafoluku, Oshodi, Lagos.

November 17, 2025
Bringing down tension
- By Abdu Rafiu
Each day, each major burning issue, raising tension in the polity! Each time, it is hot potato! Otherwise, how do we place the unfortunate public spat between the Minister of Federal Capital Territory, Mr. Nyesom Wike, and a young Naval Officer, Lt. A. M. Yerima? Alarmed high ranking retired officers of the military establishment rally round Yerima! Chief of Defence Staff, General Oluyede, giving him kudos for his conduct, said, “The Nigerian Defence Academy does not produce docile officers. The officer’s response reflects admirable composure and emotional intelligence-qualities that lie at the heart of military leadership training. His ability to remain calm, firm, and respectful under verbal provocation demonstrates discipline and professionalism.

“Nevertheless, it is both unfortunate and inappropriate for a federal minister to use such language towards a serving officer of the Armed Forces. Public officials should model civility and restraint, especially when addressing those in uniform who embody national service and sacrifice.

“Notwithstanding, the case is subject to my security.”

The Minister of Defence, Mohammed Badaru, is reported to have said, “We will always protect our officer. He has done well. We won’t allow anything happen to him.”

This kind of encounter cannot go without attracting comments from well-meaning members of the public, some full-length and a few adumbrated. A public statement has reached my hands said to have been issued by a group of well-meaning Nigerians. I am interested in the import of the statements coming from the Chief of Defence Staff, General Oluyede, and a former Chief of Army Staff, Lt-General Tukur Yusuf Buratai, on the heels of a stand-off between the Minister of FCT, Mr.Nyesom Wike and Lt. Yerima. General Buratai is unsparing in his remarks, describing Wike’s conduct as reckless endangerment of national order that transcends mere misconduct of political theatrics, but it also “deliberately undermines the chain of command, disrespects the authority of the Commander-in-Chief and grievously wounds the morale of every individual who serves under the Nigerian flag.

“Such actions erode the very foundation of discipline upon which our national security apparatus stands…It represents a palpable threat to national security and institutional integrity. This action by Wike is clearly an indication of undermining the federal government’s authority.” Palpably concerned and, indeed, enraged, General Buratai says the action amounted to bashing the integrity of the Armed Forces and violation of the honour of the specific officer, that is, Naval Lt. Yerima. He says Wike’s outburst is an assault and being one on a military officer in uniform, it is an act of profound indiscipline that “strikes at the core of Nigerian command and control structure.” He pointed out that such confrontations with uniformed officers could have far-reaching implications for discipline within the Armed Forces.

The tense situation amidst controversy over US President Trump’s voiced reading of genocidal killings in our land requires careful handling with wisdom. We may wish to have some background to the ugly encounter between Minister Wike and the young officer, Naval Lt. Yerima. It is over a parcel of land belonging to the retired Chief of Naval Staff, Vice-Admiral Awwal Zubairu Gambo. The FCT Administration under Nyesom Wike said the land the retired naval chief is developing has no title document and approval. Throwing light on the history of the land, the spokesman to the Minister, Lere Olayinka, said that far back in 2007, the large parcel of land was allocated to a company called Santos Estate Limited for Parks and Recreation. According to Olayinka, the area is a road corridor. The original buyer changed his mind and applied to the then minister in 2022 to convert the land from parks and recreation to commercial. In anticipation of an approval by the then minister, the proprietor of the proposed parks began to partition the land for sale. It was one of the parcels arising from the partitioning that Vice-Admiral Gambo bought. As it turned out approval for conversion was not granted by the previous minister. Gambo started developing his property. The FCT officers went there to ask that the work be stopped. In view of demolitions of houses going on in the federal capital of Abuja generally, the retired Naval chief, presumably sought to protect what he had bought, probably unaware that the sale was illegal as the land area is not for residential development. Vice-Admiral Gambo sent military men there, led by Lt. Yerima. They did not allow FCT officers access to the place. The minister, Mr. Nyesom Wike as he is wont to, then decided to take on the task himself. He went there with a retinue of his officers and policemen. He was denied access by the military men on guard and the confrontation ensued.

Wike was wrong. All he needed do on discovering that the land belongs to a retired officer of the level of Vice-Admiral Gambo, was to give him a call and explain to him that the area is not meant for residential houses, and that, in fact, he may have been scammed, employing Olayinka’s own words. Do you add to the wound of a person’s soul or help to heal it? He would also have, out of empathy, offered the Vice-Admiral alternative places to make a choice so he could allocate a new plot to him. That would have been a display of sensitivity, caringness and decency for which the Vice-Admiral would have been grateful and deeply appreciative. Does the minister know for how long the officer had striven to save what he has decided to pour into the project? Yes, Gambo needed to obtain approval; he could have thought he would regularize all that later, given all the foot-dragging in these matters in some of Nigerian public offices. If he did not want to do that, the other option was to take him to court so the court could pronounce the development illegal and it should be halted.

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Following is the encounter between the Hon. Minister, Mr. Wike and Naval Officer, Naval Lt. Yerima posted to this column from a lecturer at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka:

Minister: Shut up

Naval officer: I will not shut up

Minister: You are a fool

Naval officer: I am not a fool

Minister: Keep quiet

Naval officer: I will not keep quiet

Minister: You are grabbing land:

Naval officer: I have integrity. I am working on orders.

Minister; By the time I graduated, you were in primary school

Naval officer: But you cannot shut me up

Minister: You cannot develop this property

Naval officer: I am working on orders

Minister: Who gave you the orders?

Naval officer: A Three-Star General

This encounter should not have arisen at all. It is distasteful. It is appalling. Mr. Nyesom Wike is one of president Bola Tinubu’s most visible, very effective, committed and most hardworking ministers. He has brought to his assignment uncommon application to work. There are proven pieces of evidence that he delivers. He will certainly bring enheartening transformation to the face of Abuja, by the time his time is up, maybe beyond 2027. He has the drive. However, he can do with more refinement and decorum in the discharge of his assigned duties and give respect to whom respect is due. Bullying and intimidation should have no place in public service, especially at the level of a minister of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. He will certainly achieve more with polish. Refinement disarms, it does not stand in the way of firmness.

MR. TRUMP AND NIGERIA’S INSECURITY

The United States President, Mr. Donald Trump has shown deep concern about the killings in our country which he sees as having sectarian undertones. He has threatened to fly in his crack units from his troops to smoke out terrorists and bandits, and their sponsors. This has sent cold shivers down many a spine. On the surface, it may have struck alarm in our hearts, and rightly so as a nation. The zones and people under siege, under bombardment, unable to sleep, and from whose communities peace of mind and of the environment, has fled, can’t but be happy at the prospect of help, at Mr. Trump’s promise and possibility of deliverance. It is only natural. And this is what has put Nigerians at a crossroads: Should Trump come or should he not?

Mr. Trump was elected, despite his many flaws last year November because the Americans were tired of Godlessness in their lives, of the irreligiousity a great many of the citizens have largely embraced and made a way of life. The conservatives that constitute the soul of the Republicans, those Dr. Stanley Macebuh was wont to call the substantial minority, had been complaining that liberal administrations had banished God from their lives, from schools of their children, and from public institutions. The churches are empty in many areas and in many states. They said there were no longer Devotional Hours any longer in their schools, there were no prayers at public events. They felt, somehow, that they had all the material comforts alright, technology has made life even rosier, there was emptiness in their souls. They recalled what they often said about themselves and what outsiders had been saying about their land, “God’s own country.” That it is a blessed land.

America is a settler nation, founded by those who fled from the crusade in Europe from 1095, the first formed with the goal to recapture Jerusalem for Christendom. This was at the behest of Pope Urban 11. The crusade lasted several years. A scholar once wrote that it was a period of church’s war on the freedom of thought. “The real history of the church” wrote Victor Hugo in his ‘his history of free thought’ “will be read not on the pages, but between the lines of the political annals. Parnilli was whipped for declaring that stars do not fall from their appointed paths. Campland was thrown into jail 27 times for claiming and insisting that there are innumerable other worlds besides the earth plane. Harvey was tortured for the crime of proving that the blood circulates through the arteries and veins of the body. Galileo was incarcerated for claiming that the earth orbits around the sun and Christopher Columbus was imprisoned for discovering a land not mentioned by St. Paul which is America. Those fleeing from the crusade consequently had their inner beings sharpened and refined from the horrible experiences in Europe. Thus, when they got to America, with ardent longing for the ideal and turning their gaze upwards for help, with their now resultant inner radiance, they consecrated the land and the blessings of the Lord poured to cover the land. They displayed virtues,; they prospered and America became known as “God’s own country”!

The conservatives and Christian communities believed that they should return to the pristine values and make America Great Again which was the campaign slogan of Mr. Trump. They considered Trump, given his strength of character, the most appropriate person to be in the saddle in the present time to restore God into their lives. He must also take more than passing interest in where the communities of Christians are being threatened. What they had not witnessed for a long time, upon the elections results announced and he was victorious, they gathered at the Convention Centre singing in the lobby the spiritual hymn, “How Great Thou Art.” He was described as high priest of the Church of MAGA. Hence, Mr. Trump’s resolve to stop the killings. Of course, there would be material interests, oil and solid minerals being disguised by some of the powerful forces behind him. Trump considers that as secondary. His primary aim is to protect his spiritual values that others profess and share with him. It should go without saying that America must have a committed Intelligence Community in our land. Mr. Trump says he knows the cells of the sponsors of the insecurity in this country.

We cannot live in denial. The state of insecurity has been with us, with terrorists, bandits and kidnappers ravaging the land for about 16 years. Think of Chibok; more than 100 of the abducted girls are still in captivity. Some of the parents finding the experiences too nightmarish and suffocating have died. Think of Kajuru in Southern Kaduna, Benue, Jos, Nasarawa, Gombe, Zamfara, parts of Kogi–all the epicenters of insurgency and banditry, mostly in North Central, North Eastern and North-Western States. There have been reports that the insurgents have taken control of some communities and they collect tolls and taxes from them.

I am not saying, from the foregoing that Mr. Trump should invade our country. Such missions always leave the country worse than the rescuers met it. It will be recalled that when Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait snuffing life out of it, the country cried out for international help. The combined forces of Mr. George Bush and Tony Blair were sent. The experiences of Kuwait and Iraq as well as those of Syria, Libya, and Afghanistan should be a lesson to us. Saddam Hussein was eliminated all right, but the country has not been the same again. The focus of the rescue missions was on oil. The answer to all this is for the leaders to be more humane, compassionate, permitting the milk of human kindness to run in their veins.

The government should take the establishment of state police much more seriously; the government can no longer afford to remain distant from possible distress calls of their citizens, how much more from those who are unceasingly under siege. It is only to be expected that if we cannot put our house in order, and outsiders feel they would be impacted, it is natural they would want to get embroiled, especially where sectarian interests are involved.

• This article was culled from www.radiatingthetruth.com
- Abdu Rafiu is a renowned editor, newspaper manager and respected elder of journalism.
November 16, 2025
Will smaller powers acquire weapons of mass destruction?
- By Andreas Umland
Manifest expansionist ambitions of the three most powerful countries in the world – China, the United States, and Russia – are undermining the current world order. Since its founding, the People’s Republic of China has expressed interest in Taiwan; Beijing may now be on the verge of attempting to conquer the island. In 2025, the new US President Donald J. Trump announced his desire to incorporate Canada and Greenland into the United States.

The most consequential development that has led to the erosion of the post-war order over the past 11 years has been and continues to be the behavior of Russia – like China and the US, a member of the UN Security Council and nuclear-weapon state under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). Since 2014, Moscow has been engaged in demonstrative land grabbing and, since 2022, a full-scale invasion with signs of genocide on the internationally recognized territory of Ukraine. As a former Soviet republic, Ukraine was a founding member of the UN in 1945. It has been an official non-nuclear-weapon state under the NPT since 1996.

Politicians and strategists from other revanchist powers are not the only ones observing the course of Russia’s attack and the reactions of other states and international organizations. Decision-makers and opinion leaders in many countries around the world may be less interested in the consequences of the war for Russia and Putin’s regime. Instead, they are watching the fate of Ukraine and the behavior of its friends and enemies.

Ukraine has been rocked by a corruption scandal in its energy sector as the country enters its fourth winter at war. More comments from European media.

Relatively weaker countries are learning from Ukraine’s experience that one cannot rely on international law, organizations, and solidarity. One should not make the mistake, as Kyiv did, of trusting in “security assurances” or “guarantees,” “friendship treaties,” “strategic partnerships,” and the like. Such agreements are of little significance, as demonstrated by the irrelevance of Ukraine’s respective agreements with Russia (1994, 1997), China (2013), and the United States (1994, 2008).

Russia’s expansion and genocide on the territory of Ukraine, which is neither a NATO member nor a nuclear weapons state… cannot simply be ignored.

Can the small ones balance out the big ones?

The standard solution to the security dilemma of smaller powers is to join defense alliances, ideally ones that include at least one nuclear-weapon state. But as Tbilisi and Kyiv, among others, have learned the hard way, gaining full membership in a powerful defense alliance is neither easy nor risk-free. In response to Georgia and Ukraine’s applications for NATO membership in April 2008, the alliance told them that they “will become members.”

What followed, however, was neither their accession to NATO nor the start of a process of admission to the North Atlantic alliance, i.e., the implementation of a so-called Membership Action Plan (MAP). Instead, Georgia has been dismembered by Russia since 2008 and Ukraine since February 2014. The only consolation for the two countries may be that Moldova, also a post-Soviet republic but a constitutionally neutral state with no ambitions to join NATO, has also been dismembered by Russia for more than 30 years. The fate of Finland, which has a long border with Russia, is a counterexample: Unlike Georgia and Ukraine, Finland successfully began a NATO accession process in 2022, leading to its accession to the alliance in 2023.

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The examples of Finland and Moldova show that a former Russian colony’s intention to join NATO is neither a sufficient nor a necessary condition for a Russian invasion. Other things being equal, Georgia and Ukraine would probably have become targets of Russian expansionism, like Moldova, even without an aspiration to join NATO. They could only have avoided losing their territorial integrity to Russia by submitting to the Kremlin, for example via entry into the Moscow-dominated Eurasian Economic Union and Collective Security Treaty Organization. Ukraine would likely have been pressured to co-sign the 1999 Union Treaty between Russia and Belarus, which was concluded exactly eight years after the dissolution of the USSR agreed upon by Kyiv, Minsk, and Moscow on Dec. 8, 1991.

The experiences of Ukraine and Georgia with NATO on the one hand, and Russia’s response to them on the other, illustrate the risks associated with attempting to join a powerful international coalition. For countries such as Georgia and Ukraine, which are less embedded than Finland and have an irredentist neighbor, external balancing is complicated. Joining a relevant defense alliance can be an uncertain and risky undertaking. This is especially true for those states that are most interested in potent and preferably nuclear-armed allies and most in need of security guarantees.

The current geopolitical upheavals seem almost as if they were orchestrated by Moscow, Beijing, and Washington. They are being carried out in parallel by three of the world’s most powerful countries, permanent members of the UN Security Council, and official nuclear weapon states under the NPT. This accumulation of factors undermines confidence in both the future international behavior of relatively stronger states and the continued relevance of international law and organizations for protecting relatively weaker countries from land grabbing and genocide by major powers.

Today’s transformation of the world order may seem unproblematic from the perspective of Beijing, Washington, and Moscow. However, it is likely to cause concern among non-nuclear-weapon states with little international integration. Countries that have potentially expansionist neighbors and operate outside NATO or other relevant defense alliances must now rethink their national security strategies. The leaders of China, the US, and Russia can ignore, dismiss, or take seriously these reactions from third countries to their expansionist ambitions. As long as they do not counteract the nervousness triggered by their statements and actions, a backlash from smaller powers is to be expected sooner or later.

One reaction of relatively weaker countries to the possible end of the postwar order could be to acquire weapons of mass destruction for deterrence and defense purposes. Such decisions by some states could in turn trigger similar steps by their neighbors, who distrust the exclusively defensive motives behind an accumulation of weapons of mass destruction on their borders. This could trigger regional arms races and a domino-like proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. The influx of nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons into state arsenals, in turn, increases the likelihood that such weapons will also fall into the hands of non-state actors.

The seriousness of such a subversion of future international security should not lead to its dismissal as an unlikely doomsday scenario. Russia’s expansionism since 2014 and the recent escalation in the foreign rhetoric of China and the United States represent a turning point in world politics. For observers from countries that possess weapons of mass destruction and/or are full members of alliances possessing such weapons, these may be regrettable but secondary phenomena. For states that have neither, Russia’s expansion and genocide on the territory of Ukraine, which is neither a NATO member nor a nuclear weapons state, as well as the ambivalent response of other major powers to Moscow’s escalation, cannot simply be ignored.

The changes in global security policy triggered by Russia’s territorial expansion and multiple war crimes in recent years raise existential questions for smaller powers. This effect intensifies with each day that the war continues. It would increase dramatically if Russia were to achieve a military victory or would be able to impose on Ukraine an unjust Siegfrieden (victorious peace). Relatively weaker countries bordering potentially expansionist states may then begin discussing the development or acquisition of weapons of mass destruction.
- This article was originally published in www.kyivpost.com
November 16, 2025
Fiscalisation: How Nigeria’s digital invoicing can passively expand tax inclusion
- By Olanrewaju M. Lassise-Phillips
Introduction

When Nigeria introduced the e-invoice solution as part of its fiscalisation framework, public attention largely focused on compliance enforcement, that is, the ability of the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) to monitor transactions in real time and curb revenue leakages. But beneath that immediate compliance objective lies a more transformative potential: passive tax inclusion.

The e-invoice platform does more than validate invoices; it brings visibility to the invisible economy, especially the informal sector that accounts for over half of Nigeria’s economic activity but contributes a fraction of the tax take.

1. The Visibility Problem

For decades, tax administration in Nigeria has been constrained by the opacity of the informal sector. Millions of micro and small enterprises transact daily without record, receipt, or reporting. Traditional enforcement methods such as audits, field registration drives, and information requests have proven costly, inefficient, and often adversarial.

The e-invoice solution may have quietly or inadvertently changed this dynamic. Every time an invoice is issued electronically, the data travels (in real time or near-real time) to the FIRS system. This simple process creates a digital footprint for transactions that were previously invisible.

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2. Passive Inclusion through Data

The system is “passive” largely because there is no need for intrusive investigations or taxpayer drives. Instead, visibility itself becomes a compliance driver. By mapping transaction trails, FIRS can identify:

✔         suppliers or service providers who have not registered for tax;

✔         businesses whose declared income is inconsistent with their invoicing volume; and

✔         sectoral turnover patterns that inform more accurate presumptive taxation.

Each data point becomes a lead, not for punishment, but for gradual onboarding into the formal tax system.

3. Why This Matters for Nigeria

Nigeria’s tax-to-GDP ratio is considered one of the lowest in Africa. A major reason is the exclusion of informal operators. Yet, fiscal expansion cannot rely solely on new taxes or higher rates; it must rest on broadening the base. The e-invoice mechanism provides a non-confrontational path toward this goal by embedding fiscal visibility within everyday business operations.

4. Building an Intelligent Tax Ecosystem

The long-term potential lies in integration. When e-invoicing data connects with national identity numbers (NIN), bank verification numbers (BVN), and business registration databases, Nigeria will possess the infrastructure to administer a smart tax system. Such a system shifts the administrative burden from enforcement to analytics and behavioural nudging, identifying gaps, prompting compliance, and automating returns for small enterprises.

5. From Compliance to Collaboration

The e-invoice project also redefines the relationship between tax authorities and taxpayers. Rather than viewing fiscalisation as surveillance, it can be positioned as a trust-building tool where data transparency reduces arbitrary assessments, eliminates invoice fraud, and supports fairer taxation.

A more transparent value chain benefits everyone as follows:

✔         government gains predictable, real-time revenue insights;

✔         businesses gain audit trails, credibility, and easier access to finance; and

✔         Informal operators gain a gradual path into formal recognition.

6. The Way Forward

To unlock its full promise, fiscalisation must be accompanied by:

✔         simplified onboarding for micro and small enterprises;

✔         awareness campaigns that highlight benefits, not just penalties; and

✔         integration with MSME finance initiatives to ensure visibility translates into opportunity.

If properly implemented, the e-invoice system will not only seal revenue leakages but also quietly transform Nigeria’s tax landscape from coercion to inclusion, from opacity to transparency, and from enforcement to engagement.

In essence, fiscalisation is not just about control. It’s about connection. The e-invoice solution offers Nigeria a chance to see and serve the informal economy, not as an enforcement challenge but as a fiscal partner.
- Olanrewaju M. Lassise-Phillips, the Immediate Past Chairman, Tax Appeal Tribunal Lagos Zone 1 (2018 – 2024) and Partner, The Law Gates, writes in from Lagos.
November 16, 2025
Trump: If Ambassador George Obiozor were alive
- By Uche Obiozor
Memories linger but there are days when a people actually wish that there departed relatives, friends or compatriots are still very much around. One of such moments in our dear country, Nigeria, is now. In the last couple of weeks that President Donald Trump issued a threat to Nigeria, there is a sudden realization that our country seems to suffer a depletion of seasoned diplomats who would helped their fatherland navigate this troubled times. Either they are no more or those still around have either lost steam or are suffering from a certain inertia that arises from the “trouble with Nigeria”. Given the consensus that what Nigeria needs now is deft diplomatic moves, one of such persons whom Nigerians would certainly wish he were still around is the late Professor (Ambassador) George Obiozor who departed three years ago.

Ambassador Obiozor served as Nigeria’s Ambassador to the United States of America between 2004 and 2008. Apart from being one of the longest serving in that mission, his appointment was unique. Obiozor had before his posting to the United States, served as Nigeria’s Ambassador to Israel between 1999 and 2003, with concurrent responsibility as High Commissioner to Cyprus. This earlier exposure put him in a very good stead to carry out further work of diplomacy in the US especially given the relationship between the latter and Israel.

Given that Obiozor served in those positions in the formative years of the current democratic dispensation, he helped in no small measure in shaping the relations between Nigerian and the two countries. It was no doubt a challenging period because Nigeria was just beginning to wear a new look in the eyes of the rest of the world after several years of military dictatorship, more so in the immediate five years before the transition in 1999.

But even before going into the field of diplomacy proper, Obiozor had been involved in a deep study of international diplomacy,both bilateral and multilateral. It was in the course of that involvement that he published some of the world’s most renowned books on international relations and diplomacy. They include, Nigeria’s Participation In the UN (1985); Nigeria And the World: Managing The Politics of Diplomatic Ambivalence In A Changing World, (1986); Uneasy Friendship: Nigerian-American Relations (1992); The United States And The Nigerian Civil War (1993) and The Politics of Precarious Balancing: Analysis of Contending Issues In Nigeria’s Domestic And Foreign Policy (1994). Each of these books stood out on its own but the situation today sets Obiozor aside both as a diplomat and, indeed, a prophet especially with respect to the last two books .Details of “Uneasy Friendship …” were not available at the time of putting this write up together but its title sounds prophetic given the circumstances of today.

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Obiozor wrote the book when thing were good – so to speak – but the unease, he wrote about is now here. In other words, even though the circumstances then and now are not the same, I believe it is possible to glean from Obiozor’s 1992 book insights that could help navigate the current situation, at least in a broad sense. It would be proper, therefore, for those saddled with the responsibility of carrying out the current diplomatic assignment to go grab a copy of “Uneasy Friendship…”. The big question, however, is, what would have been Professor Obiozor’s response to President Trump’s threat were he to be around today?

But first, let’s look at what those – former Nigerian Ambassador to the US – still alive have had to say on the matter. Hassan Mohammed, Nigeria’s former Ambasador to the United States in an interview with ARISE News on November 3, 2025, faulted President Trump on his threat of invasion to Nigeria. Mohammed noted that while the United States has the legal authority to pressure countries failing to uphold freedom of religion under its 1998 International Freedom of Religion Act, (IFRA), the law does not grant the US the right to declare war on carry out military action over such matters. The former envoy recalled that Nigeria had been previously listed under the Act in 2001 and 2002, but the issue was resolved amicably through dialogue.

Another diplomat, Ambassador Danjuma Nanpon Sheni, reacting to the designation of Nigeria as a “Country of Particular Concern” and threat of military action against her by President Trump ,over alleged religious persecution of Christians,had this to say: “As a Christian, I find it difficult to fully agree that Christians are being systematically persecuted in Nigeria. What I see is that human beings are being killed regardless of faith. People are being killed by insurgents and bandits across communities… but do I believe that the federal or state government are sponsoring the killings? My answer is no”. Asked how he feels the situation should be handled based on his experience, Ambassador Shani said: “Nigeria’s diplomatic enagement is poor … we should have ensured this designation never happened in the first place. We saw the warning signs …. Nigeria must put its best diplomats forward, both retired and serving, alongside respected elder statesmen, to begin a serious lobbying mission in Washington”

Another former Nigerian Ambassador to the Philippines, Mr Yemi Farounbi, in his own reaction warned President Bola Tinubu against visiting President Trump in the US, describing such a move as “politically unnecessary”. Ambassador Farounbi said President Tinubu must avoid actions that portray Nigeria as seeking validation from leaders who have little regard for Africa’s dignity. “Nigeria’s president represents over 200 million people. He should not visit anyone who once called African nations ‘shit hole countries’. We must act like a nation that values itself, not one begging to be recognized”.

Ambassador Farounbi, however, blamed the current development on Nigeria’s poor diplomatic response to international criticism and described the US action as a predictable outcome of silence and in action. “We cannot claim we didn’t see this coming. For years, Catholic Bishops from Benue and Plateau states have appeared before the US Congress and European Parliament presenting statistics of Christians killed by militants yet Nigeria offered no stronger counter narrative”.He added: “When you refuse to speak for yourself, others will speak for you… and when they do, they will not tell your story with fairness”.

Now back to the question, what would have been Ambassador Obiozor’s own reaction to the current situation. First, it is important to note that Professor Obiozor was an Establishment man. In his public career that spanned over a period of forty years, there was no THINK TANK in the country Professor Obiozor was not part of, even though those who set up such bodies ended up doing without the recommendations given to them. Throughout the military era, Professor Obiozor was one of the few intellectuals the “Khaki Boys” took into confidence after they had discovered in him a man of his own. bold and with the courage to speak truth to power. Since the advent of the current democratic dispensation, administration after administration has also taken him into confidence, as illustrated by the fact that even the tough-talking and cunning President Olusegun Obasanjo appointed him to two of the world’s most strategic missions – Israel and the US.

This, coupled with the fact that Obiozor was an African patriot, would have most probably made him to stand up against any real or potential intimidation to Nigeria. However, he would have recommended dialogue, not a “What Do You Think You Are”? posturing. As revealed by Ambassador Hassan Mohammed, Nigeria was first listed for sanction under the U.S IFRA in 2001 and 2002 but the matter was resolved amicably through dialogue. The time is significant. The listing was in 2001 and 2002 and Professor Obiozor arrived the international diplomatic turf first in Israel in 2003 and then U.S in 2004. That being the case, he must have played a key role in the dialogue that led to the delisting of Nigeria’s name as an offender on the IFRA.

Yet, Professor Obiozor, would not have hesitated to tell the Tinubu administration where it went wrong. He wouldn’t even have waited for Trump to come up with his threats. Given that signs of an imminent global concern over Nigeria was already palpable, Professor Obiozor would have proactively galvanized other intellectuals like him, especially on the diplomatic turf , for a subtle push back over wrong perceptions and prejudices on Nigeria.
- Obiozor wrote from Ubachima, Awo-Ommama, Imo State.
November 16, 2025
Adieu Taofeek Ademola Bello: eulogy to life and the weight of loss
- By Tunji Olaopa
I have celebrated, in all my writings, the significance of my triple heritage—how my upbringing was conditioned by the confluence of the Islamic, the Christian/Western and the traditional Yoruba cultural influences. This is a fact that many homes in colonial Yorubaland were familiar with. It was not all a rosy narration as the tension that often flares in the cracks of the relationships among these religious and cultural elements conditioned children, the families and their relationships. That was exactly what happened in the evolution of my Olaopa-Olagunju family of Aawe town in Afijio LGA of Oyo State.

Aáwé, my home town, was an exemplar of the best accommodationist spirit of the Yoruba race. It was a town that had a strategy for managing differences within a secular and cultural framework. And yet, the uneasy relationship between Christianity and Islam within a traditional Yoruba cultural context prevented what could have otherwise been a beautiful marriage between Baba Adebowale Olaopa and Mama Muniratu Apinke Olagunju, the daughter of an Islamic cleric. However, while the lovebirds were prevented from solemnizing their affection in a marriage, the love had already been consummated. By the time they were forced to part ways because of religious differences, Mama Muniratu Olagunju was already pregnant with my father, Festus Adeyemo omo Adebowale Olaopa. Mama Muniratu remarried eventually, gave birth to other children including Mama Abibat Apinke who married Malam Suleman Bello from Aáwé. Their first child was Taofeek Ademola Bello.

This was a brother in whom I am well pleased. He was the closest of all my Muslim cousins and indeed my other siblings in the Olagunju clan. And I concretized that relationship by naming my son, Ademola Olaopa, after him. And this makes this eulogy one that carries a very deep weight of loss for me. The prostrate cancer that took his life was not brief. He had valiantly struggled against the disease, as he was wont to all his life, before finally capitulating. And the inevitability of that demise still did not make the death less painful for me. This is one brother I did not want to be separated from under any circumstances. Indeed, he grew into a stature that qualified him to be one of my mentors for life. He was exactly ten years older than I am, and his constant presence was a very firm and strong formative influence on my impressionable mind while growing under the loving tutelage of Mama Muniratu in Aáwé.

Brother Taofeek was street-smart and rascally in a way that all youth are usually susceptible to, especially those who had a taste of growing up in Lagos. He was full of life, intelligent, energetic, boisterous, confident, value-propelled, focused, a star-sportsman on the relay race sprints at Fidi-Grams (FGS, Fiditi), and ambitious. And yet, the complex dynamics of sociocultural formation in an extended family such as ours did not provide him with the requisite incentives to acquit himself to his fullest extent. But brother Taofeek was not one to quit easily. Within the context of his sociocultural limitations, he achieved the superlative feat in form five at Fiditi Grammar School, of qualifying to be included in the concessional admission list that got him into the prestigious University of Ibadan to study agriculture, with a specialty in soil science. That was a huge acclamation and feat for those of us toiling educationally at Aáwé. I was then in primary school, and awestruck! That singular feat easily made it possible for me, a young and aspiring lad, to include him and his friend, Adesola Ogunniyi—who later went on to become a renowned African neurologist of stature and emeritus-professor of medicine at the College of Medicine, University of Ibadan—in my growing list of mentors made up, at that point, of the famous Aáwé indigenes: Professor Latunde Odeku, Prof. Ojetunji Aboyade, Dr Adegbite, and more.

We became increasingly inseparable as we kept growing. We both graduated from being brothers to being friends. But the Yoruba are wise. The wisdom that our cultural heritage delivered for our existential reckoning are resources we often do not pay close attention to. Ogún ọmọdé ò lè ṣ’eré f’ógún ọdún (twenty children cannot socialize for twenty years). Death is always the great leveler that brings ambitions and aspirations to nought. Death separates between loved ones and leaves a void of deep loss. When Taofeek Ademola Bello finally lost the battle against prostrate cancer on 11 November 2025, and breathed his last at the age of 76, I was once again forced into a reflective engagement with life and its essence. I had grown so accustomed to having brother Taofeek at close quarters that I lost all bearing about his imminent demise.

Death always leaves a paradoxical traumatic taste in one’s mouth. And Virginia Woolf, the English modernist writer, captures it best: “Someone has to die in order that the rest of us should value life more.” That seems so cruel but so axiomatic. I suspect this is why the Bible insists that it is better to be in a house of mourning than that of feasting (Eccl. 7:2). The house of mourning, like the one we have been thrown by the departure of my brother, and cousin and friend, focuses our existential attention on what is crucial—on what counts when all is said and done. Death makes our consciousness of life even more acute. But then someone has to die. Taofeek is gone forever. And suddenly we are reflecting on what life entails for the living.

Death signals finality; a cessation of all hopes and possibilities. It leaves a very sour existential taste in the mouth. Since brother Taofeek passed, I have sat and examined the trajectory of his existence. Did he fulfill his life in the best possible ways he aspired right from the commencement of his consciousness about life itself and what could have been possible? When he laid helpless on his hospital bed and could almost feel the cancer ravaging his body, what were his thoughts? What motivated his contentment with life? Brother Taofeek was a man who accepted his station in life with almost childlike resignation and joy. So, even when he gave life his very best in terms of striving to better his lot, he was never determined by inordinate ambitions. Did he regret his resignation? Did he think he could have done more to better his lots in life?

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Even though death is inscrutable in its impartiality, life can be really unfair. I think brother Taofeek deserves more in life; for someone who embodied wisdom, zest, abilities and a depth of cultural resources. I imagine growing up with all the possible exuberance and ambitious enthusiasm of youth. I imagine the zestful energies of someone who thought he could take on the entire world without breaking a sweat. That was brother Taofeek. He was taking on the world in leaps and bounds, and according to his own determinations of what he wanted. Until life began to cut him to sizes. And he recognized in time that it was futile to debate with your lots in life. He was solidly stoical in his resignation to his existential circumstances.

All these make the thought of the finality of separation even more painful. The dead can no longer be helped. When a loved one dies, especially in such a traumatic situation like the one that took the life of my brother, those left behind are filled with a deep sense of loss, and even maybe an even deeper sense of lament. We run our minds through all the possible scenarios that could have been deployed to alleviate the deceased’s pain or prevent the final departure. In my own case, that loss is a yawning void. It is a void that is not only riddled with pains and sorrows, but one filled with institutional foreboding. Even in my deep state of debilitating loss, I am still compelled to ask: in what ways does diseases like prostrate cancer, which a nation like Nigeria fails to confront, rid that same state of valuable human resources?

Death like this force even a nation to reckon with its own failures. How do death and diseases undermine a nation’s developmental drive? Governance is a potent force that has the capacity to stay off the hands of entirely needless death, like that of brother Taofeek, only if the state is proactive enough to facilitate a functional healthcare system that handles diseases proactively before it begins to ravage the minds and bodies of the citizens. Our hospitals and medical centres are not meant to be hospices where citizens go to die. On the contrary, they are meant to be sites of hope and regeneration that complement a state’s search for a human capital development that reinforces its productive forces. Every needless and unnecessary death is therefore a loss for a state. The death of brother Taofeek Ademola Bello is not just familial; it is crucially national. Policies are therefore required at the boundaries of governance and institutional reforms to ensure that the social contract the government has with its citizens involves staying the march of sicknesses and diseases on many fronts. The reign of some diseases and illnesses ought to have been ended many decades ago. Every death decimates a nation.
- Olaopa is Chairman, Federal Civil Service Commission & Professor of Public Administration, Abuja
November 16, 2025
Tax Reform: The truth about investment income and personal savings
- By Omowunmi Samuel
A recent online claim has caused confusion regarding the Federal Inland Revenue Service’s (FIRS) enforcement of withholding tax on investment income.

The claim suggests that the government is attempting to target Nigerians’ savings through a new tax on earnings from Treasury bills, corporate bonds, and other short-term securities. However, this interpretation of the tax reform is misleading.

In reality, the withholding tax on interest income is not a new policy. It has been in place for a long time under the Companies Income Tax Act (CITA), which gives the FIRS the authority to deduct tax at the source from interest earned on financial instruments such as Treasury bills, bonds, and promissory notes.

Recently, the FIRS issued a reminder to financial institutions about their responsibility to enforce this existing tax provision more rigorously.

Clarification on taxation and savings

There seems to be a misconception that the FIRS is targeting savings accounts. However, savings themselves are not subject to taxation.

The interest earned on savings is considered taxable income. This distinction is critical, as the tax does not apply to the principal amount saved, but rather to the income generated from that savings.

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Moreover, there has been no increase in taxes or the introduction of new taxes since the current government took office.

The public notice issued by the FIRS relates to the enforcement of tax on interest from short-term investments, which has been taxable since 2022.

A temporary exemption on these earnings expired last year, and the renewed enforcement is simply a step towards ensuring compliance with existing tax laws, rather than introducing a new form of taxation.

It is essential to note that this measure does not directly affect personal savings or impose an additional tax on savings income. Instead, it affects investment earnings such as those from Treasury bills and bonds, which have long been subject to tax.

Global practices and the need for clarity

The renewed enforcement is in line with global tax practices, where tax authorities automatically deduct taxes on investment income to improve compliance and expand the revenue base.

This measure is part of Nigeria’s broader 2025 Tax Reform strategy, which aims to boost non-oil revenue in response to declining oil output and rising public debt.

While some critics argue that Nigerians’ frustrations stem from governance issues rather than the tax system itself, the clarification reinforces that the current enforcement pertains only to investment earnings, not savings.

The policy is not new, nor is it aimed at penalizing personal savings; instead, it is an ongoing legal provision that ensures all taxable income, including investment interest, contributes to national revenue.

Understanding the nuances of tax policies is essential to avoid the spread of misinformation. The FIRS’s renewed enforcement does not target personal savings, but rather ensures that investment income, which has been taxable for some time, is properly taxed in line with global practices.

Omowunmi Samuel writes from Abuja.
November 14, 2025
T. A. Orji (Ochendo) at 75

By Eddie Onuzuruike

The Greek mythology and Igbo cosmology share common features. They believe that there is magic in the name. Senator Theodore Ahamefule Orji was so named on November 9, 1950 when he was born as his father knew what he wanted from God. Theodore in Greek means gift of God. It is a classic name with rich history often associated with strength and wisdom.

Ahamefule in Igbo proclaims: let my name not be lost! There are other dialectal variables like Obi m Echila, Amaechila and Nkemdirim. All these are pleas for success and continuity. Ironically, Ahamefule Orji was born a lone child of the mother, Daa Ifeoma of blessed memory. His lone child status seemed like a single tree which according to a popular saying cannot make a forest. This connotes great impossibility but iconic Nelson Mandela once observed that it seems impossible until it is done.

Life experiences and some bible stories have semblance of multiple stories of impossibilities that later became possible through faith, ultimate believe in God and determination. We can remember the case of David and Goliath, wars and battles of Alexander the great, scintillating escapades of Joan of Arc, the scientific discoveries and inventions of Albert Einstein that changed the world yet his teacher in his early years wrote off as a dull child. Others are Thomas Edison and Moses of the bible who lead Israel off captivity.

Senator T A Orji is one such personification of a tree that made a forest and a great lesson where a father’s wish prodded his son to great heights.

Chief Tom Ikoro Orji, a notable Warrant Chief of the colonial era, the first to own a story building among his peers fancied the impeccable lifestyle of the colonial officer popularly known as D O, short for District Officer. He thought aloud and wished young Theodore to be like the D O and Senator Orji then promised himself to make the dream come true. It wasn’t easy all the way as at some point in the developmental stages, he trekked for some hours from Amokwe Ugba Ibeku to Sancta Crux College Olokoro, a snaky road crossing rivers and rivulets of Ndume, Agbama and Olokoro on daily basis during his secondary school era.

It should be noted that it was only duly determined children who persevered as many at some point became truants and only appeared at home during mealtimes. Undeterred, young Ahamefule strode gallantly to Holy Ghost College Owerri for his higher school and capped his education with a university degree at the prestigious University of Ibadan strictly on merit.

After his NYSC in present day Sokoto State, he joined the Imo State Civil Service as an Administrative Officer, serving a succession of military officers like Sunday Adenihun, Ike Nwachukwu, Amadi Ikwuechegh and others before the creation of Abia State when he came back to continue his dedicated service to the young state.

His habitual excellent services threw him up for secondment to a federal agency, the NECON that metamorphosed into INEC of today. This historic secondment wasn’t on a platter of gold as it was hotly contested in an exam with his peer and soul mate of blessed memory, Chief Halley Onuoha.

His return from secondment as a Principal Secretary and later Permanent Secretary metamorphosed into the political appointment as the Chief of Staff to the governor of Abia State in 1999, a position he occupied for eight years when Abia witnessed a quick succession of deputy governors.

His name, Ahamefule and Chi guided him as he was sworn in as the 3rd democratically elected governor of Abia on May 29, 2007 but not without scruples as he made history when he was elected while in the hot enclosures of illegal detention.

His governorship for eight years on a paltry monthly allocation which dangled precariously from N3 billion to N3.5 billion that scarcely paid salaries yet witnessed innovations in policy and infrastructures, economic growth, education, healthcare delivery and core leadership. A few examples will suffice.

The health sector was revolutionized, with Abia Diagnostic Centers equipped with dialysis machines hitherto unknown in Abia, 100 bed hospitals in many LGAs, ambulances and all resulting in Prof Onyebuchi Chukwu, the then Minister of Health visiting Abia to commission very important projects. The civil servants for the first time had a sweet story to tell as they were massively promoted to the next level and housing them in a specially built secretariat rather than operate from rented flats in different locations.

Added to these were a well-structured Government House and the International Conference Centre that a visiting minister Labran Maku acknowledged can rub shoulders with the ones in Pretoria, South Africa. The reinvigoration of Abia Scholarship Board which saw pilots and aeronautic engineers trained abroad, the handing over of mission schools, 40 years after the civil war and other scientific pursuits remain highlights of The T.A. administration.

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Lest we forget, the mass transit initiative with free buses for secondary schools in Aba and Umuahia, tricycle and car gifts as empowerment components had impact on youths as many are still using theirs till this day. In like manner, rural electrification was massively embarked upon with transformers of immense capacities donated. We may not forget in a hurry how kidnapping bayed the state like a monster and how commercial motorcycle accidents congested the accident wards of the FMC and Aba General Hospital to which kidnapping became a capital offence now replicated in other states and the total ban of commercial motorcycles giving rise to influx of Keke tricycles. It should be noted too that for the eight years of his administration, there were no strikes or industrial actions and Abia paid higher than the official national minimum wage. His insistence on entrenching equity that brought an Ngwa to the governorship was historic and highly celebrated.

At the Senate of the National Assembly in 2015, he didn’t relent in delivery as he won an award as one of the most productive senators in his first year in a poll by the Daily Trust newspapers. He was equally not lagging in the legislative process of sponsoring bills in high numbers, a few potent ones out of the lot are the Accident Investigation Bureau amendment Bill of 2016 which has today enhanced investigation of air accidents, saving lives and improving international cooperation. In 2018, his bill on establishing the centre for disease control popularly known as NCDC bill came alive in COVID 19, drawing accolades from far and near and equally boosted his image and that of Abia in the fight against the pandemic that locked up the world.

Like Alexander the great who never lost any war, he didn’t lose any election or lose any court case. He clocked 75 on Sunday November 9 and we say, “To God be the Glory!”

•Onuzuruike writes from Umuahia, Abia State.

November 14, 2025
A call to fast-track electoral reforms

By Hassan Mathias Kabulu

At every election cycle, Nigerians look up to the National Assembly, state Houses of Assembly and the president to amend the constitution, Electoral Act and other election-related laws, to improve the quality of our elections. Declining electoral integrity has remained a major concern for Nigerians, especially the youth.

Nigerians always expect the process of amending our legal framework to strengthen our electoral process to be quick and seamless but almost always experience the opposite. The constitutional and electoral reform process sometimes begins late, experiences significant and avoidable delays and is only concluded when the next election is already around the corner. Then, after the polls, we return to the same conversation as if democracy is a wheel we keep pushing uphill only to watch it roll back.

The 10th Senate and House of Representatives both inaugurated their Constitutional Review Committees in February 2024, seven clear months after their proclamation in June 2023. Setting up these committees within three months may have shown a greater sense of purpose. In 2024, the Senate and House Constitutional Review Committees released timelines for their engagements, including schedules for public hearings to receive input from the Nigerian public. The Senate Constitutional Review Committee ended up holding their public meeting in July, nine months late from their original schedule of September 2024. The House also held theirs in July, eight months late from their original schedule of October 2024

The Youth-Electoral Reform Project (YERP-Naija), attended all 19 regional and national public hearings held by the Senate and House Constitutional Review Committees and commends both legislative houses for the open and frank discussions held. Timing however, seems to be a bottleneck once again, as a vote on the Constitutional Review Bills discussed during those public hearings is not in sight, three and a half months after those public hearings.

According to their original calendars, the Senate planned to vote on the bills between April and May, 2025, while the House scheduled their vote for April 2025. Information went out that perhaps these votes would take place in October, but they did not.

Being a process to amend the constitution, the bills will have to be transmitted to the 36 states’ Houses of Assembly for concurrence by the National Assembly, after they pass them, in line with Chapter 1, section 9 of the Constitution. Both chambers of the National Assembly had planned to transmit constitutional reform bills to the state Houses of Assembly for concurrence between May and August. There has been no new communication or updates on when all of these processes that have not been implemented will happen.

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We cannot keep repeating these delays as a people. Democracy doesn’t thrive on improvisation or last-minute actions; it thrives on clarity, consistency, and sincerity of purpose. If lawmakers do not fast-track these reforms, the 2027 electoral process will be a replica of the 2019 and 2023 process; when we were unable to create awareness about, and implement the full intent of the amended laws.

We have seen this before. In 2018, President Muhammadu Buhari withheld assent to the Electoral Amendment Bill multiple times, citing the proximity to the 2019 elections. The delay led to confusion. Political parties conducted primaries without much needed clarity in the environment; court cases multiplied; and INEC was left to organize a major election under outdated legal provisions, due to the president’s refusal to sign the new law.

Nigerian youth urge the National Assembly to rescue the constitutional and electoral reform processes by passing election-related bills before the end of 2025, and transmit the same to the state Houses of Assembly for concurrence. We are gradually approaching the timelines when international protocols on the early completion of electoral reform processes will apply to us. International protocols, including some from the African Union and ECOWAS, state that late amendment of election legal framework undermines the credibility of elections. Enough of the delays. When electoral reform is late, everyone pays the price, from voters to observers, parties to candidates. The ordinary Nigerian, especially young people, who queues under the sun to vote, deserves more than legal uncertainty and technical half-measures.

History is already watching. The question is whether our leaders will make history or repeat it. When reforms come late, democracy pays the price. But when they come on time, democracy breathes. Our young people should continue to reach out to their elected representatives, to pass all electoral reform bills before the end of 2025. We call on Nigerian youth, civil society groups and professional groups to add their voices to public calls for far-reaching electoral reform through traditional and social media engagements.

•Kabulu is member, Youth Electoral Reform Project (YERP-Naija), North-East Chapter.

November 14, 2025