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  • Is Nigeria’s software industry powerless in the age of AI?

    Is Nigeria’s software industry powerless in the age of AI?

    SIR: Artificial Intelligence (AI) is rewriting the rules of global software development, creating new winners and leaving laggards behind. Across the world, countries are racing to integrate AI into their economies — from digital governance and financial services to health and education. Yet in Nigeria, the conversation remains fragmented, weighed down by institutional inertia, leadership wrangling, and a lack of coherent national direction.

    The uncomfortable question is: Has Nigeria’s software industry lost its voice in the age of AI?

    Nigeria’s software and digital services market, estimated at over US$2.4 billion in 2024, continues to grow steadily, driven by fintech, government digitisation, and education technology. But growth has not translated into global competitiveness or policy leverage.

    For a country of over 220 million people — and Africa’s largest concentration of software talent — Nigeria still lacks a clear AI strategy or institutional coordination framework to guide local innovation. Instead, the sector’s most visible professional bodies are caught in endless turf wars and leadership crises.

    The Institute of Software Practitioners of Nigeria (ISPON), once the torchbearer for local software advocacy, has grown moribund. Its silence on critical issues like AI ethics, software sovereignty, and indigenous intellectual property protection has been deafening. Similarly, the Nigeria Computer Society (NCS), the umbrella body for IT professionals, has seen its influence weakened by internal divisions and inconsistent engagement with government.

    These fissures mean that as the world accelerates into the AI era, Nigeria’s software community lacks a unified voice capable of shaping national policy or safeguarding local innovation.

    Serial entrepreneur Leo Stan Ekeh, of Zinox Group, cautions that the AI race is meaningless without reliable infrastructure. “We can’t compete on AI with unstable power and inconsistent broadband. You can’t build intelligence on inefficiency,” he told a recent tech forum.

    Software advocate Chris Uwaje, former ISPON president, has long warned that “if Nigeria does not protect its software sovereignty, it risks becoming a digital colony.” He has repeatedly argued that indigenous software, not imported systems, should power government operations, citing success stories like Remita, the home-grown platform that revolutionised treasury payments.

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    Their words echo a shared frustration — Nigeria has the talent, but not the structure.

    Globally, AI is transforming the software industry. Machine learning engineers, data scientists, and AI architects are the new rock stars. In 2024 alone, global investment in AI startups surpassed US$70 billion, with Africa attracting less than 1%.

    In Nigeria, only a handful of firms — mainly in fintech and health-tech — are building AI-driven products. Universities are still catching up, with outdated curricula and limited access to computing infrastructure. The result is a widening skills and competitiveness gap.

    Meanwhile, international tech giants like Microsoft, Google, and AWS are embedding AI in every layer of their products, consolidating global dominance — while Nigerian developers remain trapped in survival mode, fighting for funding and visibility.

    Nigeria’s software practitioners are not short on ideas. What’s missing is coordination and political will.

    A revitalised ISPON and a forward-thinking NCS could: Push for a National AI Policy that balances innovation with ethics and sovereignty; champion local content laws mandating government and critical sectors to prioritise indigenous solutions; and, create an AI Fund to support startups building local-language models, agricultural analytics tools, and public-sector automation.

    Without this kind of unified agenda, the country will continue to import digital intelligence instead of exporting it.

    Nigeria stands at an inflection point. Its young population, entrepreneurial energy, and expanding digital infrastructure are undeniable strengths. But to seize the AI opportunity, it must first repair its foundations — governance within industry bodies, collaboration among stakeholders, and credible policy engagement with government.

    As Uwaje often says, “Software is the DNA of national development”. If that’s true, then AI is the new evolution of that DNA and Nigeria must decide whether to lead, follow, or be left behind.

    • Don Pedro Aganbi, <getdonpedro@gmail.com>.
  • As Umuahia-Ikwuano-Ikot Ekpene Road finally gets attention

    As Umuahia-Ikwuano-Ikot Ekpene Road finally gets attention

    • By Eshiorameh Gabriel

    Imagine a journey that should take 30 minutes, but instead steals five hours or more of your life. This is the daily reality on the Umuahia-Ikwuano-Ikot Ekpene Road, where commuters are worn down by the grind, and farmers see their crops and profits bruised beyond sale. For decades, this vital 49-kilometres link has been a frustrating tale for people of Abia and other neighbouring states. But that story is finally being rewritten.

    The prolonged political and bureaucratic deadlock over the Umuahia-Ikwuano-Ikot Ekpene road has been decisively interrupted by a recent presidential directive. The commitment demonstrated by President Bola Tinubu’s administration to resolve this longstanding issue is widely recognised as the catalyst for progress.

    This calculated decision to leverage local oversight and execution has generated a palpable shift in public sentiment within the region, especially for a populace wearied by years of delay and infrastructural neglect. This latest move by the Tinubu administration has introduced a fragile yet significant sense of anticipation. There is now a prevailing mood of cautious optimism—a collective hope that this substantive political intervention may finally signal the end of a deeply frustrating chapter for commuters, farmers, and local economies alike.

    At the heart of the long campaign to fix this road is Hon. Sam Onuigbo, a politician who has made its restoration a central cause of his career. His sustained advocacy, navigating multiple administrations with a consistent focus, has been widely noted as a prime example in persistent governance. In a climate where long-term projects often falter amid changing political priorities, his ability to keep this critical infrastructure issue on the national agenda demonstrates the tangible impact that determined, constituency-focused leadership can achieve.

    The catalyst for action can be traced to May 26, 2016. It was then that Onuigbo took the floor of the House of Representatives, armed with stark evidence of the devastating nature of the road. That parliamentary motion ignited what would become a nine-year odyssey of bureaucratic wrestling. His subsequent meeting with then Minister of Power, Works and Housing, Babatunde Fashola, in June 2016 yielded what seemed like quick results. A response letter dated June 15, 2016, committed to immediate palliative works and promised a full contract award by 2017.

    The momentum built through 2016 culminated in a December flag-off ceremony at Okweukwu, Oboro, where Onuigbo stood alongside Senator T.A. Orji as Federal Roads Maintenance Agency equipment rolled in.

    The announcement was met with a widespread celebration from residents. After enduring years of hardship, a palpable sense of relief swept through the community, one that gave the people a sense of belief that a resolution was finally within reach. In retrospect, however, that initial optimism would prove to be tragically premature, as progress was not yet forthcoming.

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    Though the federal government kept the promised contained in the June 2016 letter and awarded the main reconstruction contract to Hartland Nigeria Limited and Rayccon & Company Nigeria Limited in 2019, the project immediately collided with harsh economic realities. The combination of national recession and the COVID-19 pandemic starved the project of funding, leaving construction sites silent and communities disillusioned.

    Another opportunity came in September 2021, when Onuigbo began championing a radical solution: transferring the project to the NNPCL Tax Credit Scheme. He became what some might call a nagging voice without apology. He wrote over a dozen letters, walked the corridors of the Ministry of Works and Housing; made calls, essentially refusing to let the matter die. He insisted they find the money, even if it meant looking in completely new places.

    The persistence paid off in October 2021, and was communicated to him in a November 2021 letter from Fashola confirming the project’s adoption under the NNPC scheme. This was expected to address the funding challenges on the project and ensure timely completion. This was a hard-won victory. Yet even this breakthrough demanded vigilance, culminating in a February 3, 2025 Federal Executive Council approval of an augmentation of N14.37 billion.

    President Tinubu’s move was a total game-changer. When he directed them to hand over the project to the Abia State government, he essentially threw a lifeline to the people. The fact that he wasn’t bothered about who gets the credit, just that the job gets done, says a lot about his priorities. And trust this, the Southeast is taking note – the people are not invisible, and they are not an afterthought.

    The economic significance of the road can’t be overstated. Serving as a crucial corridor linking multiple geopolitical zones and extending to Cameroon, its decay has meant annual economic haemorrhage running into billions of naira.

    With the finish line now visible, Onuigbo’s focus has shifted to mobilization. He had acknowledged Governor Alex Otti’s cooperation and Minister of Works David Umahi’s technical oversight, but reserves his most urgent appeals for his own constituents. He has also asked his people directly to clear the right of way and support the contractors.

    The recent presidential directive is being hailed as a watershed moment for the region’s infrastructure, arriving as a critical intervention in areas most crippled by decay on the road. For years, communities have watched in dismay as expansive gully erosion systematically consumed entire sections of the highway, transforming a vital economic artery into a scar of neglect. Each rainy season exacerbated the crisis, further isolating populations and strangling the flow of commerce between Abia and its neighbouring states.

    Now, this long-awaited political action has ignited a palpable, cautious hope among residents, business owners, and commuters who had resigned themselves to a perpetual state of disconnect. There is a growing belief that the relentless cycle of deterioration can finally be broken. The ultimate promise of this initiative is the restoration of a foundational link—a chance to rebuild the prosperity and unity that the land itself had begun to erase.

    The Ministry of Works has already completed technical assessments and the handover process, with engineers set to begin work immediately. For Hon. Onuigbo, who has spent nearly a decade of his political life on this single issue, the completion will be sweeter than any political victory.

    The Umuahia-Ikwuano-Ikot Ekpene Federal Road, for so long, a source of immense difficulty for the region, has become a powerful symbol of what is possible. It shows how persistent advocacy from the community, when met with decisive action from a government that cares, can finally bring about positive change. The president’s new directive marks the end of a deeply frustrating era for local residents and the wider network of connecting states. It paves the way for renewed economic opportunity, promises safer daily travel, and helps to mend the social connections that were frayed by years of a broken and treacherous journey.

    • The people of Southeast are saying, “Thank you, Mr. President.
  • Tinubu and the burden of governance

    Tinubu and the burden of governance

    • By Jacob Edi

    Governance, in its truest sense, is no tea party. It demands courage, clarity, and the moral stamina to make hard choices—even when those choices are unpopular. Since assuming office, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has come face to face with the full weight of that reality. With the honeymoon of campaign promises over, what stared him in the face was the burden of governance — raw, unfiltered, and relentless.

    Unarguably, Tinubu, inherited a nation on the edge, fractured by insecurity, weakened by economic haemorrhage, bruised by years of inconsistent policy direction where corruption was almost a directing principle of state policy. But where others dithered, he has chosen to confront Nigeria’s demons head-on.

    The abrupt removal of fuel subsidy and the floating of the naira were not populist moves at all but they were necessary, painful, and perhaps overdue… little wonder all the presidential candidates made these necessary policies a campaign promise. Yet, for many Nigerians, these policies have been the hardest pills to swallow.

    There’s a peculiar loneliness that comes with leadership.  Tinubu now bears that loneliness. In a country where sentiment often overshadows sense, where people want change but resist the cost of it, leading becomes a paradox. Nigerians want progress, but not pain. They want reforms, but without disruptions. Governance, however, does not bend to such emotional economics.

    Still, one cannot ignore the irony that Tinubu, the political strategist who built alliances and empires in Lagos and beyond, now faces the toughest opponent yet—governance itself. Lagos was his experiment; Nigeria is his final test. The scale is different, the stakes higher, and the consequences more immediate. Every policy has ripple effects that touch millions, every delay widens the trust deficit, and every misstep becomes amplified in the national consciousness.

    His decision to reshuffle the military hierarchy, for instance, came at a time when whispers of a coup had begun to float through the corridors of speculation.

    With military dispatch, the military dismissed this rumour.

    Still, Tinubu acted. For all intents and purposes, the decision “to strengthen the nation’s security architecture” is a demonstration that as important as loyalty may be to the state apparatus, it supersedes regional or political sentiment. The men in uniform must be inspired, equipped, and accountable. National security cannot afford complacency.

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    He understood that leadership isn’t about waiting for crisis to mature before taking action. Unlike his immediate predecessor, who often hesitated in moments of national insecurity, Tinubu demonstrated the presence of mind that defines statesmanship. In a season of political unease, he chose decisiveness over dithering.

    For a nation built on a very fragile federal equilibrium, rejigging the nation’s security architecture could spark delicate and dangerous insinuations that might reignite old suspicions that national cohesion is giving way to sectional dominance. But it is instructive that, on matters of security, emotional analysis takes a back seat when the safety of the nation is at stake. And for those who glory in conspiracy theorization to suggest that Mr. President acted in panic, would they rather nothing was done? The consequence of inaction would not just be grievous but incalculable.

    This is not to romanticize Tinubu’s leadership. Governance is not judged by intent alone but by impact. The question remains: are Nigerians safer, more hopeful, and better off than they were a year ago? The answer is complicated. Inflation bites, the naira flounders, and insecurity still stalks communities from the North to the South. The hardship is real. Truth is, nations are not rebuilt in comfort. The first stage of reform is always chaos before order. Tinubu’s Nigeria is still in that inchoate phase, where pain precedes progress and where every gain comes with resistance.

    Those who compare him to past presidents often miss the point. Tinubu’s burden is heavier because the rot runs deeper. Buhari’s administration, while cloaked in anti-corruption rhetoric, left behind a hollowed-out economy, fractured security architecture, and an exhausted citizenry. Jonathan for all his calm demeanour lacked the will to confront Nigeria’s entrenched dysfunction. The Otueke-born politician procrastinated till the end.   Tinubu, however, appears determined to face these challenges by reengineering the system, even if it means burning political capital rather than deploy the use of rhetoric.

    The burden of governance is not just about fixing problems; it’s about restoring faith. Nigerians have been lied to, disappointed, and left hanging by leaders who promised reform but delivered excuses… remember the rice pyramid arrangement? This is in our recent history. Tinubu’s challenge, is psychological and this beyond policy. He must convince a weary nation that this time, the pain is worth it. That this time, the sacrifice will yield fruit. That this time, the government is not bluffing.

    It is commendable that Tinubu recognizes that leadership requires more than political dexterity, it demands the presence of mind to act decisively when the nation’s pulse weakens. But presence of mind must evolve into presence of results. Nigerians are impatient, and rightfully so. They have been promised greatness for too long and delivered mediocrity instead.

    In the end, Tinubu’s burden is not unique. Every leader, at some point, confronts the limits of their myth. The power that once seemed all-conquering becomes a daily struggle to survive the expectations it created. That is the nadir of power… when the cheers fade and all that’s left is responsibility.

    As echoes of another presidential election get louder, President Tinubu and his team must make a clear choice: either rise to the moment and etch his name in the annals of statesmanship, or succumb to the weight of Nigeria’s perpetual contradictions. The burden of governance is heavy, but it is also the only path to redemption for both leader and nation.

    As Nigerians endure the turbulence of reform, one thing remains clear: the days ahead will test not just Tinubu’s capacity to govern, but his courage to stay true to his convictions. For a man who has waited decades for this moment, the real question now is whether he can bear the burden he so passionately sought.

    The cheers fade. The applause becomes muted. And suddenly, every decision is questioned. Herein lies the burden of leadership.

    • Edi, a journalist, writes from Abuja.
  • The trouble with the healthcare system

    The trouble with the healthcare system

    By Michael Owhoko

    The quality of a country’s healthcare system is a mirror image of its leaders’ commitment to citizens’ health.  Countries like Singapore, Japan, South Korea and Switzerland are among the world’s top countries with best healthcare for citizens, driven majorly by robust funding and well-structured policy programme. Leaders in these countries do not go to foreign countries for medical tourism, as they have absolute confidence in the delivery capacity of the healthcare system. 

    But in Nigeria, the healthcare system is fraught with dysfunctionality, forcing elasticity of reliability southward.  Poor health facilities, unprofessionalism, unethical standards, weak regulatory agencies, bad personnel attitude, questionable health insurance schemes, unreliable health management organisations (HMOs), mismanagement, corruption, fake drugs and obsolete equipment are incidental to lack of commitment by Nigerian leaders to efficient and quality healthcare system. 

    Though, this is a symptom of greater disorders in Nigeria, poor funding and non-utilisation of health facilities by the ruling elites undermine efficiency, quality and delivery capacity of the healthcare system. 

    In the 2025 federal government budget, only N2.56 trillion was budgeted for the health sector, representing 5.15 percent of the country’s total budget of N49.7 trillion, which is far below the 15 percent recommended by the Abuja Declaration, to which Nigeria is a signatory. Though, the N2.56 trillion is an increase of about 58.53 percent of the 2024 budget of N1.62 trillion, however, when viewed in dollar terms, the amount decreased by 15.45 percent, dropping to $1.7 billion from $2.02 billion.

    Since the famous coup speech of late Sani Abacha on December 31, 1983 that the country’s health services were in shambles, and hospitals had been reduced to mere consulting clinics without drugs, water and equipment, the health sector has not shown promises of improvement.

    Unfortunately, 42 years after these observations were made by the powers that were, the healthcare sector is still defined by lack of government’s commitment.  This is particularly worrisome when viewed against the background of Nigeria’s growing population, currently characterized by low life expectancy, high maternal and child mortality rates. 

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    Globally, Nigeria is ranked 157th out of 191 countries by WHO in the areas of quality health delivery performance. As the largest oil producer in Africa and 16th largest in the world, it is untenable for Nigeria not to provide robust funding for the health sector, given the country’s huge earnings from crude oil sales. 

    Even among African countries, Nigeria is rated poorly in healthcare provision.  In a report released by The Legatum Institute, a London-based global healthcare assessment organization, Nigeria was ranked 11th out of 12 African countries with poor healthcare system.  The countries include Central African Republic, South Sudan, Chad, Lesotho, Somalia, Sierra Leone, Swaziland (Eswatini), Liberia, Guinea, Angola, Nigeria and Equatorial Guinea.

    Despite this poor performance ranking, no concerted effort is being made by government to improve quality service delivery, as budget allocation to the health sector has been on the downward swing.  Since leaders who determine the condition of the sector, do not utilize the facilities due to poor services, it means the Nigerian healthcare system is designed to service the health needs of the poor and common Nigerians, and not the leaders. 

    The poor premium placed on the health sector by Nigerian leaders has obviously prevented them from knowing that there is a correlation between robust funding of healthcare system and a healthy workforce, and by extension, robust economy.  A vibrant economy is contingent upon a healthy population and a healthy workforce, as health is a critical contributory factor to economic development.  This is the reason advanced economies invest so much in healthcare services, a contrast to Nigeria’s healthcare sector that is troubled by incapacity, unable to address mounting health challenges in the country.

    The healthcare delivery system in Nigeria is executed through public and private facilities.  Unfortunately, the private healthcare providers are also enmeshed in unprofessional conduct driven by pecuniary motive.  Most of them take advantage of the country’s weak systemic policies to deliver poor health services. Regulatory authorities like the National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC), National Health Insurance Authority (NHIA), and The Medical and Dental Council of Nigeria (MDCN) are not doing enough to enforce professionalism and standards in the country’s healthcare system.  

    I recently lost a friend to prostrate operation in one of the private hospitals in Lagos.  Prior to the operation, he walked into the hospital by himself, looking normal.  But what he took to be a proactive step to avoid future complications ended his life.  He was admitted under a health insurance cover managed by an HMO on executive plan with full options.  But rapid deterioration of his health in the hospital triggered scepticism on whether quality of treatment was commensurate with subscribed insurance plan.

    There are numerous public complaints about HMOs conniving with private hospitals to render inadequate and poor services for financial gains. Most of these hospitals deliberately delay diagnosis and treatment until approval is obtained from HMOs, notwithstanding conditions of patients and category of insurance plans. The NHIA which carries out accreditation of HMOs before approval must look beyond this process to ensure they are continually monitored during operations.

    My late friend’s case reminded me of the case of a professional colleague, Yusuph Olaniyonu, who narrated how God spared his life and given another chance to live again at 58.  His experience also proved that without connection at the top, patients can die out of share negligence and abandonment without consequence. 

    After undergoing six major operations and three minor procedures for prostrate, his survival was still on a cliff edge, necessitating the intervention of the Minister of Health through the help of ThisDay Publisher, Nduka Obaigbena and former Senate President, Bukola Saraki.  This intervention notwithstanding, he had to be flown to Egypt where he underwent successful corrective surgical operations.

    It is depressing to know that out of about 34,000 general hospitals, 21,000 primary health centres and 60 teaching hospital and federal medical centres located across the country, only about 41,000 hospitals are functional. 

    Government must therefore reorder its priorities to make health facilities efficient, affordable and reliable to enable both leaders and poor Nigerians alike to receive treatment in-country, as against resort to medical tourism which cost Nigeria approximately $1.6 billion annually.

    •Dr. Owhoko, Lagos-based public policy analyst, author, and journalist.

  • Ten years of progressive governance: From reform to renewal

    Ten years of progressive governance: From reform to renewal

    By Rabiu Isyaku Rabiu

    Over the past 10 years, Nigeria’s story has been one of courage and continuity, of institutions learning discipline, and of leaders willing to face hard truths about our economy. President Muhammadu Buhari laid the foundation of fiscal prudence, agricultural revival, and infrastructure renewal. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has advanced that legacy through decisive structural reforms such as removing the fuel subsidy, unifying exchange rates, modernising tax policy, and restoring credibility to public finance. These choices were not easy, but they were necessary. They broke habits that had become too costly to sustain and redirected public wealth toward productivity.

    Since May 2023, government non-oil revenue has grown by more than 400 percent. This is not coincidence. It is the outcome of intentional policy and technological transparency. The Presidential Fiscal Policy and Tax Reform Committee has simplified compliance, eliminated duplication, and placed technology at the centre of revenue collection. Revenue agencies that once competed now cooperate. Multiple taxation is being dismantled. Incentives for businesses are transparent and available online without intermediaries or privileged access. Every entrepreneur, large or small, can now apply for fiscal waivers or export credits within minutes. Fairness by design and technology is replacing favour by connection.

    Energy stability has returned as proof that reform, though painful, delivers results. The queues that once defined our petrol stations are gone. Deregulation has reopened the downstream market and restored investor confidence in oil and gas, bringing new capital into deep-water, midstream, and modular-refinery projects. Parallel reforms in the Presidential CNG Initiative are changing urban mobility by replacing petrol fleets with cleaner and cheaper gas vehicles. At the same time, a nationwide solar-power rollout is providing electricity to schools, clinics, and small industries. Together, these initiatives reflect a balanced energy future built on efficiency, competition, and sustainability.

    Security remains the foundation of every reform. In 2024, N3.85 trillion, about 13 percent of the national budget, was allocated to defence and internal security. For 2025, that figure rose to N6.57 trillion, with significant investment in equipment, intelligence, and personnel welfare. The Nigerian Air Force is modernising with 24 M-346 attack jets and 10 AW-109 helicopters. The Navy has commissioned new patrol ships and maritime helicopters to strengthen coastal and energy-asset protection. Across all theatres, joint operations by the Nigerian Armed Forces and intelligence agencies have neutralised tens of thousands of terrorists, insurgents and criminal elements, arrested many more, and rescued tens of thousands of hostages and displaced persons. The tempo has changed. Our armed forces now take the initiative rather than wait for it.

    Infrastructure remains the bridge between ambition and opportunity. Across the country, more than 260 major projects in roads, bridges, ports, and pipelines are under construction or near completion. The Lagos – Calabar Coastal Highway and the Sokoto – Badagry Super Highway are redefining commerce and mobility. The national Bridge Fibre Project is expanding digital connectivity across cities and rural areas, strengthening the country’s broadband backbone and opening new corridors for education, innovation, and enterprise.

    Digital governance reform is also deepening national capacity. The ongoing overhaul of the National Identity Management Commission has expanded NIN registration to tens of millions of citizens, creating a reliable digital backbone for planning, financial inclusion, and social protection. For the first time, national data is being harmonised across agencies, improving service delivery, strengthening security coordination, and helping the country plan development with precision.

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    Work along the River Niger corridor from Lokoja to Baro Port is progressing to enable future inland-waterway operations that can reduce transport costs and improve market access across regions. These projects reflect a deliberate effort to balance regional growth, from the Niger Delta clean-up and gas expansion in the South to new exploration in the North and industrial corridors across the Middle Belt.

    Reform without human investment is reform without soul. The $2.2 billion Health Sector Renewal Programme is upgrading 17,000 primary health centres and training 120,000 health workers, while free caesarean care and subsidised dialysis are easing the burden on families. In education, student-loan schemes, digital-skills initiatives, and new STEM and AI curricula are preparing our young people for a digital economy. Through the Student Loan Fund, access to higher education is becoming a right, not a privilege. Its synergy with new financing institutions such as CREDICORP and the Nigeria Credit Guarantee Company ensures that young Nigerians can pursue knowledge with the same confidence that entrepreneurs pursue capital. Free technical and vocational training at the tertiary level will supply the technicians and artisans required for industrial growth.

    Agriculture and food security have become the centre of national resilience. Beyond grains, the Federal Ministry of Livestock Development is unlocking a trillion-naira value chain in meat, dairy, and leather. Expanded fertiliser blending, mechanisation, irrigation, and storage are supporting millions of smallholders. With increased investment in rice, cassava, and cash-crop processing, Nigeria is moving toward genuine food sovereignty. Food security is not an aspiration but a necessity for economic stability.

    The government’s economic renewal is also anchored on access to finance, enterprise, and inclusion. The establishment of CREDICORP, the Nigeria Credit Guarantee Company, and the Student Loan Fund has strengthened the foundation for a credit-based economy as well as human capital and domestic productivity. Together, these institutions expand access to credit for small businesses, farmers, civil servants, individuals, and students while de-risking lending and empowering citizens to build their future without political connections. In promoting local production over import dependence, the Nigeria First Policy is not only conserving foreign exchange but also creating pathways for skilled youth employment and industrial apprenticeship across states.

    President Tinubu has made it possible for any Nigerian engaged in productive enterprise and producing goods in Nigeria, to get business patronage without knowing anyone. From where I stand, and for every Nigerian, the true beauty of the Nigeria First Policy is that it invites us all to become participants in our country’s renewal. We can each now go into productive enterprise and live the Nigerian dream, so long as we care enough to believe in this nation and invest in our people, resources, and future.

    In the midst of reform, President Tinubu’s words have been both compass and caution: “As we continue to reform the economy, I shall always listen to the people and will never turn my back on you.”

    That statement captures the essence of progressive governance which I define as courage guided by compassion. Under this directive, Nigeria’s social-protection system has been rebuilt on transparency and technology. The Conditional Cash Transfer programme now reaches more than 15 million households on a verified digital register, each linked to a NIN-validated wallet or bank account for direct payment. No intermediaries and no leakages. In addition, N344 billion has been disbursed in three tranches to the 36 states and the FCT to support local welfare and enterprise programmes. The Renewed Hope Ward Development Programme, which will operate across 8,809 wards, will economically engage over 10 million Nigerians and ensure that national policy translates into local opportunity.

    The humanitarian principle of progressivism is simple. Reform must lift, not leave behind. Fiscal discipline restores credibility. Social investment restores trust. When citizens see roads being built, hospitals working, and social payments arriving on time, faith in reform deepens and the social contract is strengthened.

    The numbers also tell their own story of impact and renewed hope in Nigeria. Non-oil revenues continue to rise. Exports are diversifying. Nigeria has recorded its first trade and balance-of-payments surplus in years, a sign of growing production and renewed confidence in the naira. Oil output is improving, new investments are flowing into the upstream and midstream segments, and our current account is gaining strength as reforms take hold.

    While citizens are beginning to see the first trickles of progress, the greater task is to ensure that these trickles flow downward to communities, markets, classrooms, and farms where growth becomes tangible and human.

    The task ahead is to sustain this momentum but it won’t be easy. Every child must be in school. NIWA must be further strengthened to expand partnerships for safer and cleaner waterways. NDLEA must receive greater support to combat the rising threat of drug trafficking and addiction, and NAFDAC must be empowered with stronger laboratories and technology to protect the public from counterfeit medicines and unsafe food. These are not peripheral agencies. They are frontline guardians of national wellbeing, and their effectiveness determines the credibility of our progress.

    I imagine a Nigeria where every child learns, every farmer prospers, every hospital has power, and every young person earns a dignified living. That is the spirit of renewal behind this progressive decade. It is the belief that courage and compassion are not opposites but partners in building a fair and prosperous country. Tomorrow’s Nigeria is not waiting to be discovered. It is waiting to be delivered with courage, competence, and care.

    I am Rabiu Isyaku Rabiu and I endorse the publication of this message.

    •Rabiu is chairman of IRS Group.

  • Murtala Ajaka: Betrayal of Kogi’s political conscience

    Murtala Ajaka: Betrayal of Kogi’s political conscience

    By Muhammad Ahmad

    In the complex theatre of Nigerian politics, loyalty often meets betrayal, and courage is tested by power. Today, as the political winds shift across the nation, the story of Murtala Yakubu Ajaka is not just about one man’s fall from political grace; it is a mirror reflecting the conscience of Kogi politics and a question that demands the attention of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

    Ajaka was not a latecomer or opportunist in the All Progressives Congress (APC). His commitment to progressive politics predates the APC itself. From the formative years of the Action Congress (AC), Ajaka played a pioneering role, serving as Deputy State Secretary of the now-defunct AC in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) chapter and later as National Assembly Liaison Officer in 2006.

    When the ACN, ANPP, and CPC merged in 2013 to form the APC, he was not a bystander. He was one of the coordinators who midwifed that delicate political merger. As the pioneer Head of Protocol of the APC, he was instrumental in establishing the organizational discipline and communication structure that became the backbone of the party’s national machinery.

    Between 2014 and 2022, Ajaka’s profile continued to rise, not through political desperation, but through steady service and tangible results. As Special Assistant to the National Secretary in 2014, then as Special Adviser to the National Chairman in 2020, and later as Deputy National Publicity Secretary at the 2022 APC National Convention, Ajaka earned a reputation as one of the party’s most disciplined and effective strategists.

    His loyalty to the progressive cause was unquestionable, his relationships with key national figures cordial, and his commitment to President Tinubu’s vision unwavering. When the 2023 presidential campaign began, few politicians in Kogi State matched Murtala Ajaka’s enthusiasm and sacrifice for the success of the APC and Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu. At a time when political survival dictated neutrality or silence, Ajaka stood firmly with Asiwaju. He donated 46 vehicles to Governor Yahaya Bello’s campaign network for Asiwaju’s presidential project, financed major grassroots mobilization drives, and deployed his influence in Kogi East to secure what became one of the most surprising and decisive wins for Tinubu in a region not traditionally favourable to the APC. That victory in Kogi East was no accident; it was the product of Ajaka’s deep grassroots engagement, years of relationship-building and genuine credibility among the electorate.

    Yet, no sooner had the presidential election been won than the seeds of betrayal began to germinate. After eight years in power, Governor Yahaya Bello sought to anoint his successor, not based on merit or equity, but from a narrow lens of personal loyalty and ethnic alignment. Bello handpicked his protégé, Usman Ododo, who hails from the same local government area as himself, to continue his political dynasty.

    A crucial fact that must be clearly stated is the political injustice orchestrated against Murtala Ajaka, by the administration of Yahaya Bello. A kangaroo committee was deliberately constituted in Ajaka’s own ward under the governor’s directive, with the sole aim of suspending him from the APC. The committee carried out this assignment with calculated precision, culminating in the official announcement: “APC suspends NWC member, Murtala Yakubu Ajaka.”

    This politically motivated action was not merely administrative; it was a humiliation designed to silence a man whose influence and credibility had grown beyond the governor’s control. The suspension marked a defining moment in Ajaka’s political journey, pushing him to seek refuge in the Social Democratic Party (SDP), where he could freely pursue his vision for justice, good governance, and the emancipation of the people of Kogi State.

    Ajaka did not rebel out of spite; he reasoned, appealed, and urged Governor Bello to consider fairness, balance, and the broader unity of Kogi State. But Bello’s mind was made up. Faced with blatant injustice and the moral impossibility of endorsing it, Ajaka made the principled decision to leave the party he had helped build, demonstrating that integrity and courage outweigh loyalty to individuals when democracy and fairness are at stake.

    The 2023 Kogi gubernatorial election that followed was one of the most controversial in the state’s history. Despite massive intimidation, structural bias, and administrative manipulation, Ajaka’s campaign ignited a political renaissance across Kogi East. From  Ankpa to Dekina, Idah to Ofu, and down to Omala, the people saw in him a genuine alternative, a leader with history, vision, and courage. The turnout was overwhelming, the enthusiasm organic. When the votes were counted, Ajaka emerged as the people’s choice in several local governments, but the announced result told a different story. INEC’s confirmation of prefilled ballots in parts of Kogi Central and Kogi West became a national embarrassment.

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    Yet, beyond the numbers and legal battles lies a more profound political question: How did a man who gave so much to the APC, from its birth to its greatest national victory, become its casualty? The answer lies in the dangerous personalization of power that has plagued some state chapters of the APC, where loyalty to individuals now supersedes loyalty to party ideals. In Kogi, that pattern reached its peak under Yahaya Bello. Ajaka’s humiliation, from attempted suspension, political isolation, to orchestrated smear campaigns — was not only an attack on one man but on the very foundation of fairness and justice that President Tinubu has long preached as the soul of progressive politics. Today, months after that contentious election, Ajaka remains unbroken and his influence undiminished. His stronghold in Kogi East stands as a fortress of political conscience, a reminder that truth and loyalty, though delayed, can never be defeated. The people who voted for him have not moved on. Across communities, his name still commands respect; his movement still inspires hope. This enduring strength is not a coincidence but a reflection of authenticity. In an era when many politicians depend on state power to remain relevant, Ajaka’s relevance flows from the people themselves.

    For President Tinubu, who has always been known as a builder of men and a respecter of loyalty, the case of Murtala Yakubu Ajaka presents both a challenge and an opportunity. The challenge is moral: how to reconcile the injustice done to a loyal soldier without undermining party discipline. The opportunity is strategic: to rebuild APC in Kogi State around fairness, inclusivity, and the genuine progressives who fought and bled for its survival.

    Ignoring Ajaka’s ordeal may sustain a temporary political calm, but it risks deepening disillusionment among the rank-and-file members who still believe that hard work and loyalty should count for something. There can be no true reconciliation in Kogi without acknowledging the wrongs of the past. The Presidency and the APC national leadership must look beyond the surface and address the alienation of genuine party men who were side-lined for refusing to serve individual interests. Murtala Yakubu Ajaka represents not rebellion but resistance to impunity, imposition, and the death of internal democracy. His story is the conscience of Kogi politics, and perhaps the moral compass the APC must rediscover if it must remain credible in the state. As the dust of the last election settles, one truth endures: the people’s love for Ajaka in Kogi East is not fading. It is rooted in gratitude, in shared struggle, and in faith that one day justice will prevail. Kogi State cannot afford to remain trapped in the politics of exclusion and entitlement.

    The Renewed Hope Agenda of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu must find its echo in Kogi, where hope was denied but not destroyed. Reconciling with Murtala Ajaka, not through token gestures but through genuine recognition of his role and relevance, will be a powerful statement that loyalty, service, and truth still matter in the APC.

    For a man who helped build the party from scratch, fought for its victory, and paid the price of truth, Ajaka remains a living testimony that betrayal does not end a political journey; it only refines it. His strength today is proof that conscience cannot be defeated by conspiracy. The unfinished story of Kogi’s political conscience still bears his name, and in its final chapter, history will vindicate him, not as a man who lost an election, but as one who refused to lose his integrity.

    ● Ahmad, PhD, is a political strategist and commentator.

  • Painless transitioning to Nigeria’s new tax era

    Painless transitioning to Nigeria’s new tax era

    By Gbenga Oyebode Falana

    When President Bola Tinubu signed the Nigeria Tax Act (NTA) 2025 into law on June 26, he ushered in one of the most ambitious fiscal reforms in Nigeria’s modern history. Alongside the Nigeria Tax Administration Act and the Nigeria Revenue Service Establishment Act, this landmark legislation is not merely a consolidation of tax laws, it represents a structural re-engineering of how Nigeria mobilises, administers, and sustains its domestic revenue base.

    At its core, the NTA 2025 seeks to modernise the tax framework, broaden the tax base, and align domestic practice with global norms, including the OECD’s minimum tax standards. It consolidates income classifications, introduces controlled-foreign-company (CFC) and top-up tax rules, reforms capital gains and corporate taxation, and streamlines administrative processes through enhanced automation and digital compliance.

    Yet, even well-intentioned reforms can generate friction. Rapid transitions unsettle both administrators and taxpayers, particularly in a system already grappling with weak institutional capacity and uneven digital infrastructure. The challenge, therefore, is not whether Nigeria can reform its tax system; it’s how to transition painlessly from enactment to execution.

     The case for careful transition

    Fiscal transitions of this magnitude must balance ambition with realism. If rushed, reforms risk undermining business confidence, distorting cash flows, and triggering avoidable disputes. But if phased and well-communicated, they can achieve three goals simultaneously: boost revenue, build compliance culture, and foster trust between taxpayers and the state. Therefore, transition planning matters because the NTA changes are structural, not cosmetic. The Act redefines taxable income, alters reporting formats, and imposes new obligations on multinational groups. Without clear operational guidance, both small businesses and large corporates may misapply provisions – leading to revenue loss for government and compliance stress for taxpayers.

    Principles for a smooth rollout

    To achieve a seamless implementation, five guiding principles stand out:

    Clarity First: Tax laws must be understood to be obeyed. The FIRS and State Revenue Services should publish plain-language guidance, worked examples, and industry-specific FAQs. Ambiguity fuels litigation; clarity fuels compliance.

    Phased Implementation: The most disruptive provisions such as CFC computations and top-up taxation should be introduced gradually. A phased rollout allows taxpayers and administrators to align systems, test software, and adjust accounting models.

     Technology-driven administration: End-to-end digital filing, e-payment systems, and automated data matching should replace paper-based and discretionary processes. These tools reduce leakages, improve audit efficiency, and minimise human interference.

    Stakeholder partnership: Early collaboration with professional and industry bodies like ICAN, CITN, and chambers of commerce will make compliance pathways practical, not punitive. Consultation turns stakeholders into co-implementers rather than spectators.

     Fairness and predictability: Transitional relief, clear grandfathering rules, and temporary compliance leniency should help businesses plan. Reform should encourage voluntary compliance, not breed fear.

    Four-phase roadmap

    Phase one – preparation and communication: From now until two months before the law’s effective date, the priority is communication. Authorities should issue explanatory notes and sectoral guides covering typical transactions from capital gains on asset disposals to cross-border profit allocation. Town halls, webinars, and consultations with key stakeholders will help surface ambiguities before enforcement begins. Draft regulations and operational rules delegated to the executive should be published early for review.

    Phase two – pilot testing and capacity building: Pilot testing complex provisions will help refine compliance templates and tax forms. Volunteer firms can participate in “sandbox” simulations of CFC computations and global minimum tax filings. Simultaneously, FIRS officers, helpdesk teams, and dispute resolution staff need intensive training, while SMEs should be supported through simplified filing tools and one-on-one clinics.

    Phase three – soft launch and supportive enforcement: Implementation should begin with an assistance-first approach. In the initial months, taxpayers who make genuine filing errors should receive corrective notices rather than penalties. Complex provisions can be introduced in stages, giving firms time to recalibrate. Dedicated sectoral helpdesks such as for oil and gas, financial services, and digital firms should provide prompt responses to industry-specific issues.

    Phase four – full enforcement and continuous improvement: After stabilisation, enforcement should become data driven. Risk-based audits and analytics can prioritise high-value or high-risk cases, while fast-track dispute resolution and expand tax tribunals can handle inevitable disagreements efficiently. The publication of monthly performance dashboards showing filings processed, refunds issued, and query turnaround times will promote transparency and trust.

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    Reducing the pain points

     Even with the best preparation, implementation will still test institutional resilience. The government must therefore deploy targeted relief measures to ease pressure on vulnerable sectors.

    •Transitional pricing and grandfathering: Allow pre-effective-date contracts to retain prior tax treatment to avoid retroactive shocks.

    •Support for small businesses: Offer simplified regimes, temporary deferments, or tax credits to offset compliance costs.

    •Public education: Use radio, social media, and local-language campaigns to demystify registration, filing, and payment procedures.

    •Technology partnerships: Encourage fintech and accounting software providers to release NTA-compliant tools early. Private innovation can bridge administrative capacity gaps.

    •Cross-government coordination: Align FIRS, Customs, and state tax agencies to prevent double assessments and inconsistent interpretations.

    Tracking Progress

    Progress should be measured against tangible Key Performance Indicators (KPIs):

    •At least 80% of filings processed without manual correction within six months.

    •Average response time to taxpayer queries under seven business days.

    •90% of pilot-identified issues resolved before enforcement begins.

    •60–80% SME compliance uptake in the first year.

    •A higher ratio of corrective guidance to penalties, signalling education over punishment.

    Such metrics transform implementation from aspiration to accountability.

     Beyond revenue: Building trust and competence

    The ultimate success of the NTA 2025 will not be judged by how much revenue is collected in its first year, but by how efficiently and fairly the system functions. Nigeria’s tax culture has long been weakened by mutual distrust; taxpayers suspect inefficiency or arbitrariness, while authorities assume evasion. The new regime offers a chance to reset this relationship. Thus, implementation should therefore be viewed as a partnership, not a confrontation. The tax authority’s role is evolving from a mere collector of revenue to a facilitator of compliance, a custodian of fairness, and a driver of national growth.

    Done right, the NTA 2025 can strengthen domestic resource mobilisation without discouraging enterprise or investment. Done poorly, it risks litigation, economic distortion, and erosion of confidence. The difference lies not in the text of the law, but in the discipline of its execution. Undoubtedly, Nigeria has taken a bold step toward a modern, inclusive, and globally aligned tax system. The next test perhaps the most important is ensuring that this reform journey is guided by clarity, compassion, and competence. That is how transformation becomes progress.

    •Falana , PhD, FCA, is Commissioner, Tax Appeal Tribunal (Abuja Panel); Senior Fellow, African Centre for Tax & Governance.

  • Beyond the ASUU strike

    Beyond the ASUU strike

    By Umezurike Emeka Taye

    The recent industrial action by the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) has once again thrust Nigeria’s public tertiary education system into the spotlight, reopening old wounds about the fragility of the country’s university system. For decades, ASUU strikes have become a recurrent feature of the academic calendar, disrupting teaching, research, and the academic progression of millions of students. While the latest strike reflects reoccurring disagreements between the federal government and the union, it also symbolizes deeper structural dysfunctions that have remained unresolved.

    The problems are well known to all in both government and academic circles and they include; chronic underfunding, limited institutional autonomy, refusal to pay earned academic allowances and other benefits owned, poor payment structure and remuneration as well as poor governance within the government owned universities. Moving beyond the recurring cycle of strikes requires addressing these foundational weaknesses that continue to cripple Nigeria’s public universities.

    Since ASUU’s first major industrial action in 1988, the Nigerian higher education sector has been caught in a perpetual tug-of-war between university unions and government authorities. The grievances are largely the same: poor remuneration, inadequate infrastructure, unfulfilled government agreements, and declining funding for research and development. Each round of negotiations produces temporary resolutions and relief, only for the same issues to resurface a few years later. This cyclical conflict underscores a deeper systemic failure which is an absence of long-term commitment and will on the part of all stakeholders to commit to the structural reform of higher education in Nigeria.

    The 2025 ASUU strike, like those before it, is less about the strike itself and more about what it represents: a collapsing model of higher education management. The inability to stabilize university operations has resulted in prolonged academic sessions, eroded global competitiveness, and contributed to an ever-growing wave of brain drain. Nigeria’s public universities, once the pride of Africa in the 1970s and early 1980s, now struggle with dilapidated infrastructure, underpaid staff, and a generation of students losing faith in the public education system.

    At the heart of Nigeria’s university crisis is chronic underfunding. Despite repeated advocacy from education stakeholders, Nigeria’s annual budgetary allocation to education has rarely exceeded 8% a far cry from the UNESCO-recommended 26%. This persistent shortfall affects every facet of university life: laboratory equipment remains obsolete, libraries lack current materials, and facilities deteriorate faster than they are repaired. The fact that we refuse to understand that our society cannot out develop the level of our academic competence and output is a serious problem. It is not coincidental that the best countries have the best educational system as time and time again, a direct correlation and relationship has been seen to exist between quality of tertiary education and the development of societies.

    Public universities rely heavily on government subventions, with minimal internally generated revenue. This dependence makes them vulnerable to budgetary fluctuations and political interference. Moreover, the introduction of “no work, no pay” policies during strikes further deepens financial uncertainty and resentment for the government by academic staff. In contrast, successful higher education systems globally such as those in South Africa, Malaysia, or anywhere in Europe and the Americas are sustained by a balanced healthy mix of public funding, research grants, endowments, alumni contributions and public-private partnerships.

    To reverse this decline, stakeholders must come to a roundtable and discuss the options and begin to find solutions backed by Acts and laws of the National Assembly, duly assented to by the president. Nigeria must prioritize ring-fenced funding mechanisms that ensure stable and predictable financing for tertiary education. This could involve establishing an Education Stabilization Fund that cannot be diverted for non-educational purposes, supported by legislation to guarantee multi-year funding cycles.

    Additionally, universities should be empowered to attract external grants, partnerships, and alumni investments through transparent financial management systems. Alumni associations should also be strengthened and better structured to give back to their Alma Mata periodically in a way that is sustainable and drives development. Quality education cannot thrive on goodwill alone and the government for all its good intention cannot and does not have the resources to do it all alone. In other to change things around there is need for a sustained and accountable investment in all facets of tertiary education.

    Equally critical to reform is institutional autonomy. Nigerian universities operate under heavy bureaucratic control, with the federal government often determining salaries, recruitment, admissions policies, and even leadership appointments. This centralized control stifles innovation, efficiency, and responsiveness to local and global academic trends. Universities are expected to produce world-class graduates while functioning within administrative frameworks that limit flexibility and initiative. This is paradoxical and the results of this methods have been abysmal. 

    Autonomy is not merely about freedom from government interference; it is about granting universities the authority to make academic, financial, and administrative decisions that reflect their unique missions. For instance, universities should have the power to design market-relevant programs, manage their budgets, recruit according to need without or with very reduced political interference and set competitive conditions of service within national guidelines. When institutions have the ability to innovate, they can more effectively collaborate with industries, attract research funding, and respond to changing societal needs.

    However, autonomy must go hand-in-hand with accountability. There must be proper oversight mechanisms, as financial or academic independence without control or regulation could lead to inefficiency and corruption. The solution lies in a shared governance model where university councils, senates, and external stakeholders play clearly defined roles in ensuring transparency while preserving institutional freedom. The introduction of performance-based funding, where universities are rewarded for measurable outcomes such as research output, student success, and community engagement, can also strengthen both autonomy and accountability. There also must be periodic auditing of all university accounts by independent bodies set up by the government and reports be reviewed. In the event of misappropriation of funds, appropriate sanction should be meted out and culprits should actually see and be kept within the four walls of a prison for such acts to serve as a deterrent.

    Poor governance has long undermined the effectiveness of Nigerian public universities. Political interference in the appointment of vice-chancellors, opaque procurement and recruitment processes, and weak internal management structures have eroded institutional integrity. In some universities, decision-making is mired in internal politics, nepotism and patronage rather than merit or data-driven planning. The result is a leadership culture that prioritizes short-term survival and their ability to continue to stay in office over strategic development.

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    Effective governance in higher education demands visionary leadership, data-informed planning, and a strong culture of integrity. The federal government and university governing councils must establish transparent and merit-based processes for leadership recruitment. Similarly, internal management structures should prioritize evidence-based decision-making, fiscal responsibility, and participatory administration.

    The creation of independent regulatory bodies separate from direct government ministries could enhance oversight without micromanagement. For example, the National Universities Commission (NUC) should evolve from being a compliance monitor to a true quality-assurance and capacity-building agency, fostering innovation and supporting institutional growth across the country. NUC should function more as a partner for capacity building and resource allocation and sharing (especially academic and human capital resource) rather than just for accreditation and setting up of universities.

    To end the recurring cycle of ASUU strikes and restore stability to Nigeria’s university system, the country must adopt a comprehensive and sustainable reform agenda built on three fundamental pillars of consistent funding, genuine institutional autonomy, and transparent governance. In the short term, ASUU must also adopt a more strategic and proactive approach in its engagement with the government. ASUU must find was to sponsor bills through the senate for legally binding framework, backed by an Act of the National Assembly and duly assented to by the president that enforces the implementation of all agreements such as earned allowances and other negotiated benefits between ASUU and the government. This would prevent the repeated pattern of new administrations disowning previously signed agreements.

    Additionally, immediate infrastructural renewal is essential, supported by targeted intervention funds to upgrade learning and research facilities. Research and postgraduate training should receive increased funding and incentives from TETFund, as well as through private-sector and international partnerships, to reduce the ongoing brain drain and foster innovation within the country’s universities.

    In the long term, Nigeria’s higher education system needs a restructured financing model that blends sustained public funding such as through NELFUND with private investment and international collaborations. Universities should be granted greater managerial autonomy to innovate, compete, and tailor their operations to global best practices. The National Universities Commission (NUC) must also be strengthened to function not just as a regulator, but as a supportive partner that enhances institutional capacity and promotes quality assurance. Transparency and accountability should be institutionalized through annual public reporting of university finances, performance indicators, and outcomes.

    •Taye (PhD) writes in from Lead City University Ibadan.

  • Commanding from the front: Tinubu strengthening national security architecture

    Commanding from the front: Tinubu strengthening national security architecture

    By Sunday Dare

    Moments of renewal in the life of every nation are never far away. Like changes they are never out the door. Such moments that call for renewal, are times — when leadership must be refreshed, strategies recalibrated, and institutions strengthened to meet new realities. They are times when decisive and timely actions are needed.

    In Nigeria’s military annals, Friday October 24th  was  one such defining moments. Strategy matured into stealth and tactics.

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, approved changes in the hierarchy of our Armed Forces to further strengthen Nigeria’s national security architecture. This decision is neither abrupt nor cosmetic. It is part of a deliberate, forward-looking plan to reenergize the military, sustain ongoing operations, and infuse new strategic thinking into the nation’s defence establishment.

    Under the President’s directive, General Olufemi Oluyede has been appointed Chief of Defence Staff, bringing to the role decades of experience in command and operations.

    New Profiles in Dedication

    Major-General W. Shaibu, of the 41st Regular Course of the Nigerian Defence Academy from Kogi State, assumes duty as Chief of Army Staff..

    Gen. Shaibu’s appointment as Chief of Army Staff is both fitting and symbolic. A seasoned commander who has served at the frontlines of the counterinsurgency campaign in the North-East, he brings first-hand knowledge of the terrain, the threat, and the human cost of conflict.

    As former Theatre Commander of Operation Hadin Kai and General Officer Commanding 7 Division, Maimalari Barracks, Maiduguri, he presided over one of the most successful periods of the counter-terrorism effort. Under his watch, thousands of insurgents, along with their families, surrendered to the Nigerian Army. Many of them are now undergoing rehabilitation and reintegration under government-supervised programmes.

    Shaibu understands the nuances and complexities of the North-East crisis — its operational, social, and humanitarian dimensions. His elevation is both a reward for service and an investment in experience.

    Air Vice Marshal Kelvin Sunday Aneke, wildly popular  in Air Force circles for his daring operational efficiency, becomes the 23rd Chief of Air Staff.

    AVM Aneke represents a remarkable story of service and legacy. Born on a base in Makurdi to an airman who rose to the peak of the enlisted ranks, Aneke now stands at the summit of the officer corps — a symbol of discipline, perseverance, and generational continuity.

    Before his appointment, he commanded the Mobility Command of the Nigerian Air Force in Yenagoa, where he oversaw critical logistics, tactical airlift, and combat support operations. His professionalism and quiet resolve have earned him deep respect across ranks. Aneke’s rise — from a base-born child to Chief of Air Staff — mirrors the possibilities of the Nigerian dream and the values President Tinubu seeks to institutionalize across public service.

    Rear Admiral Idi Abbas, from Kano State, who has served as Flag Officer Commanding Central Naval Command, Chief of Operations, and Chief of Naval Safety and Standards, is now the Chief of Naval Staff. He brings similar depth to the Navy. A thoroughbred professional and reform-minded officer, he has spent his career combating the threats that endanger Nigeria’s maritime domain and economic lifelines.

    Having led the Central Naval Command and served as Chief of Operations and Chief of Naval Safety and Standards, he understands both the tactical demands of naval warfare and the strategic importance of securing Nigeria’s blue economy. His appointment signals the President’s determination to confront oil theft and maritime insecurity with renewed intensity and purpose.

    Renewing the National Security Focus

    These appointments come at a time when Nigeria faces multifaceted threats — from insurgency and banditry to organized crime and economic sabotage. The President’s objective is clear: to re-energize ongoing military operations across all regions and sustain the momentum of recent gains.

    In the North-East, Operation Hadin Kai continues to dismantle terrorist enclaves and stabilize liberated territories. In the North-West, Operation Hadarin Daji is intensifying its campaign against banditry and kidnapping.

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    In the North-Central, Operations Safe Haven and Whirl Stroke are addressing the persistent herder–farmer crises and restoring calm to previously troubled communities. In the South-South, Operation Delta Safe remains a bulwark against pipeline vandalism, oil theft, and environmental sabotage.

    Meanwhile, in the South-East, Operation Udo Ka continues to restore peace through intelligence-driven and community-based engagements. Each of these operations represents a vital strand in the web of national security. Together, they demonstrate that the Tinubu administration’s approach is comprehensive — uniting kinetic action with intelligence, diplomacy, and socio-economic measures to secure every region of the country.

    Continuity and Confidence

    The retention of Major-General Undiendeye as Chief of Defence Intelligence provides a necessary balance of continuity and institutional memory within the defence establishment. Intelligence coordination remains the backbone of modern military operations, and preserving stability in this area is both wise and strategic. This blend of continuity and innovation is deliberate — ensuring that the Armed Forces do not lose operational rhythm while gaining new drive.

    The President’s Vision

    President Tinubu’s leadership philosophy remains anchored in decisiveness, accountability, and reform. He understands that security is not static; it demands agility, innovation, and renewal.

    In every decision — from economic reforms to governance restructuring — the President has shown an unwavering resolve to rebuild Nigeria’s institutions on the foundations of efficiency, accountability, and results. His actions send a clear message: Nigeria will defend its democracy, safeguard its sovereignty, and project stability across the region.

    A Call to Duty

    To the new service chiefs, the nation looks to you with confidence. Lead with courage, serve with honour, and stay anchored in the values of discipline and patriotism.

    To the officers and men of the Nigerian Armed Forces, this is a call to unity and duty. Give your unalloyed support to your new commanders, for your cohesion is the strength of the nation. And to our fellow citizens, let us stand behind our Armed Forces. Their success is the shield that protects our collective peace and progress.

    Conclusion

    This moment of renewal is not about replacing individuals; it is about strengthening institutions. It is about reaffirming our national commitment to safety, stability, and sovereignty.

    In reconstituting the military leadership, President Tinubu has demonstrated once again that leadership is about action, not rhetoric — about vision, not vanity — about courage, not convenience.

    May God bless the Nigerian Armed Forces, and may God bless the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

    •Dare is Special Adviser, Media & Public Communication/Spokesperson to President Tinubu

  • The power of regional thinking

    The power of regional thinking

    SIR: On October 21, the governments of Kano, Katsina, and Jigawa signed an agreement to establish a regional electricity market, pledging to raise N50 billion to expand access to power across their states.

    At the Marrakech Electrification Summit, where the pact was sealed, officials from the three states stood side by side, announcing their plan not only to share costs but to take equity in Future Energies Africa (FEA), the core investor in Kano Electricity Distribution Company. The goal is to fix power distribution from the ground up, together.

    The N50 billion investments might seem modest compared to the billions Nigeria borrows yearly for less coherent projects, but the symbolism matters. For once, three governors are not waiting for Abuja’s permission to act. They’re choosing self-help over dependency, efficiency over rhetoric.

    They’re also making a bet on the Electricity Act 2023, which devolves power generation and distribution to states.

    For all the promise of this northern initiative, the real tragedy is how rare such cooperation has become. Nigeria’s six geopolitical zones — Northwest, Northeast, North-central, Southwest, Southeast, and South-south — rarely collaborate on anything meaningful.

    Imagine if states across Nigeria pooled resources to tackle problems regionally: Southeast states could jointly revive the Enugu coal belt or set up shared logistics hubs for Aba and Onitsha. Southwest states could jointly manage the Lagos-Ibadan corridor’s transport and industrial ecosystem. North-central states could form agricultural processing zones powered by renewable energy.

    Each zone has comparative advantages. What’s missing is collective will.

    Of course, cooperation isn’t magic. The Kano-Katsina-Jigawa alliance faces real challenges. The sum, N50 billion is small compared to what’s needed to transform energy access. Political continuity is fragile — one election cycle can derail years of planning. The federal transmission grid still sits under Abuja’s control, requiring alignment that often slows things down.

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    But the alternative of each state acting alone is far worse. As things stand, most state-owned initiatives collapse before they scale. A joint regional framework can attract better financing, and spread innovation faster.

    If northern states can make this model work, they could provide a template for others. It would show that Nigeria doesn’t need more states; it needs smarter states.

    We already have lessons on what happens when Nigerian leaders collaborate across borders. When Chief Awolowo’s Western Region shared agricultural strategies with the North in the 1950s, both regions grew. When the River Basin Authorities in the 1970s worked jointly across state lines, irrigation and food production improved before corruption and politics ruined the system.

    The lesson endures: development thrives when leadership looks beyond state boundaries.

    Today, it’s time for governors to rediscover that old spirit of partnership. Let them form regional councils not for press releases, but for projects. Let them share expertise and markets.

    • Tosin Adeoti, contact@tosinadeoti.com.