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  • No place for a coup in Nigeria

    No place for a coup in Nigeria

    • By Ernest Omoarelojie

    In recent weeks, Nigeria’s public discourse has been clouded by rumours of a foiled coup plot involving over a dozen military officers and a former governor allegedly “on the run.” While the Defence Headquarters has issued a characteristically ambiguous statement, the very persistence of these rumours—whether grounded in fact or fabricated through disinformation—demands urgent clarification: There is absolutely no place for military intervention in today’s Nigeria.

    This isn’t mere rhetoric. It’s a data-driven conclusion supported by Nigeria’s painful history, the catastrophic failures of recent military takeovers across Africa’s Sahel region, and mounting evidence of foreign-backed disinformation campaigns designed to destabilise democratic governance across the continent. While it is true that the statement from the DHQ neither confirmed nor denied the reports, the speculation has continued to spread rapidly across social media—fuelled by conspiracy theories, propaganda, and coordinated disinformation. Yet, amid the noise, one truth must be re-emphasised and declared without ambiguity: There is no place for a coup or military junta in today’s Nigeria.

    No grievance, however genuine, justifies a return to military rule. Nigeria’s democracy may be imperfect, but it remains the only framework capable of reforming itself without destroying the nation. We have already paid too high a price for the lessons of authoritarianism. The mere imagination of another coup is not only reckless but profoundly dangerous for a country still healing from decades of military misadventure.

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    Between 1966 and 1999, Nigeria endured six successful coups and several failed attempts. The first, in January 1966, plunged the country into chaos, triggering a civil war that claimed over a million lives and left deep ethnic and regional scars that still shape our politics today. Those years of military interregnum—29 in total—brought suspended constitutions, curtailed freedoms, and economic mismanagement that impoverished generations.

    By 1998, Nigeria’s per capita income had declined by nearly 40 per cent from its 1980 levels, inflation had soared, and international sanctions had rendered the nation a pariah. Between 1960 and 1999, Nigeria earned more than $350 billion from oil exports, yet emerged with decrepit infrastructure, foreign debt exceeding $30 billion, and rampant poverty. Transparency International later estimated that at least $5 billion was stolen under one military regime alone.

    We cannot forget those years. Military rule did not save Nigeria—it nearly destroyed her.

    Since 1999, despite setbacks, democracy has delivered measurable progress. Nigeria has experienced seven consecutive elections and four peaceful transfers of power between parties—unprecedented in our history. Our economy has grown, from $46 billion in 1999 to over $440 billion today, making Nigeria one of Africa’s largest economies. Freedom of expression and civic activism have flourished. The media is freer than ever, and civil society continues to shape national debate. These gains, however modest, are the fruits of civilian rule.

    Contrast this with recent experiences in Africa’s Sahel region, where coups have been romanticised as patriotic revolutions. In Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, soldiers promised stability but delivered chaos. The Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED) reports that violent incidents in Mali have increased by more than 150 per cent since the 2021 coup. Burkina Faso recorded over 8,000 conflict-related deaths in 2023—its bloodiest year on record. Niger, once a model of Western partnership, now faces sanctions, diplomatic isolation, and growing insecurity.

    Far from restoring order, military juntas have exacerbated corruption, restricted freedoms, and weaponised propaganda to conceal their failures. Transparency International’s indices confirm that corruption perceptions have deteriorated across all junta-led states. Freedom House now ranks every coup-affected nation as “Not Free.” The message is unmistakable: military rule breeds repression and decline, not progress.

    Equally alarming is the rise of disinformation designed to destabilise democracies like Nigeria’s. Research by the Centre for Democracy and Development (CDD) and EU DisinfoLab has uncovered coordinated online campaigns—some linked to foreign actors—spreading pro-coup sentiment across West Africa. These networks exploit legitimate frustrations over insecurity and poverty to romanticise military rule and sow distrust in civilian institutions.

    This is not patriotism; it is manipulation. Every Nigerian who forwards unverified rumours of a coup or glorifies soldiers as saviours is, knowingly or not, amplifying the work of those who wish to fracture our democracy from within.

    Let us be clear: democracy is not perfect. Citizens are frustrated by corruption, unemployment, and governance failures. However, the answer lies in deeper reform, not a return to authoritarianism. Democracy allows us to protest, vote, speak, and litigate. Military rule silences all of that. The difference between democracy and dictatorship is not perfection—it is the presence of choice.

    Even now, Nigeria’s institutions continue to evolve. The 2022 Electoral Act has improved transparency and electoral integrity. The Freedom of Information Act empowers journalists to demand accountability. The judiciary, although imperfect, is increasingly asserting its independence. These are steps forward—achievements that would vanish overnight under a military junta.

    Nigeria’s Armed Forces have repeatedly affirmed their loyalty to the Constitution. That commitment must be protected and celebrated. Civil society, the media, and citizens must also remain vigilant, resisting any attempt—real or imagined—to drag Nigeria back to the dark era of decrees and fear.

    In today’s interconnected world, a coup would not only destroy Nigeria’s fragile stability but also trigger economic collapse, diplomatic isolation, and social unrest. The Sahel’s tragedies are warning enough: the gun cannot build what only governance can.

    Nigeria’s future lies not in the barrel of a gun but in the ballot box, in civic participation, and in accountable leadership. The path of democracy is hard, but it is the only one that leads forward. For all our imperfections, democracy gives us hope, adaptability, and voice. Military rule silences all three.

    •Omoarelojie is the Director of Media and Communications for Hope Alive Initiative, a pro-good-governance advocate in Nigeria.

  • Africa’s real problem isn’t talent but the system

    Africa’s real problem isn’t talent but the system

    By Mohammed Basah

    I’ve met brilliant people on the streets of Lagos, Abuja, Kaduna, Jos, Gombe, Kano, Port Harcourt, Calabar, Uyo, Enugu, Nnewi, Johannesburg and Cape Town. Not just people who can talk big ideas, but young men and women who can build, who can sell, who can make things happen — the kind of people who can turn a N10,000 idea into something that feeds a family. Yet every time I talk to them, there’s a familiar sadness in their eyes, a mix of drive and exhaustion. It’s not that they don’t have ideas. It’s that they don’t have systems. Talent can start a fire, but systems keep it burning.

    That, in simple terms, is Africa’s biggest challenge — not a shortage of skill, creativity, or passion. Those we have in abundance. What we lack are systems that help ordinary people transform their spark into sustainable impact. We’ve repeated a lie so often it sounds like truth: that Africa has a talent problem. The truth is, we don’t. What we have is a conversion problem. Every year, our universities, polytechnics, and training centres produce millions of graduates — dreamers, creators, and innovators — but only handful ends up building enterprises that survive beyond the first year.

    It’s not because they’re lazy or unserious; it’s because the ecosystem around them is broken.

    They face barriers on every side. Information poverty keeps them from making informed business decisions. Market disconnect ensures they don’t know how to find or retain customers. And then there’s execution fatigue — they’re doing everything alone, without structure, support, or a framework to help them scale. Yet these same people have the same drive as their peers in Singapore, South Korea, or Finland — countries that invested early in systems, not slogans.

    We love inspiration in Africa. We love motivational quotes and loud conferences. We love to say “Don’t give up.” But inspiration without structure is just emotional caffeine — it gives you a rush, then a crash. If motivation alone built nations, Nigeria would be an economic superpower by now.

    Systems are what separate success stories from survival stories. Look at Japan, China, South Korea, Singapore, and Finland — countries that transformed their economies within a generation. They didn’t do it through speeches. They built robust systems that allowed talent to flourish: education systems that taught problem-solving, industries that encouraged innovation, and policies that supported entrepreneurs instead of stifling them.

    In Singapore, Lee Kuan Yew didn’t just preach hard work. He built frameworks for accountability, innovation, and excellence. Finland stopped teaching rote memorization and focused on problem-solving — and became a global education model. Meanwhile, we’re still teaching young people to memorize states and capitals instead of how to solve problems in their communities.

    I’ve watched young men with potential fall through the cracks. They start with a small dream — maybe a tech idea or a tailoring business. They work day and night, hustling to feed themselves and their dream. Then one day, they burn out. Not because they’re not talented, but because there was no ladder for them to climb. That’s what happens in countries without functioning systems. Talent keeps trying to climb, but the ladder is broken — there’s no access to finance, weak policy support, little business education, and a near absence of mentorship. The painful truth? For every young Nigerian that “makes it,” there are hundreds of equally talented ones who never get the chance. We must fix the ladder, not just cheer the climbers.

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    Africa’s future will not be defined by politicians or its biggest corporations, but by its builders — those who take raw ideas and craft them into systems that others can build upon. We need a generation of people who stop asking for opportunities and start building the platforms that create them.

    So, what can we do? We need to teach systems thinking early, not just dream selling. We must reward execution, not eloquence. We must invest in entrepreneurial infrastructure — not just conferences that motivate for a day but change nothing. And we must build collaboration between academia, government, civil society, and business.

    Above all, we must change the narrative. Let’s stop calling failure “laziness” when it’s really “system failure.” If we get this right — if we build systems that help people translate potential into performance — Africa will no longer be known as the land of untapped talent, but as the continent of unstoppable builders.

    Everywhere I go, I meet young people who still believe. They’re not waiting for government jobs or foreign aid — they just want a fair chance. They remind me that hope is not dead in Africa; it’s just waiting for structure. And so, as I tell every aspiring entrepreneur I meet: your idea is the seed, your skill is the soil, but the system — that’s the rain. Let’s make it rain.

    •Basah wrote from Abuja. he is the Founder of Ideas Foundry Limited and Chief Curator of Entrepreneurship Tonic.

  • Lagos-Ibadan expressway crash and ‘ember’ months’ myth

    Lagos-Ibadan expressway crash and ‘ember’ months’ myth

    By Tayo Ogunbiyi

    According to reports, a police inspector and four others were killed in a multiple collision that occurred at the Kara Bridge area of the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway. The crash involved a mini truck laden with cartons of biscuits, a heavy-duty long truck, a 40-foot containerized trailer, another truck carrying sardines, and a tow truck.

    This tragic incident occurred barely 24 hours after a driver was reportedly hospitalised following a collision between two trucks at the Otedola Bridge section of the same expressway.

    The accident on the Kara Bridge occurred after a truck rammed into a stationary, faulty truck, causing it to catch fire. The crash happened around a few minutes past 9 p.m., and immediately after it occurred, another truck coming from behind also rammed into one of the trucks. The impact made the detached head to burst into flames. Nobody could go near at that moment because the fire was very fierce.

    Some impatient motorists started driving against traffic to escape the gridlock caused by the incident. Several vehicles also diverted through the Berger underpass, connecting to the other side of the expressway and driving one-way towards the OPIC U-turn.

    In all, the accident resulted into four fatalities. All were adult males, including a police officer. Two deaths occurred at the incident scene, while the other two upon arrival at the hospital.

    Recall that on October 2, 21 people narrowly escaped death in a crash involving a bus and a truck along the same expressway, with eight individuals sustaining injuries due to excessive speed.

    Similarly, on September 18, a fatal collision occurred on the same expressway near Mountain Top University, where two lives were lost in a crash between a Hiace bus and a truck.

    Characteristically, many have tried to establish a connection between these bloody incidents and the usual ‘ember months’ myth. The so-called ‘ember’ months, which refer to the last four months of the year from September to December, are regarded as tragedy tragedy-prone period.

    This belief is so entrenched in the consciousness of the people that various religious groups and other relevant institutions regularly organize special prayer sessions and seminars with a view to minimizing ‘ember months’ havoc.

    The reality, however, is that the so-called ‘embers’ months are not really spiritually jinxed as many might want to swear they are. Tragedy occurs in ‘ember’ months just as it does in every other month of the year.

    Ascribing needless spiritual and mythical undertones to tragic happenings during the ‘ember’ months could just be the usual Nigerian way of trivializing issues. Rather than cloth the ‘ember’ months in a garb of gratuitous mystery, the pragmatic way of explaining dreadful events during these months is more human than mythological. For instance, preliminary reports have attributed the Kara Bridge crash to mechanical failure and reckless driving.

    The truth is that there is usually an increase in the tempo of public, private, and corporate activities during this period. Religious bodies are not left out of the frenzy of the season as they organize various events during the period. The ‘ember’ months are always the busiest on our roads for obvious reasons, and the tumultuous air of festivity does not really help matter.

    It is a period when people are in so much haste to make all the money they have not made since the beginning of the year. Hence, commercial drivers, who usually embark on five trips per day, capitalize on the aura of festivity to go for ten trips. This, naturally, comes with its fatal consequences. It is only logical that when there is a mass exodus of people from one place to the other, there is bound to be a measure of uncertainty and disorder.

    In a bid to be part of the various end-of-year activities, a lot of people throw caution to the wind by disregarding critical safety issues. Vehicles are driven irresponsibly. Alcoholic drinks are consumed with reckless abandon, while social outings are organized as if tomorrow will not come.

    The atmosphere, during the season, is often filled with unusual allure and jollity. It is in the midst of this hilarity that avoidable human blunders that result in diverse kinds of misfortunes usually occur.

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    Hence, it is imperative for everyone to, first and foremost, have a changed perception of the ‘ember’ months. Conscious efforts must be made to disrobe the months of every garb of unfounded mysticism. It is only when we are convinced that the dangers associated with the months are human rather than mythical that we can really make considerable progress in averting disasters during the months.

    Therefore, enforcement of existing laws and attitudinal change are central to making any progress. As we march towards the end of the year, we must modify our views on the ‘ember’ months. We must not get involved in any pointless, extraordinary end-of-the-year ‘rush’, which could endanger our lives and indeed, those of others.

    Those who have to organize social events to correspond with this period should do so bearing all safety precautions in mind. Commercial drivers and other road users must respect the sanctity of human life by observing required road safety measures.

    Perhaps, more importantly, relevant government agencies must step up enlightenment campaigns as well as enforcement strategies to guarantee that ‘ember months’ crashes and other related tragedies are reduced to the barest minimum. In this respect, the Federal Road Safety Corps, FRSC, the Lagos         State Driver’s Institute (LASDRI), and the Lagos State Traffic Management Authority, LASTMA, should be commended for their various ‘ember months’ safety strategies, in Lagos and adjoining states.

    However, there is a need for them to intensify efforts in this direction, while more appropriate government agencies should also come on board the ‘ember’ months’ re-orientation and re-awareness project. Presently, the Lagos State Ministry of Information and Strategy is embarking on an ‘ember months’ responsiveness campaign across the state. The objective is to change the attitude of the people towards these months and offer key safety tips.

    As it has been previously affirmed, tragic happenings during ‘ember’ months are promoted by reckless human actions. It is only in living modestly and responsibly that we can avoid the dangers and hiccups that are generally associated with the ember months. If only we could rid ourselves of our usual ‘ember months’ excesses, we would discover that nothing is actually wrong with the months.

    •Ogunbiyi is Director, Public Enlightenment and Community Relations, Ministry of Information & Strategy, Alausa, Ikeja.

  • Nigeria’s unfinished battle against youth cultism

    Nigeria’s unfinished battle against youth cultism

    SIR: It has become painfully clear that cultism has evolved into one of the major sources of insecurity in Nigeria today. What began decades ago as secret fraternities in universities has now spread far beyond campus walls, infiltrating communities, workplaces, and even religious institutions. While the menace is overtly pronounced in some regions, it is quietly gaining momentum in others.

    Disturbingly, reports now indicate that even children in primary and secondary schools are being initiated into these destructive groups that promise power and protection but ultimately destroy their futures.

    The effects of this growing social cancer are evident in the behaviour of many young people. Acts of theft, hooliganism, internet fraud, sexual immorality, violent attacks, and wanton destruction of property have become increasingly common. The moral fabric of society is being shredded, and the influence of cultism is at the heart of much of this degeneration.

    At higher levels of governance and administration, the situation is equally alarming. It is no longer a secret that some public servants, politicians, and professionals are members of cult groups. In many cases, cult affiliation—rather than academic competence or moral integrity—has become a key qualification for employment or promotion. From headmasters in primary schools to administrators in tertiary institutions, this evil has infiltrated the very systems meant to shape the nation’s future.

    The question then arises: What kind of future awaits a nation whose youths have traded their destinies for blood, power, and illicit wealth?

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    To reverse this dangerous trend, the federal government must adopt a comprehensive and uncompromising approach. Establishing a dedicated National Anti-Cultism Agency, backed by a specialized task force, could be a bold step forward. Such an agency should be empowered to identify, investigate, and prosecute offenders without bias or interference. Those found guilty should face severe penalties, and the civil service should be cleansed of individuals affiliated with such groups—from the local to the federal levels.

    The private sector and religious institutions must also not be exempt. It is disheartening to note that some cult groups now operate within places of worship, disguising their activities under the cloak of spirituality. Any organization found complicit in harbouring or promoting cultism should face legal consequences, including revocation of licenses where necessary.

    Society must make it clear that cultism is not a path to success but a gateway to destruction. The battle against cultism is not merely a law enforcement issue; it is a moral, social, and spiritual mission. It is about reclaiming the conscience of a nation and restoring truth, justice, and human dignity. The unfinished business against cultism among youths must be urgently completed—before it robs the next generation of its future.

    • Ted Isaiah Omobude, Jos, Plateau State.
  • Why housing-for-all remains elusive

    Why housing-for-all remains elusive

    SIR: Quality housing goes beyond mere shelter to include essential services and facilities like potable water, electricity, ventilation, access road, drainage,sewage and waste disposal, all vital for human wellbeing.

    Nigeria with a population of about 200 million has been identified as the largest market in Africa for everything including real estate, yet housing shortage remains one of the most serious developmental challenges confronting her, with growing demand for decent shelter continuing to meet leaner supply of housing units .

    Over the years, successive governments had tinkered with policies in a bid to achieve its mass housing objective but due to lack of reasonable commitment to it, achieving the goal has remained elusive. Stakeholders and industry operatives are unanimous in their opinion that the home-ownership regime needs a change of strategy, and that more pragmatic commitment must be explored to meet the nation’s housing deficit which stands around 28 million units.

    Unless the Land Use Act and other impediments to housing, such as cost of property titles are removed, affordable housing may remain elusive. The mortgage institution may have tried its best, but has not met the yearnings of the majority due to certain constraints that are related to the economy and the mortgage system.

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    Obtaining ownership documents, such as the Certificate of Occupancy (C of O), remains a problem which must be tackled. Besides, the cost of getting such titles is too high. It takes quite a long time to get the title to a property like the C of O, which takes three to four years or more. In some states, to have the governor’s consent, which is compulsory in all states, might cost you as much as 20-25 per cent of the cost of the land.

    Not only are these impediments to having a housing system, but also they make it imperative that the Land Use Act be made more user friendly. When this is accomplished, bottlenecks to people having access and title to land would have become a thing of the past.

    But this is not the only bane to affordable housing in the country. There is a need to have a mortgage system, which encourages a longer time period to buy and pay for houses, say for a 20-30-year tenor and at single digit interest rate. This is the practice in developed countries. Long term funds are required for this type of regime to be put in place, unfortunately this is not easily available because institutional investors such as the operators of the Pension Funds have not really been very active in the mortgage or housing sector, with the restriction of the amount of their resources which they can invest in such projects.

    The issue of foreclosure is another problem that needs to be addressed in the industry. Foreclosure in Nigeria is not favourable because of the delay in getting debts sorted out. The attitude of Nigerian businessmen not paying back their loans is also a disservice to mortgage in the country. Somebody is owing you and you have no opportunity to take over possession of the property. This has led to a portfolio of non-performing loans – a development that has become a problem.

    The cost of building a house is still high, which ought not to be so. A typical house has less than 40 per cent of local materials. I would canvass the use of local materials in the industry, which I reckon is a key element to bringing down costs. All hope is not lost though. I believe with adequate capitalization, the Federal Mortgage Bank of Nigeria, through the Primary Mortgage Institutions can take on bigger projects and their ability to support real estate developers to build more houses to meet the growing need for affordable houses for Nigerians would become much more viable.

    • ESV Elimihele Adesua Kate, Irrua, Edo State.
  • 15% fuel duty, patriotism, and the price we pay

    15% fuel duty, patriotism, and the price we pay

    SIR: Nigeria’s new fuel policy has delivered a twist worth noticing: for the first time in years, the country is no longer paying to subsidise fuel imports — we are earning from them. This is not a small feat. It has been the product of years of policy missteps, economic strain, and, frankly, national endurance. Yet, here we are, making a U-turn in the dynamics of our energy economy. For that alone, a moment of reflection is due.

    Of course, how we view this “progress” depends entirely on the lens we wear. Through a patriotic lens, it is a triumph — a strategic nudge toward self-reliance, a protective measure for domestic refineries, and a signal that foreign exchange conservation is no longer an afterthought. Through the lens of personal finance, however, the celebration is less pronounced. Households may soon feel the pinch. The 15% import duty on petrol and diesel will almost certainly be passed on to consumers, raising fuel prices, transport costs, and the general cost of living. For the average Nigerian wallet, the sting is immediate, while the national gain is abstract.

    Still, the move is undeniably bold. It marks a shift in Nigeria’s economic psyche — from dependence to production, from subsidy to sustainability. By making imported fuel more expensive, the policy strengthens domestic production without requiring direct government intervention. It’s a textbook example of how policy can align with private enterprise, creating mutual benefit — the kind of case study that business schools love.

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    The government, too, is on the winning side. Higher revenue inflows, reduced pressure on foreign reserves, and a patriotic narrative wrapped in economic reasoning — “buy Naija fuel to grow the naira” — all contribute to the appeal of the policy. In theory, it is smart economics and shrewd politics rolled into one. But theory and practice are often separated by a wide gap. The key question remains: will these gains trickle down to everyday Nigerians, or will they evaporate in the cracks between policy intent and practical execution?

    One could argue that the broader purpose of the reform is as much about psychological signalling as it is about revenue. By attaching a cost to imported fuel, the government is nudging citizens and businesses to take local production seriously. It is a call to national consciousness, a subtle reminder that sustainable development requires both policy courage and individual patience. If local refineries consistently deliver, and if pricing remains transparent, the nation could finally stand on firmer economic ground. But the transition will demand endurance, both from households adjusting to higher prices and from policymakers navigating implementation challenges.

    Economic transitions are rarely painless. The irony of this reform is that a national victory may not yet feel like a personal one. Consumers will pay more at the pump before the benefits of a stronger local industry and more resilient economy are visible. Inflation, stubbornly high already, might get a fresh push. And yet, these are the realities of structural change: immediate discomfort in exchange for long-term stability and prosperity.

    The lesson here is twofold. First, economic patriotism sometimes comes at a price. Second, progress requires perspective — the ability to look beyond immediate personal inconvenience to see the bigger picture. In a country where subsidy politics have long dominated, this new policy signals an attempt at discipline, foresight, and strategic planning. It is a gamble on both the competence of domestic refineries and the patience of citizens.

    Nigeria has long suffered from the contradiction of wanting economic independence while relying heavily on imports. We have taken a small but significant step toward reconciling that contradiction. The nation earns, produces, and begins to sustain itself. The sting at the pump is real, but so too is the promise of a more self-reliant economy.

    • Oler Oladele, CFA. <hello@themoneywitclub.com>
  • Politics of narrative: How Western self-interest threatens Africa again

    Politics of narrative: How Western self-interest threatens Africa again

    • By TJ Ishola

    The intervention in Iraq was couched in benign terms. The intervention in Libya was couched in benign terms. I could give a hundred examples where “humanitarian concern” was the stated justification for invasion. Each time, the rhetoric of compassion masked the calculus of power.

    Now, that same pattern is re-emerging. Donald Trump, returning to the political stage, has declared that he would “defend Christians in Nigeria from genocide.”

    On the surface, it sounds noble. But there is no Christian genocide in Nigeria. What exists is terrorism — the indiscriminate killing of both Muslims and Christians by extremists, bandits, and political opportunists. Terrorism, not genocide. Yet this single, emotive word is being weaponised again, the prelude to intervention dressed in moral clothing. The pattern is painfully familiar.

    Because let us remember: when Rwanda was drowning in the blood of nearly a million people in 1994, the world’s so-called champions of democracy looked away. There was no Trump, no CNN panel, and no “international outcry.” The genocide was too small to touch Western oil or gold, too far from geopolitical convenience to matter. But now, the very mention of Nigeria’s economic sovereignty, of its attempt to standalone, awakens Western conscience overnight.

    It is not about Christianity. It is not about genocide. It is about control — narrative control, economic control, and political obedience dressed up as moral duty.

    The convenient fiction of Western morality

    Every time Africa attempts to define its own path, it finds itself redefined by Western vocabulary. When insurgents kill Africans — both Muslim and Christian alike — it becomes a “religious conflict,” never “terrorism.” When a Western power bombs a country into dust, it becomes a “peacekeeping mission.” The violence of definition itself becomes a weapon.

    Nigeria’s terrorism problem is not genocide. It is the chaos of a nation where years of mismanagement, insurgency, and political greed weakened the state. The killings — brutal, senseless, and tragic — are indiscriminate. Muslims, Christians, soldiers, farmers, traders —are all victims of the same rot. There is no state-sponsored extermination, no systemic annihilation of a group. Yet to the Western mind, the label of “Christian persecution” is a political key that unlocks the evangelical base at home and justifies intervention abroad.

    Hypocrisy of purity: How the West sells corruption

    But perhaps the greatest irony lies in how the West narrates corruption. Western ink writes the global dictionary of virtue and vice. Financial systems in the so-called “cleanest” nations quietly host the looted wealth of the “dirtiest” nations. Meanwhile, the nations of Africa, from which that money was stolen, are eternally branded as cesspools of graft.

    What greater corruption exists than the one that launders the suffering of the poor into profit? Yet the Swiss banker is called “efficient,” while the African politician is “morally bankrupt.” Both are guilty, but only one writes the dictionary.

    Western groups and organisations supported this idea of right and wrong, such as Transparency International and the World Bank. They decide what is corrupt based on how different it is from Western standards. If a nation’s corruption disrupts Western profit, it becomes a scandal. If it enriches Western banks, it becomes “foreign investment.”

    These indices measure how well a country aligns with Western expectations, not how honestly it treats its people. It is why a country that manipulates global tax loopholes for trillion-dollar corporations can still lecture others on accountability. It is not about ethics; it is about ownership of narrative.

    The tragedy of borrowed thinking

    Meanwhile, Africa’s intellectual goldmine gathers dust. At the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS) in Kuru, some of the finest African minds have, for decades, researched pathways out of poverty, models of local governance, conflict resolution frameworks rooted in indigenous knowledge systems — all largely ignored. Their reports lie buried in government archives while the same governments pay millions of dollars to Western consultants who know little of Africa beyond their hotel balconies in Abuja or Nairobi.

    We keep importing “solutions” that do not speak our languages. Foreign experts come with PowerPoint presentations, while NIPSS scholars have already published blueprints for land reform, education renewal, and counter-insurgency tailored to Nigerian realities. But because the ideas are not stamped “London School of Economics” or “Brookings,” they are dismissed.

    This intellectual dependency mirrors our economic dependency — the same refusal to believe that knowledge can be African, that wisdom can come from within. It is easier for our leaders to quote the IMF than to consult our own scholars, easier to be tutored than to think.

    The war of narratives

    In the end, everything comes down to who tells the story. The West has mastered the art of moral storytelling — of defining others while remaining invisible in its own guilt. It decides who is civilised, who is corrupt, who is oppressed, and who is free. The African tragedy is not only that we suffer, but that we allow others to explain our suffering for us.

    This is why Trump’s sudden defence of “Christians in Nigeria” is not compassion but choreography. It is an old play, dusted and repackaged, with Africa as the eternal stage for someone else’s redemption arc.

    But the truth must be told plainly: Nigeria’s problem is not genocide; it is governance. Not religion, but leadership. Not the lack of Western pity, but the lack of African self-respect. Until we tell our own stories — define our own terms — we will continue to live inside someone else’s fiction.

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    The politics of energy and independence

    This renewed Western agitation coincides, quite conveniently, with Nigeria’s bold step toward energy sovereignty: the decision to stop exporting crude oil and to refine locally. For decades, Africa has supplied the raw materials while the West reaped the value-added profits. Crude leaves Lagos; petrol returns to Lagos — and we pay for our own sweat. But now that the cycle is breaking, the moral panic begins.

    When an African nation begins to refine its own oil, the West refines its own narrative. Suddenly, security concerns emerge. Suddenly, religious persecution headlines reappear. It is an old tactic — to moralise what they cannot monetise, to demonise what they cannot dominate.

    The spectre of “Christian genocide” is therefore not about faith; it is about fuel. It is about a continent learning to process its own resources, define its own economy, and escape the stranglehold of dependency. The fear in Western capitals is not that Christians are dying — it is that Africans may start living on their own terms.

    Reclaiming the right to define

    The power to define is the power to rule. The West rules through language, data, and “indices.” It rules through who it chooses to call corrupt and who it calls clean. But Africa must now refuse this dictatorship of perception.

    Let us dig up those NIPSS reports, read our thinkers, build on our own research, and stop translating ourselves through the grammar of others. Let us understand that the battle for Africa’s freedom is not only political or economic — it is epistemological. It is about whose knowledge counts, whose morality defines the world.

    And until Africa begins to speak for itself — boldly, unapologetically, and with intellectual courage — it will remain, in the eyes of the world, a story told by others, for their benefit, in their language, and to their applause.

    • Ishola writes from United Kingdom.
  • Reclaiming Nigeria’s sovereignty: Trade not aid

    Reclaiming Nigeria’s sovereignty: Trade not aid

    • By Mojisola Sodeinde

    When President Donald Trump threatened, in characteristic fashion, to cut off aid and invade Nigeria, it was easy to dismiss his words as the familiar noise of populist brinkmanship. Yet beneath the bluster lies a sobering truth: foreign aid remains one of the last instruments of external control over sovereign African states. Dressed as benevolence, it too often functions as conditional generosity, used to influence, discipline, and remind developing nations of their supposed dependence.

    For Nigeria, the time has come to move beyond indignation and embrace a new doctrine: Trade Not Aid. It is not a slogan of isolation but a call for equality, enterprise, and strategic independence. If paying off external debt once restored fiscal sovereignty, then replacing aid dependency with trade-driven partnerships can secure economic sovereignty.

    A wake-up call from the aid era

    In early 2025, President Trump initiated a sweeping dismantling of USAID, eliminating upwards of 80 per cent of its programmes and effectively closing or absorbing the agency into the United States Department of State. This abrupt shift is more than a U.S. domestic policy change; it is a signal to the world that traditional aid relationships are no longer reliable. For Africa, and for Nigeria in particular, it represents a strategic inflection point: the architecture of foreign assistance is changing, whether we like it or not.

    This development matters deeply for Nigeria because it reveals that aid is not simply a gesture of benevolence, but a tool of leverage. The sudden collapse of a major provider like USAID exposes the fragility of dependency. It shows that when a country becomes too reliant on external “help,” it is vulnerable to sudden withdrawal, policy coercion, and strategic realignment by donor states. The message is clear: if you want reliability, you must build capacity; if you want sovereignty, you must build production. In short: trade outlasts aid.

    Sixty-five years of aid, little to show

    After more than six decades of Western aid and partnership, Nigeria has remarkably little to show for the billions in development assistance and conditional support it has received. From the early years of post-independence “technical cooperation” to modern donor-driven programmes in governance, agriculture, and education, the results have been uneven and superficial. Poverty remains widespread, infrastructure inadequate, and industrialisation elusive.

    Much of the aid has flowed through consultants, contractors, and administrative overheads in donor capitals, leaving minimal impact on the ground. This pattern of dependency has dulled initiative, distorted policy priorities, and perpetuated a sense of helplessness among African institutions. Nigeria’s over-exposure to Western “assistance” has, paradoxically, constrained its ability to pursue structural transformation. The aid paradigm has become a velvet cage, comfortable enough to occupy, yet confining enough to stifle innovation and ambition.

    The trade shift behind the tension

    Nigeria’s recent trade diplomacy offers important context for the surge of Western unease and Trump’s public outburst. In just the past year, Nigeria has signed a string of high-value agreements that point to a decisive pivot away from dependence and toward diversification.

    A new $15-billion trade volume with China underscores a deepening partnership built around infrastructure, technology, and industrial cooperation, one that increasingly bypasses Western financing. Nigeria’s strategic MoUs with Brazil in agriculture, science and innovation, along with expanded cooperation with the Netherlands on trade facilitation and Taiwan on engineering and agro-processing, further signal a shift toward pragmatic, multi-vector diplomacy.

    These moves represent not charity but commerce, not compliance but competition.

    For Washington, accustomed to wielding aid as leverage, this evolution is unsettling. Trump’s aggression, cloaked in the language of “aid withdrawal,” reflects a deeper anxiety: the erosion of Western influence in Africa’s largest market. A Nigeria that trades widely and negotiates firmly threatens the old calculus of dependency. Aid loses its coercive value when a country can secure investment capital, technology, and markets elsewhere.

    In this sense, Trump’s threat is not about generosity but about geopolitical jealousy, a reaction to Nigeria’s growing economic assertiveness and its willingness to engage global partners on equal terms. What masquerades as frustration over governance or security is, in truth, the discomfort of a superpower watching its leverage fade.

    Read Also: PDP, APC trade blame over Mutfwang’s alleged defection moves

    Partnership, not paternalism

    Across the developing world, nations that have risen fastest did so not through aid, but through trade, technology, and targeted investment. Their success lay in insisting that international cooperation be built on mutual interest and measurable returns, not perpetual dependence.

    For Nigeria, the lesson is clear: economic power is earned through production, value addition, and negotiation, not through grants and goodwill. Trade builds capability, aid builds complacency. The goal, therefore, is not to reject cooperation, but to redefine it, anchoring foreign policy on reciprocity, transparency, and national interest.

    Building a Nigerian model

    Every successful transition from aid to trade has been driven by three core principles:

    1. Resource Sovereignty and Fiscal Prudence: Managing natural resources transparently ensures that national wealth finances domestic priorities, not donor agendas.

    2. Industrialisation and Export Competitiveness: Processing raw materials, scaling manufacturing, and developing logistics infrastructure create jobs and sustainable foreign exchange.

    3. Human Capital and Innovation: Investing in research, technology, and skills transforms population growth into productivity.

    These are not abstract goals; they are tested pathways to autonomy. Nigeria already possesses the institutions, market size, and talent to lead such a transformation. What is required now is coherence, aligning domestic reform with foreign engagement so that every international relationship strengthens local enterprise.

    Policy recommendations for a Trade-First Nigeria

    1. Strengthen the Sovereign Wealth and Investment Framework

    Nigeria’s Sovereign Wealth Fund, through the Nigeria Sovereign Investment Authority (NSIA), should serve as a catalyst for industrial diversification. By investing in export-oriented manufacturing, renewable energy, and digital infrastructure, it can gradually replace donor funding with self-sustaining domestic capital.

    2. Redefine Diplomacy Around Economic Missions

    Nigeria’s embassies must evolve into trade and technology hubs, mandated to attract foreign investment, promote Nigerian goods, and secure market access. Diplomats should be evaluated not on ceremonial visibility, but on trade outcomes and partnerships forged.

    3. Institutionalise Reciprocity in International Agreements

    Every future cooperation framework should include a reciprocal partnership clause, ensuring technology transfer, local value addition, and measurable Nigerian benefit. No external assistance should be accepted without a clear national return.

    4. Deepen Regional Integration and South–South Cooperation

    By expanding intra-African trade through ECOWAS and the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), Nigeria can increase export diversity and negotiate with external partners from a position of strength. South–South collaboration, particularly with Asian and Middle Eastern economies, can open new markets based on shared development priorities rather than conditional aid.

    A call to strategic independence

    Trump’s threat may be provocative, but it is also clarifying. It exposes the imbalance at the heart of the global aid system: generosity tied to compliance. For Nigeria, the path forward lies not in resentment but in reform, turning this moment into a declaration of sovereignty.

    Trade Not Aid must become the guiding philosophy of Nigeria’s engagement with the world: a commitment to economic self-determination through production, innovation, and equitable partnerships.

    The time has come for Nigeria to say, confidently and without apology: ‘We welcome partnership, not patronage. We seek cooperation, not control’.

    Trade Not Aid is not a rejection of help—it is an affirmation of strength. It is the next chapter of Nigeria’s independence.

    • Dr. Sodeinde is an international development strategist.  She writes on development, governance, migration, and Africa’s political economy.
  • Oyebanji’s three years of shared prosperity

    Oyebanji’s three years of shared prosperity

    • By Odunayo Ogunmola

    It has been three years that Governor Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji mounted the number one seat in Ekiti State and his performance so far has delighted the people across the length and breadth of the Land of Honour.

    Armed with a development blueprint code-named six-pillar agenda, Oyebanji did not waste time in getting down into business with his mission statement which is also in sync with the 30-year Ekiti Development Agenda as developed by the founding fathers of the state and also adopted by the immediate past administration.

    The major components of the six pillars are Governance, Youth Development and Job Creation, Human Capital Development, Agriculture and Rural Development, Infrastructure and Industrialization and Arts, Culture and Tourism. One after the other, Oyebanji has touched all the six pillars and Ekiti has been placed on a higher pedestal of development.

    In the area of governance, Ekiti is been celebrated across Nigeria as being a state that is setting that pace in entrenching good governance through probity, transparency, accountability and prudent management of resources. The state has no record of financial scandal that would have attracted the attention of anti-graft agencies.

    Under Oyebanji’s watch, Ekiti has become one of the safest states to live and do business in because of his collaboration with security agencies. The governor motivates and assists security agencies with the needed tools and equipment to perform their statutory duties and this has gone a long way in boosting the security architecture of the state.

    The Ekiti governor has made a strong showing in infrastructure development in the last three years. The state has witnessed a massive construction, reconstruction and rehabilitation of roads since 2022 bringing a new lease of life to the residents. Structures like schools, hospitals, drainages, bridges and electricity installations have either been rehabilitated or constructed for the benefit of the masses.

    The period has witnessed the completion of the Phase One of the construction of the new Ring Road from Iworoko through Afao to Ago Aduloju in Ado Ekiti; reconstruction of Ikere-Igbara Odo Road, Ikere-Ilawe Road, Igbara Odo-Ikogosi Road, Itapa-Ijelu-Omu Road and Okemesi-Itawure Road.

    The construction of Ikole-Ara-Isinbode Road has offered motorists and commuters an alternative link road to Kogi, Federal Capital Territory and other northern states. More internal roads in Ado Ekiti like Bovas-Spotless Road, GRA (3rd Extension)-NTA Road, Ado-Ekiti, Ori Agere-Ijoka-Oke Age have provided opportunities for alternative roads within the city. Ita Ido-Ido Ile-Okemesi Road has been reconstructed while Ikere-Ise-Emure Road has been rehabilitated.

    Massive renovations of General Hospitals have made healthcare delivery more available across the state. These include General Hospitals in Ayede, Okemesi, Efon Alaaye, Ilawe, Ifaki, Ilupeju, Ijan and Ijesa Isu while all primary healthcare facilities have been massively renovated across the 177 wards in the state.

    Oyebanji has meticulously worked on the Ekiti International Agro Cargo Airport lifting it from an average facility he met on ground to a world class aviation hub which has recently been granted approval by the Nigerian Civil Aviation Authority (NCAA) to commence full commercial flight operations. The story of the airport is one of the several gains of continuity the Ekiti people voted for in the 2022 governorship election.

    Read Also: Ekiti APC elders hail Oyebanji

    Ekiti has become a big hub of commercial farming that engages about 6,000 youths in about five clusters across the state. Apart from these clusters, there is also a Special Agriculture Processing Zone (SAPZ) that is fully dedicated to commercial agriculture which has attracted investors and youths. Massive hectares of lands have been reclaimed from criminal elements who hitherto used them as hideouts.

    Apart from the massive engagement of youths in these schemes, the Oyebanji administration also attracted big-time investors into the agriculture sector like Agbeyewa Farms, YSJ Limited, among others turning a large swathe of hitherto uncultivated land into a hub of production of crops and generating employment for the teeming youths.

    A masterstroke to fight hunger and food insecurity in Ekiti State conceived by Oyebanji is the Ilu Eye Trading and Aggregation Company and its retail arm, OUNJE EKITI, for the procurement of excess farm produce which are sold to members of the public at highly reduced prices at designated points in the state. This has brought relief to Ekiti residents and also reduced post-harvest losses.

    In pursuit of his Shared Prosperity Agenda, Oyebanji leveraged the collaboration with the Federal Ministry of Industry, Trade and Investment and key financial institutions like the Bank of Industry, the Bank of Agriculture and the development partners to boost small scale businesses with various incentives to add fillip to the economy in the grassroots.

    Through the collaborations, credit facilities were made available to artisans, market women and traders. The impact of this empowerment is being felt in the grassroots. Pensioners are not left out as Oyebanji has committed billions of Naira into offsetting the arrears of their gratuities.

    With another set of 800 retirees paid N2 billion gratuities on Monday, October 13, the total amount committed to the payment of gratuities by the Oyebanji Administration in three years stood at N14.6 billion while a total sum of N25 billion has been expended on the payment of monthly pensions in three years. This has helped reduce post-retirement poverty among the senior citizens.

    Aside zero borrowing since October 2022, the administration has achieved a reduction of domestic debt from N110.57 billion to N57 billion within one quarter. The state also witnessed a remarkable improvement in the Internally Generated Revenue which has been nationally acknowledged by the Joint Tax Board (JTB) as a model to other states.

    The tourism sector is up and running again with the state’s number one tourist destination, Ikogosi Warm Spring Resort now being managed by a top hospitality firm. The resort is now receiving tourists from all parts of the world while other tourist potentials of the state are being harnessed to generate more revenue into the state coffers and provide more employment opportunities.

    The local content policy of Governor Oyebanji has empowered local businessmen, artisans and contractors as he ensures that they are regularly patronized by his administration to give them a sense of belonging, empower them, prevent a capital flight from the state and ensure that Ekiti wealth is retained and circulated locally.

    Some examples suffice along this line. It is a known fact that Mr Governor’s clothes are sewn by local tailors while his administration also awards contracts of government projects to competent local contractors. Ekiti auto dealers are patronized for the purchase of official vehicles for local government administrators and area education officers while local livestock and chicken sellers are patronized during festive periods.

    Surely, Oyebanji’s Shared Prosperity is not a mere talk. It has become a reality from a governor who is determined to leave the state better than he met it and the third anniversary of his ascension to power offers an opportunity to showcase his enormous achievements and consolidate on the good governance deeply entrenched in the state.

    • Ogunmola is Senior Special Assistant to the Governor on Media (Print Media).
  • Trump’s Nigerian gambit

    Trump’s Nigerian gambit

    By Chris Adetayo

    For two consecutive days last week, US President Donald Trump found time for Nigeria. Piqued by reports of orchestrated killings of Christians in the country, he warned the Nigerian government to do something about it or he will order an invasion of the country by US Forces.

    It is not the first time that President Trump will bring his considerable bully pulpit to bear on the internal affairs of an African country. He was only weeks in office, in 2025, when he dragged South Africa through the mud for “genocide against White South Africans”. Not stopping at using his Truth Social platform to ventilate his feelings, he signed an Executive Order stopping foreign aid to South Africa and imposed other sanctions. He then proceeded to offer sanctuary to White South Africans under a refugee resettlement scheme. Shaken by the public hostility, President Cyril Ramaphosa scurried to the White House to plead the case of his country.

    Trump was also engaged in the Democratic Republic of Congo as the war in the eastern part of the country escalated. Through diplomatic efforts, he brought both sides to the table and brokered a peace deal. While the deal has not completely ended the war, the ferocity seems to have been tempered.

    Nigeria is therefore not the first African country that he has come at. In fact, it can be argued that given the country’s strategic importance and the long running security problems in the country, Trump’s intervention is neither surprising nor hasty. What is however peculiar is the context of his intervention and his proposed actions.

     First, President Trump declared Nigeria a “Country of Particular Concern”. He anchored this decision on the “existential threats” faced by Christians in the hands of “Radical Islamists”, and the over 3000 Christians reportedly killed. He mandated a team of congressmen to investigate the matter and report to him. He followed this up a day later with an even more threatening message. In it, he warned that the US will invade the country to wipe out the Islamic terrorists who are killing Christians if the Nigerian government fails to bring an end to the killings.

    There are many dimensions to the rather sudden international escalation of the security crisis that Nigeria has faced for nearly two decades now. Each is worth exploring.

    First, is there a Christian genocide going on in any part of Nigeria? The answer is no. Available evidence does not support this charge. Across Nigeria, insurgents, bandits and various outlaws have waged a war against peoples and communities. The victims have been largely indiscriminate, distinguished more by choreography than creed. In areas where Christians dominate (like Benue and Plateau states), they have borne the brunt of the attacks that have wasted hundreds of lives. Where Muslims are dominant (like Zamfara, Borno, Yobe and Katsina States), they account for the majority of victims.

    By anchoring his intervention on “genocide against Christians”, the US President got off on the wrong foot. Indeed, by doing so, he unwittingly caused further division in the country; for while some Nigerian Christians hailed him, Muslims who have also been at the receiving end of this near-collapse in security legitimately feel further victimised. President Trump would have served the cause of peace and security by not making it a “Christian genocide” matter.

    In the same vein, the threat to invade the country, “guns-a-blazing”, is uncalled for. As the US itself has found out in its invasions of several countries, including Afghanistan, Somalia and Iraq, “fast, vicious and sweet” attacks hardly make for long term solutions. The enemies of Nigeria are amorphous and hydra-headed. Some are driven by religious zealotry, some by long-running squabbles over land and resources, and yet others by atavistic pursuits. No fast and sweet attacks will succeed in ending these. The solution will be painstaking, collaborative and combinative.

    Read Also: Nigeria must unite against fabricated divisions — Alawuje

    But is Trump’s intervention all negative? No. In fact one of the positives from his intervention is how it will force the Nigerian government to sit up and face the security challenges of the country. For too long, past and present governments have clearly not done enough to rid the country of these outlaws. In the Northwest, road travel is impossible in large parts. Outside of Kano and Jigawa states, all the remaining five states in the zone have pockets of bandits that regularly terrorise our citizens. The same is true for the Northeast and the North-central. The Southeast, for a decade now, has been held hostage by elements of IPOB, an organisation that seeks the realisation of a break-away Republic of Biafra. Everywhere one turns, the security situation in the country is dire and the efforts, from strategy to tactics to operations, have been clearly inadequate to birth long term peace and end the waste of lives.

    How can the US truly help?

    President Trump must first get the facts of Nigeria’s insecurity situation right. To do so, he must utilise and prioritise the intelligence-gathering expertise of the career and military diplomats that America has in abundance. He must shun the charlatans and paid agents who are determined to add to the problems for their selfish goals, and those who see the issues purely from the narrow prism of Muslim vs Christian conflict.

    Furthermore, he must come around to the reality that what is needed in Nigeria is more and better support for the Nigerian government. For too long, accessing military hardware from the US has been extremely difficult for Nigeria. It is often a surprise that while America eagerly sells military hardware to countries in the Middle East, to India, to South Korea and many others, it is very reluctant to sell to Nigeria. Even worse, intelligence support is virtually unavailable to Nigeria. These are the areas where Trump can bring America’s power to bear on the Nigerian problem. Rather than threaten an invasion, he should find ways to offer the Nigerian military support with easier access to weaponry, as well as intelligence on locations, movements and plans of our enemies.

    In the final analysis, the government of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu now, more than ever before, needs to do better. Over the past two years, focus has been almost exclusively on the economy – with ground breaking policies and programmes designed to unlock Nigeria’s economic potentials. Other critical responsibilities of government have, however, not received the same attention. Diplomacy, in the last two years, has been largely operational and lacking in foresighted strategy. Our embassies have been reduced to providing consular services and little else. Equally, the military continues to mostly run on the same principles and strategies that were inherited from the previous government, principles and strategies that have failed to produce the desired results. This cannot be allowed to continue.

     May Nigeria succeed over its many enemies.

    •Adetayo, a commentator on national and international affairs, writes from Lagos