The Nation Newspaper

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  • On Nigeria’s infrastructure deficit

    On Nigeria’s infrastructure deficit

    SIR: Across Nigeria, the signs of a deep infrastructure crisis are impossible to ignore. From pothole-ridden highways and epileptic power supply to congested ports and inadequate rail networks, the country’s physical backbone is crumbling. While citizens struggle daily with the consequences, promises of massive infrastructure renewal have remained more rhetoric than reality. For a nation seeking to attract investment, create jobs, and lift millions out of poverty, the failure to provide reliable infrastructure is a heavy weight dragging progress backward.

    Perhaps the most visible symbol of this crisis is Nigeria’s road network. Federal and state highways are riddled with potholes, many barely passable during the rainy season. Road accidents claim thousands of lives annually, many of them avoidable if proper maintenance were carried out. Truck drivers spend days stranded on roads leading to Lagos ports, creating bottlenecks that drive up the cost of goods. Rural communities remain cut off because feeder roads are either non-existent or in terrible condition, preventing farmers from bringing produce to markets and worsening food insecurity.

    The power sector tells a similarly grim story. Despite billions of dollars spent on reforms, Nigeria continues to generate far below the electricity its citizens need. Frequent blackouts cripple industries, forcing businesses to rely on expensive generators. For small businesses and households, the cost of fuelling these generators eats deep into income. Meanwhile, renewable energy opportunities remain largely untapped, even though solar and wind could help close the gap. Without reliable power, the dream of industrial growth will remain a mirage.

    Water and sanitation infrastructure are equally inadequate. Millions of Nigerians lack access to safe drinking water, relying instead on boreholes, wells, or unsafe streams. Urban centres face recurring water shortages, while sewage systems are either broken or non-existent. The result is frequent outbreaks of waterborne diseases such as cholera, which claim lives that could easily be saved with proper investment in sanitation. In rural areas, women and children walk long distances daily to fetch water, reducing time that could be spent on education or productive work.

    The state of Nigeria’s rail system further highlights the neglect. Although some progress has been made with the Abuja–Kaduna and Lagos–Ibadan lines, the network remains grossly inadequate for a country of over 200 million people. Cargo transport by rail, which could ease pressure on the roads and reduce accidents, is minimal. Instead, trucks dominate long-distance haulage, worsening road degradation and increasing costs for businesses. A modern, expansive rail system would not only transform trade but also integrate regions and boost national unity.

    Read Also: Tinubu mourns Christopher Kolade, describes him as “one of Nigeria’s intellectual treasures”

    Airports and seaports, gateways to international commerce, also suffer from inefficiency. Delays, bureaucratic bottlenecks, and outdated facilities discourage foreign investors and frustrate local businesses. The high cost of moving goods through Nigerian ports has driven many importers to neighbouring countries such as Benin and Ghana. The result is a loss of revenue, jobs, and prestige. A country with Nigeria’s resources should be a regional hub for trade, but poor infrastructure ensures otherwise.

    The consequences of this infrastructure deficit are profound. Without reliable roads, power, water, and transport systems, businesses cannot thrive, jobs cannot be created, and citizens cannot enjoy a decent quality of life. Investors, both local and foreign, are discouraged, choosing instead to take their capital to environments where infrastructure supports productivity. The gap between Nigeria’s potential and its reality continues to widen, leaving citizens frustrated and disillusioned.

    Addressing this challenge requires not just more funding, but better planning and accountability. Infrastructure projects are often announced with fanfare but abandoned midway due to corruption or political changes.

    To break this cycle, government must prioritize continuity, ensuring that projects are completed regardless of political transitions. Public-private partnerships should be encouraged, allowing private capital and expertise to complement government efforts. In addition, maintenance culture must be institutionalized, as infrastructure is not just about building new projects but sustaining existing ones.

    Nigeria’s infrastructure deficit is not insurmountable. With the right policies, transparent governance, and sustained investment, the country can transform its roads, power, water, and transport systems. The benefits would be far-reaching: lower business costs, increased trade, job creation, and improved living standards. But unless bold steps are taken, Nigeria will remain a nation stuck on the road to development—moving, but never arriving.

    • Timothy Ali Samuel, University Of Maiduguri.
  • The northern awakening: Why the NNIIS 2025 must not fail

    The northern awakening: Why the NNIIS 2025 must not fail

    SIR: For what must be the umpteenth time in our national chorus of unrealized potential, northern Nigeria (all 19 states of it) is proclaimed as the region blessed with enough people, minerals, and farmland to feed the country and fund it too. I have heard this so many times for so many years that the refrain has almost become a lullaby. Yet, all those grand declarations and clout-attracting rhetoric have produced little by way of tangible outcomes for the region or spurred its inhabitants into real action.

    On the contrary, the inverse relationship between population growth and actual economic development has continued to widen, with all 19 states towing different and sometimes conflicting policy paths that have contributed little or nothing to the national bottom line. What has been missing is coordination, the will to harmonize these ideas into collective, measurable progress.

    But now, in 2025, something refreshing is stirring. What we are witnessing might just be the spark that forces the region to finally challenge the status quo. A team of young, brilliant, versatile, and multi-talented individuals drawn from both partisan and non-partisan backgrounds have come together to transform the North’s economic narrative.

    Their brainchild, the Northern Nigeria Investment and Industrialization Summit (NNIIS 2025), has already begun to gain traction by securing the buy-in of key economic, political, religious, and corporate players across the 19 northern states.

    Why is this different? Why does it feel like the first real attempt at rewriting the North’s economic destiny? Because among the brains behind the summit are individuals who have verifiable records of turning ideas into frameworks, frameworks into policies, policies into reforms, and reforms into measurable outcomes. They are not theoreticians. They are implementers.

    Take Khalil Nur Khalil, the former executive secretary of the Kaduna Investment Promotion Agency and now Economic Adviser to the Governor of Katsina State. Khalil helped reposition Kaduna as the most investor-friendly state in northern Nigeria, attracting billions in private capital and strengthening the non-oil revenue base of the region.

    Then there is Naufal Ahmad, Director-General of the Katsina State ICT Directorate, a protégé of Governor Dikko Umar Radda (CON). Under his watch, Katsina has emerged as one of the leading digital and innovation hubs in the North, pioneering tech-driven governance and youth inclusion.

    Also, Hajiya Halima Babangida, the Director-General of the Northwest Governors’ Forum, has been instrumental in fostering seamless collaboration among the seven northwestern states, a feat previously thought impossible. Her administrative dexterity and coordination have proven that unity of purpose can be achieved beyond political lines.

    Add to that M.S. Ingawa, the Senior Special Assistant on Media and Strategy to the Governor of Katsina State, young, resourceful, and well-connected. Together, these minds have demonstrated a brand of leadership driven by intellect, collaboration, and measurable progress.

    This is not another talk shop or policy carnival. The NNIIS 2025 has succeeded in bringing together not just government actors but institutions like the Northern Elders Forum (NEF), the Arewa Research and Development Project (ARDP), the Nigerian Economic Summit Group (NESG), and a broad range of public-private stakeholders who understand that for the North to thrive, its people must first take ownership of their development story.

    Read Also: Tinubu mourns Christopher Kolade, describes him as “one of Nigeria’s intellectual treasures”

    In a region where the loudest expressions of politics often come from campaign songs and personality cults, this new emphasis on structured dialogue and investment synergy feels like the renaissance we have been waiting for. The NNIIS 2025 represents the North thinking strategically, not emotionally, about its future.

    It is, perhaps, the most honest expression of collective introspection the region has witnessed in decades.

    But here’s the catch: momentum is fragile. The real test is not in organizing a summit but in sustaining its vision long after the cameras go off and the hashtags fade away. That responsibility rests squarely on the shoulders of the 19 northern governors who have pledged their support.

    This is my passionate plea to them: they should keep their promise. Let this not become another episode in the long catalogue of abandoned northern dreams. For once, let the North’s narrative change, from lamentation to collaboration, from rhetoric to results.

    To the organizers and hundreds of young people who worked tirelessly behind the scenes, history will remember you for choosing action over apathy, for proving that reform can indeed come from within.

    The Northern Nigeria Investment and Industrialization Summit 2025 must not fail. Because if it does, the North might not get another chance this decade.

    • Aliyu Sulaiman Babasidi, Katsina.
  • The fallacy of Obaseki’s education reforms

    The fallacy of Obaseki’s education reforms

    • By Fred Itua

    The recent attempt to romanticize the so-called “re-enactment of Obaseki’s education reforms” is not only misleading but also a desperate attempt to whitewash the failures of an administration that left behind a trail of disillusionment, deceit, and betrayal among Edo teachers. The ongoing narrative, deliberately sponsored and amplified by a few individuals nostalgic about the past government, seeks to misinform the public and distort the truth about the state of education in Edo. But facts, as always, are sacred and cannot be buried under political propaganda.

    It is important to set the records straight: the Obaseki-led government did not reform education – it weaponized it for political survival. What was branded as “innovation” was, in fact, a carefully packaged illusion that crushed the hopes of hundreds of young Edo teachers who were lured into the system without proper employment letters, pension benefits, or confirmation of their civil service status for more than three years.

    These teachers were not treated as professionals shaping the minds of future leaders but as expendable pawns used to score political points and project a false image of progress.

    Many of these teachers have since narrated their ordeals – how they were made to attend endless training sessions, often at their own expense, without any formal recognition of their employment status. They were paraded before cameras for political optics, yet denied the dignity and benefits of legitimate work. Their story is one of emotional trauma and betrayal – people who believed they were serving their state, only to realize they had been used as instruments of propaganda.

    During the build-up to the last governorship election, these same teachers were promised permanent employment and improved welfare packages if they mobilized support for the governor’s preferred candidate. But when the political tide turned, they were abandoned. The promises evaporated. The administration turned its back on them, leaving behind a demoralized and frustrated workforce struggling to survive without certainty or hope.

    The much-hyped EdoBEST initiative – which Obaseki’s media machinery continues to tout as a revolutionary success – was, in truth, a hollow project. It was a case of form without substance, of digital gloss masking institutional decay. Beneath the glossy tablets, colourful banners, and choreographed PR campaigns, lay a project riddled with inconsistencies and waste. Independent reviews and insider testimonies have revealed how EdoBEST became a convenient channel for financial mismanagement under the guise of “digital learning transformation.”

    Read Also: By-elections: Obaseki never interested in Edo development, says Okpebholo

    The programme created an illusion of progress, while the core challenges in the education sector – decaying infrastructure, poor teacher motivation, and lack of instructional materials – persisted.

    In several rural communities, pupils continued to sit on bare floors. Classrooms lacked roofs, and teachers struggled to cope with overcrowded classes. The so-called “digital tablets” distributed to a few schools became mere symbols for photo opportunities, rather than tools for real learning. Teachers were left frustrated as internet connectivity and maintenance support were non-existent. The entire project was built on presentation rather than performance, and on deception rather than development.

    In truth, EdoBEST was not an innovation – it was a refurbishing of tombs whose contents were academic carcasses. No credible data ever proved that learning outcomes improved significantly under the programme. Instead, available records showed declining literacy levels and poor comprehension among pupils. The gap between rural and urban education widened, and teacher attrition increased due to poor working conditions.

    Contrary to the false claim that the present administration is simply “re-enacting” Obaseki’s model, what is happening today is the exact opposite – a restoration of sanity, transparency, and meritocracy in Edo’s education system. The ongoing recruitment of teachers is anchored on merit and competence, not political patronage or godfatherism. For the first time in many years, candidates were screened through a transparent and standardized process. It was an open exercise where applicants were assessed based on qualification, teaching aptitude, and subject mastery – not on who they knew or which political camp they belonged to. All these were carefully and thoughtfully carried out before absorbing over 5000 Edostar teachers into the state civil service.

    This deliberate reform is part of a broader agenda to rebuild public confidence in government employment processes and ensure that every classroom in Edo State is manned by a qualified, motivated teacher. Those who were smuggled into the system under the previous government – some without the minimum teaching qualifications – have been carefully filtered out. It is not vindictiveness; it is restoration of standards. The era of mediocrity and political favouritism in the education sector is over.

    The new administration recognizes that education is the backbone of sustainable development. No serious government toys with the future of its children by reducing education to a publicity tool. Unlike the previous administration, this government is not interested in photo opportunities or social media applause. Its focus is on tangible outcomes – classrooms that are functional, teachers who are professionally trained, and pupils whose learning progress can be scientifically measured.

    Today, efforts are being made to rehabilitate schools, update curricula, and retrain teachers using globally tested pedagogical methods. The emphasis is on content, not camera; on impact, not image. It is about restoring dignity to the teaching profession and returning education to its rightful place as the foundation of societal progress.

    Unlike the previous administration, the current government will not sustain fraudulent legacies or reward criminality disguised as policy. The days of using development as a cover for deception are gone. The new administration’s education policy is driven by accountability, transparency, and evidence-based planning. Funds meant for schools will reach schools. Teachers will be trained, paid, and respected. Pupils will be taught, not used as backdrops for political theatre.

    The truth remains that Obaseki’s so-called education reforms were built on falsehood, manipulation, and exploitation. The Edo people are no longer deceived. They saw the teachers who worked with meagre pay. They saw the schools that never received the promised upgrades. They heard the testimonies of those who were betrayed after years of service. And they now see a government genuinely working to repair the ruins left behind, a government that values integrity over image, performance over propaganda, and merit over manipulation.

    Where there was deceit, this government is bringing transparency.

    Where there was propaganda, it is instituting progress. Where there was exploitation, it is restoring dignity to Edo’s teaching workforce.

    The era of empty reforms and borrowed slogans has ended. A new dawn has begun, a new Edo has risen, one defined by truth, service, and accountability. Edo’s education sector is being rebuilt, not rebranded. And that, indeed, is the difference between the past of deception and the present of genuine reform.

    • Itua is the Chief Press Secretary to Governor Monday Okpebholo of Edo State.
  • Christopher Kolade lived three lifetimes

    Christopher Kolade lived three lifetimes

    • By Kehinde Nubi

    There are lives that flicker briefly like candles and others that burn steadily like lamps. And then there are lives that are rare and luminous, that shine across generations – lives that inspire. Dr Christopher Olusola Kolade, who died on October 8, aged 92, belonged to that rare class. He lived not one, but three lifetimes in one body – as a broadcaster of repute, a corporate titan of uncommon integrity, and a diplomat who carried Nigeria’s moral dignity on his shoulders.

    Kolade’s education at Government College, Ibadan, and Fourah Bay College in Sierra Leone definitely shaped his disciplined intellect and moral resolve. He belonged to a generation of Nigerians who saw excellence as duty – men and women for whom success did not make sense without integrity.

    Kolade’s first lifetime was in broadcasting – a profession that, in his hands, became both art and ministry. As Director-General of the Nigerian Broadcasting Corporation (NBC), he stood for truth in an era when propaganda could easily have been the order of the day. To him, the airwaves were a sacred trust, and every word transmitted carried moral weight.

    Under his leadership, NBC became more than a news outlet; it became an institution that, even as a young person, I could identify with. He was meticulous about ethics, insisting on balance, accuracy, and fairness, thereby earning the listener’s trust. I remember that back then, we never doubted news we heard on NBC. Some of us would understand what I mean by this. For those who do not, it suffices to say that there was a time in this country when we saw government news agencies as mere propaganda outfits. Kolade was not loud or flamboyant, yet we all knew him. He had a quiet presence, and for him, apparently, broadcasting was not just a job; it was his calling.

    Now, who could have imagined that after leaving his footprints on the sands of broadcasting, a new lifetime in corporate governance would unfold? Kolade’s second lifetime unfolded in the corporate world. When he joined Cadbury Nigeria Plc, he became the first indigenous managing director/chief executive of the company.  He brought with him the moral clarity and candour that had defined his broadcasting career. As a testimony to his qualitative leadership qualities, he ended up becoming the chairman of the company, transforming it into a model organisation.

    In an age when success often came at the cost of character, Kolade proved that integrity and efficiency could coexist. His life, a living example, resonates with that of men like Akintola Williams, Nigeria’s first chartered accountant and lifelong ambassador of honesty in business. He reminds us of the disciplined entrepreneurship of Chief Subomi Balogun, founder of FCMB. 

    Read Also: Tinubu mourns Christopher Kolade, describes him as “one of Nigeria’s intellectual treasures”

    Apparently, in his worldview, leadership was stewardship, not privilege. To lead was to serve and to uplift, and to leave behind an ethical footprint. He saw business as a moral enterprise.

    Yet again, when one would have thought that there was nothing more to achieve, Kolade’s third lifetime took him beyond boardrooms to the corridors of diplomacy. He was appointed Nigeria’s High Commissioner to the United Kingdom and carried with him the moral authority that Nigeria desperately needed.

    This was at a time when the country’s international image was tarnished by corruption and cynicism. Kolade’s presence at diplomatic gatherings was itself a sermon. He did not need to raise his voice or wield influence; his mere comportment spoke of honesty, grace, and competence. He was Nigeria’s moral ambassador long before his official posting. He had a quiet dignity, spoke authoritatively, and represented the nation’s best values. For him, diplomacy was an extension of moral duty rather than political manoeuvres.

    He was the kind of envoy who reminded the world that Nigeria’s soul was not lost, and that beneath the noise and failures of politics, there are still decent men and women.

    Who are these men and women I am talking about? I am looking at men like Deacon Gamaliel Onosode, the boardroom guru – Mr Integrity himself; Justice Kayode Eso and Justice Chukwudifu Oputa – whose judgements combined jurisprudence with conscience; Prof. Dora Akunyili, who risked her life to save millions from counterfeit drugs; Cardinal Anthony Okogie and Bishop Matthew Kukah, whose prophetic voices speak truth to power. Kolade’s life, like theirs, reproaches cynicism, reminding us that goodness, though often silent, would never go out of fashion.

    To speak of Kolade is to speak of a vanishing breed of men and women who believe that honour is not negotiable. These are people who embody a standard of conduct that has become painfully rare – the quiet courage to do what is right even when no one is watching.

    Kolade was one man who led with conscience, and treated power as responsibility; a man who held authority without arrogance, achieved success without scandal, and earned respect without force.

    When I heard of Dr Kolade’s passing, I felt a personal loss – not because I knew him one-on-one, but because he had shaped my understanding of what it means to live with integrity. I saw him only once, and that was as an impressionable secondary school student, and it was not as if I interacted directly with him. It was a matter of a star-struck secondary school student seeing a larger-than-life character in flesh and blood – at least, that is how it seemed to me. I never forgot, and yet, that brief encounter left a mark that time could not erase.

    Along with men like Gamaliel Onosode, he taught me – without words – that true greatness is quiet, disciplined, and deeply moral. Their bearing, their speech, their restraint – all spoke of a different Nigeria, one that measured men not by noise but by integrity.

    In a world now dominated by corruption, flamboyance and self-aggrandisement, Christopher Olusola Kolade stood tall amid the razzmatazz. He was the bridge between ethics and excellence, humility and high achievement. He did not merely live three lifetimes – he enriched ours. He was, in every sense, an exemplar of what it means to be human.

    Kolade’s life reminds us that greatness is not in the noise of achievement but in the quiet dignity of purpose. My impression of him is that, in every sense of the word, he was a quintessential man.

    • Nubi is a Lagos-based lawyer, and commentator on public affairs.
  • LAWMA’s new playbook on environmental offences

    LAWMA’s new playbook on environmental offences

    • By Muyiwa Gbadegesin

    In May, a short video clip sparked public outrage: a driver pulled up on the Alapere Link Bridge, opened the boot of his car, and tipped household refuse onto the carriageway before driving off. Within hours, our enforcement teams, working with the Lagos State Environmental Sanitation Corps (LAGESC/KAI), identified and arrested the suspect.

    By May 22–23, the Environmental and Special Offences Court sitting in Oshodi had ordered his remand at Kirikiri Correctional Centre, with the case adjourned for further hearing. The message was clear: indiscriminate dumping has consequences in Lagos.

    That incident was not a one-off. In the weeks leading up to the arrest, we had publicly appealed for information and even offered a modest reward to help identify a serial dumper operating on the same bridge—an appeal supported by surveillance from field officers and tips from nearby traders. Community vigilance is not a slogan; it is the difference between a video that trends for a day and an arrest that deters repeat behaviour.

    As Managing Director of LAWMA, I view enforcement through the lens of Lagos’s geography and exposure. We are a heavily populated, low-lying coastal state where rainfall can be intense and tidal influence is real. A bag of refuse tossed into a drain in Ketu does not disappear; it blocks culverts, exacerbates flooding, pushes contaminated water into homes and markets, and sends plastics and organics down our canals into the lagoons and the Atlantic.

    Illegal dumping raises vector-borne disease risks, degrades fisheries and recreation, and imposes real economic costs on traders, commuters, and households after every downpour. This is why enforcement is integral to our waste-management system: it protects public health, climate resilience, and everyday livelihoods.

    Over the past year, we have moved from episodic crackdowns to a standing, intelligence-led model that couples quick prosecution with community vigilance. In September, our legal department filed 10 new matters against more than 25 individuals and business entities, acting on intelligence from private surveillance teams, estate associations and residents, and LAGESC across Egbeda, Ayobo, Ketu, Alimosho, Lekki, and Iyana Ipaja. 

    During the same review period, the Environmental and Special Offences Courts delivered judgments in over 80 environmental cases, imposing penalties totalling N15,090,000. Defaulters who could not pay received community service or were remanded at the appropriate correctional facilities—real consequences that raise the cost of non-compliance.

    The pipeline is steady and transparent. From September 2024 to September 2025, LAWMA instituted 155 environmental-offence matters, concluded 82, and is prosecuting 46 ongoing trials, with 27 fresh summonses awaiting judicial endorsement. These are not isolated figures; they describe a system moving consistently from evidence to consequence.

    The offences we encounter most frequently are straightforward but deeply harmful: failure to patronise accredited PSP operators; transportation of waste through unauthorised channels; dumping in drains, canals, and other unapproved locations; and failure to provide proper on-site storage.

    These behaviours are illegal under the Lagos State Environmental Management and Protection Law, 2017—among others, sections 79, 81, 85, 86, 88, 109, 118(1), 140, 144, and 169(1)(b)—because they place the many at risk for the convenience of a few.

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    Our operating philosophy is simple: enforcement works best when it is people-powered, preventive, and fair. We are strengthening multi-level intelligence gathering with estate and resident committees that monitor and report violations; encouraging whistle-blowers to share real-time, verifiable tips; and coordinating closely with LAGESC and the Ministry of Justice so that credible cases move quickly from arrest to prosecution.

     We are also restoring the everyday presence of Environmental Health Officers—the “wole-wole”—whose inspections and guidance help stop problems before they escalate. This is how we make enforcement less about surprise raids and more about consistent standards that everyone understands.

     The stakes are high in a coastal megacity. A single blocked culvert can back up storm water across multiple streets; night-time tipping into canals travels downstream into wetlands and beaches; informal haulage scatters refuse along corridors that serve schools and markets.

    By raising the cost of environmental offences through fines, community service, and, where necessary, custodial sentences, we keep drains clear, canals flowing, and neighbourhoods safer when the clouds open. The Alapere case shows what this looks like in practice: credible surveillance, swift arrest, and an unambiguous judicial response.

    Our message to residents and businesses is direct. Patronise your assigned PSP operator and keep proper storage on your premises. Do not use informal or unauthorised haulers; they break the chain of accountability and often end up dumping in places that endanger your neighbours.

    We all need to change our attitude to environmental issues. The earth, for now, is our home. It is where we live, breathe, eat, raise our children, etc. Therefore, we cannot afford to destroy the environment because our whole essence depends on it.

    Consequently, when we imbibe positive attitudinal change towards the environment, we are sure of living free of any pollutants or hazards that we might introduce into our environment through human-induced activities.

    Protecting the environment allows future generations of human beings to grow and live without having to deal with anything we have done to contaminate the environment in which we do live and they will live. Protecting the environment is, without doubt, the best way to protect ourselves against diseases and other harmful environmental hazards.

    Traditionally, talks on environmental protection often centre on the role of government, legislation, and law enforcement. However, environmental protection ought to be the duty of all the people and not simply that of the government.

    Therefore, we all need to embrace positive attitude towards the environment. Parks should not be turned into market places, toilets, refuse dumps or places where animals graze. Failure to control animals or allowing  their defecation or engaging in an unhygienic use of fountains, pools or water in the parks, gardens and open spaces would be counter-productive and as such must be discouraged.

    With natural disasters occurring across the world, as a result of the abuse of the environment, this is the time for everyone to rethink their attitude to the environment. As previously stated, it is whatever we give to the environment that it gives back to us. Community leaders, traditional rulers, religious leaders, NGOs, and other stakeholders should work in partnership with the state government to ensure that current gains in the sector are sustained. It is only in doing this that the state government’s massive investment in protecting the environment would not be a waste.

    If you see indiscriminate dumping or suspicious waste movement, report it. Credible, verifiable information shortens response times and strengthens prosecutions, making enforcement fairer and more effective for everyone.

    • Dr. Gbadegesin is Managing Director, LAWMA, Ijora, Lagos.
  • Omi Eko: A boost to water transportation in Lagos

    Omi Eko: A boost to water transportation in Lagos

    By Tayo Ogunbiyi

    With the recent launch of the innovative ‘Omi Eko’ Project, the Lagos State government has taken another giant leap in its bid to transform transportation in the state. The project strengthens the government’s commitment to building a cleaner, safer, and more efficient city where water becomes a true channel for mobility and opportunity.

    For generations, Lagos has been defined by water, yet its roads have carried most of the city’s movement. Water is a big part of Lagos. Fifteen out of its Local Government Areas are reachable by water. This project will make those waterways not just accessible, but reliable and safe for everyone. The Omi-Eko Project is poised to positively change the state’s water transportation narrative through focused investment in modern water transport.

    The project has two key components. The first covers the construction of inland waterways infrastructure, including 15 priority ferry routes, the dredging and marking of 140 kilometres of channels, and the development of 25 ferry terminals and jetties with electric charging points, maintenance depots, and improved road connections.

    The second focuses on sustainable operations, with over 75 electric-powered ferries, intelligent transport systems for ticketing and passenger information, and capacity building for the Lagos State Waterways Authority (LASWA). The overall goal is to give Lagosians more options to move safely and efficiently while easing congestion and supporting economic growth.

    With the €410 million project, being funded through a partnership between the European Union (EU) and key development finance institutions, the government aims to transform Lagos into a hub of clean, efficient, and integrated water mobility.

     The project is envisioned to deliver 70 hybrid electric ferries, 140 kilometres of dredged and channelised ferry routes, and 25 modern ferry terminals equipped with electric charging stations and maintenance depots.

     Lagos secured financing for the ambitious project under the EU’s Global Gateway Initiative, in collaboration with the French Development Agency (AFD) and the European Investment Bank (EIB), which approved a subsidised loan of €360 million.

    Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu described the project as “historic,” calling it “a bold statement reaffirming Lagos’ frontline leadership in delivering a sustainable integrated water transportation ecosystem.”

    The initiative, which aligns with the state’s THEMES+ Agenda, which prioritises sustainable mobility, will reduce traffic congestion, improve public health, and promote environmental sustainability.

    The project represents a comprehensive, future-oriented blueprint for sustainable mobility in Lagos, merging technology, environmental stewardship, and design to tackle the challenges of urban population growth and climate change.

    Its launch is, therefore, more than a ceremonial curtain pull. It is a covenant with the people, the planet, and with future generations.

     With Omi-Eko, the state is lifting not only boats but lives, businesses, and communities. It is signalling that Lagos is ready to lead Africa’s urban transition by this bold, sustainable, and inclusive investment.

     The project will also help reduce carbon emissions by 41,000 tonnes annually, while moving an estimated 25,000 passengers each year and cutting travel times by up to three hours per trip.

    In the first phase, there will be dredging and channelisation of 15 ferry routes for safer and faster transport. Part of the benefits includes technology transfer and capacity development for key agencies in the waterways.

    There will be funding for the informal boat sector under our vessel industry. This is how to build a water-based economy that works for all — from operators to passengers, from private investors to our citizens.

    As part of the project, 20 existing jetties would be upgraded and 70 hybrid electric ferries deployed upon completion, significantly cutting emissions and driving clean mobility across the State.

    No doubt, the project is a model for global cooperation, as it embodies the success of bilateral ties strengthened during President Bola Tinubu’s recent visit to French President Emmanuel Macron. It, thus, represents the best possible example of what partnership can achieve for the benefit of the people.

    The initiative is particularly a historic milestone for Lagos and EU member states, especially considering that the investment would enhance life quality and connectivity.

    Read Also: Kukah: why Nigeria should not be linked to religious genocide

     The Omi-Eko project will further expand the scope of the state’s integrated transportation network, which the current administration has taken to a new height with the commissioning of the Lagos Blue Line Rail, the Lagos Red Line Rail, and the plan to begin the Purple Line Rail, among others.

    With ‘Omi-Eko’, Lagos has unleashed an initiative that would finally unlock the full potential of Lagos’s inland waterways and complete the vision of a fully integrated multimodal transport system. Herein lies the beauty of the project; it aligns with the broader Lagos Transport Policy, which promotes sustainability, inclusivity, and innovation.

    The project is not just about ferry operations; it is about empowering communities, creating jobs, easing congestion, and reducing our carbon footprint.

    With the project, the Sanwo-Olu administration is poised to revolutionize Lagos’s water transportation landscape by integrating innovative technology, strengthening terminal infrastructure, and championing environmental sustainability. With the deployment of over 78 high-capacity electric ferries, digital ticketing systems, intelligent terminals, and safety innovations, the project will significantly reduce commute times and establish a reliable, modern transportation option for millions.

    The launch of the project at the Five Cowries Terminal, a central hub of intermodal transport in Lagos, serves as the perfect location for the project, symbolizing the seamless integration of land and water mobility as outlined in the Lagos Urban Mobility Plan.

    Representatives of AFD, EU, and EIB, who spoke during the event, praised Lagos for taking a bold step toward sustainable mobility. They emphasised that the collaboration reflects shared goals of improving infrastructure while protecting the environment.

    The project, which is part of the Lagos State Transport Master Plan, aims to build a fully integrated transport network across road, rail, and waterways, and it will run from 2024 to 2030.

    When completed, the system will help cut average commuting time by up to three hours on key routes, provide thousands of jobs, and encourage Lagosians to embrace water travel as a safe, affordable, and eco-friendly option.

    “Omi Eko,” which translates to “Water of Lagos” in Yoruba, captures the spirit of the project, a city reconnecting with its waters to build a cleaner, faster, and more inclusive future.

     • Ogunbiyi is Director, Public Enlightenment & Community Relations, Ministry of Information & Strategy, Alausa, Ikeja

  • Pardon for Ogoni Nine

    Pardon for Ogoni Nine

    By Bisi Olawunmi

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is currently engaged in a high-powered political-sociological cum economic engineering in Ogoni land with a view to enhancing peace process and consequently allow  the oil to flow, again, in Ogoniland,  after 30 years of violent  agitation shut the wells .

    The latest in the peace process is the granting of pardon to the Ogoni Nine convicted and executed on November 10, 1995 for incitement and murder of the Ogoni Four on May 21, 1994 , as reported in the media, including The Nation and The Punch both  on Friday, October 10.  

    The pardon is the latest effort to placate the militant wing of the Movement for the Survival Ogoni People (MOSOP) led by writer, environmental activist, Ken Saro-Wiwa, who had early in September been given national honours by President Tinubu. The Ogoni Nine were Ken Saro-Wiwa,  Barinem Kiobel, Saturday Dobee, Nordu Eawo, Daniel Gbooko, Paul Levera, Felix Nuate, Baribor Bera and John Kpuine. These national honours for the Ogoni Nine had sparked criticism of the federal government for ignoring the Ogoni Four, victims of brazen, broad daylight murder.       

    Following the backlash, President Tinubu on Wednesday, September 24, bestowed the national honour of Commander of the Order of Niger (CON) on the Ogoni Four, the four prominent Ogoni leaders murdered at the incitement of Ken Saro-Wiwa. The four were Albert Badey, Edward Kobani, Theophilus  Orage and Samuel  Orage.  They were among founding leaders of the Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People (MOSOP) who brought Ken Saro-Wiwa into the organization as publicity officer because of his media connection.

    President Tinubu deserves some commendation for allowing reason and pragmatism to eventually prevail over blackmail. 

    The Ogoni 13,  a festering sore that refuses to heal, has deeply polarized  the Ogoni community in Rivers State and to some extent, the larger Nigerian society on the matter of guilt or otherwise of the Ogoni Nine, with the pro Ken Saro-Wiwa  group dominating the public narrative.  The poser here is: How did the Tinubu presidency get persuaded – or railroaded – into granting that initial faux pas honour to the Ogoni Nine?

    The Ken Saro-Wiwa saga is a classic example of how a well-oiled propaganda machinery can easily sway the unwary and the intellectually indolent, because propaganda appeals to the emotion and not to reason.  Details of the crime were wilfully ignored by many, as if being an activist is a license for murder.

    I will start on a personal note. I had an opportunity to meet Saro-Wiwa at the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) in Lagos. His fellow Ogoni, James Nally, a staff of NAN then, brought him to NAN office. He raged about Ogoni marginalization.  He came across as an Ogoni irredentist, which manifests in one of his books – The Darkling Plain (1989- 268 pages) where he noted the Ogoni as the only honest tribe in Nigeria!  James, his kinsman, also had this sense persecution in the office and of the Ogoni as an ethnic group. 

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    The tragic journey for the Ogoni 13 began on May 21, 1994 when a murderous mob of Ogoni youths descended on prominent Ogoni leaders gathered in the palace of Gbenemene, the traditional ruler of Gokana, to celebrate one of their own.  According to reports, security agents had escorted Saro-Wiwa out of that town earlier in the day, given the restiveness of youths who were ardent disciples of the environmental activist. As he was being led out, he was reported to have told the youths that their oppressors were meeting to share money from Shell Oil Company and from the government, describing them as vultures. In Ogoniland, the prevalent notion was that once Saro-Wiwa tagged anyone ‘vulture’, it amounted to a death sentence. Some elders were said to have gone to Kiobel, one of the Ogoni Nine, to come to the palace and calm the mob. This commissioner in government was reported to have told the emissaries that he could not counter Ken Saro-Wiwa’s directive.    

    At this point, the mob went berserk, broke into the gathering and unleashed mayhem. As narrated by Suage Badey, son of Albert Badey, one of the Ogoni Four, the father was said to have escaped from the venue and ran to hide in the house of a woman. However, when the mob threatened to lynch the woman, he had to come out of hiding and the mob pounced on him. The mob got the other three.

    In a horrific display of bestiality and cannibalism, this pro Ken Saro-Wiwa mob dismembered these four prominent fellow Ogonis and the pieces of their bodies carted away such that there was nothing for the children to bury!  And this happened in broad daylight!  The murderers were natives and the people know themselves.

    Why Ogoniland remains on tinder box, that should be tended with great caution, is the demand of the Ken Saro-Wiwa group for the exoneration of the Ogoni Nine while the pro Ogoni Four are demanding the bodies, or even the bones, of the four Ogoni chiefs to bury and a public apology from MOSOP to give them closure.  However, with campaigners aggressively seeking that the Ogoni Nine should be exonerated of the killing of the Ogoni Four, is it then that the Ogoni four were killed by ghosts? 

    The pro Ogoni Nine demand is symptomatic of the pervasive impunity in the country where criminal elements, including murderers, have developed the effrontery to claim immunity from justice. It is that bad and reason why violence is literally drowning the country.     

    The media, local and international, have been complicit in the Ogoni tragedy by their morbid partisanship in the saturation reportage of Ken Saro-Wiwa, apparently inducing in him a sense of invincibility that ultimately led him on to the path of perdition. Can the Nigerian press claim to have been accurate and fair to the Ogoni Four in their news reports and analyses of the Ogoni saga all these years?  What is more, virtually all media reports about the Ogoni Nine are discriminatory – it is usually Ken Saro-Wiwa and eight others!!! So, the eight others are non-persons?

    Successive governments have been complicit in environmental degradation, especially in oil producing areas of the country, a lax that brought Ken Saro-Wiwa to limelight in his agitation for remedial measures of his polluted homeland.  Governments would rather cohort with exploitative multinational oil companies than protect the environment for the good of the people. To that extent, Ken Saro-Wiwa was engaged on a noble cause. The Ogoni Four were similarly engaged in agitation for environmental clean-up of Ogoniland. They only differ in strategies, with the Ogoni leaders preferring the non-violent approach as against Ken Saro-Wiwa’s militancy.  The point has to be made, and strongly too, that disagreement in strategy should not be a license for murder.     

    Suage Badey, son of murder victim, Chief Albert Badey, while appearing Arise TV programme ‘Prime Time’ on October 1 spoke of “palpable tension” in Ogoniland given the subsisting deep divisions while Kenneth Kobani, son of Chief Edward Kobani  at the 2025 memorial service for the Ogoni Four indicated the resolve of the families of their parents for the bodies and penance.  A partisan inclination by the Tinubu administration will generate resentment from other side-lined stakeholders in Ogoni land. That cannot foster the peace process. An emerging trend where the state usually surrenders to militancy is one of the reasons Nigeria today is prostrate before terrorists, bandits, kidnappers, ritualists and sundry violent agitators.

    •Dr. Olawunmi is Senior Lecturer, Department of Mass Communication, Adeleke University, Ede, Osun State.

  • Sokoto: Lessons in shared vision

    Sokoto: Lessons in shared vision

    By Mustapha Sani

    There’s a Hausa saying, “Ali ya ga Ali,” which loosely translates to “Ali has met Ali.” But the expression carries a much deeper meaning. It is often used when two kindred spirits meet; people whose mannerisms are similar, whose outlook on life aligns, and whose worldview mirrors one another’s.

    This perfectly captures the rare harmony between the governor of Sokoto State, Ahmed Aliyu Sokoto, and his political mentor, the former governor and current senator, Aliyu Magatakarda Wamakko. Theirs is a relationship built on mutual respect, shared vision, and a deep, almost spiritual connection to the progress of Sokoto State.

    When Senator Wamakko, in his trademark political foresight, chose to nurture the then-young Aminu Waziri Tambuwal, it was out of the conviction that Tambuwal shared his burning passion for a prosperous and progressive Sokoto. Wamakko believed that the continuity of good governance lay in mentorship; in raising a generation of leaders who would build on the foundation he had laid. After all, leaders that live forever are those who recreate themselves. Unfortunately, that relationship ended in disappointment. Tambuwal charted a different course, one that prioritised political survival over legacy and loyalty.

    Many would have understood if Wamakko had chosen to steer off state politics. I mean, for someone who had been politically betrayed, many even believed Wamakko would retreat into silence and focus on his senatorial duties. But the elder statesman’s commitment to Sokoto State runs too deep for apathy. Watching Tambuwal’s administration abandon and politicise his people-oriented projects was a pain he could not ignore. So, driven by the same selfless zeal that defined his governorship, Wamakko once again stepped into the ring, as always, not for power, but to rescue the future of Sokoto.

    And the saying goes, those who believe always find favour in the eyes of the lord. So it was when destiny presented Wamakko with another Aliyu; Ahmed Aliyu Sokoto, a younger, vibrant, and visionary public servant who had served under him with uncommon loyalty and efficiency. Ahmed’s public service record, from his days as commissioner to deputy governor, spoke of discipline, prudence, and compassion, all virtues that resonated deeply with Wamakko’s own governance style.

    So, it was no accident, then, that Wamakko chose him as his political heir. And as events have shown, it was a choice both divine and deliberate. The two men do not merely share the same name; they share a passion for people, a love for development, and an unyielding belief in governance as a service to humanity.

    Since taking office, Governor Aliyu has revived and completed many of the legacy projects abandoned by his predecessor; projects initiated under Wamakko that symbolised progress and equity. Among the most significant of these are the 1,000 Housing Units Project at Gidan Salanke, which had languished for years under neglect, and the Sokoto Greater Water Supply Project, designed to permanently end the state’s perennial water scarcity.

    To the people of Sokoto, both projects represent a statement of intent; a bold reaffirmation that governance must transcend politics. By resuscitating these projects, Ahmed Aliyu has proven that continuity in governance is not a weakness but a mark of wisdom.

    Take the Gidan Salanke Housing Scheme for instance. Conceived during Wamakko’s tenure, the project aimed to provide affordable housing for low- and middle-income families in the state. It was a bold social intervention designed to tackle growing housing deficit in Sokoto. Tambuwal’s government, however, allowed it to wither, perhaps out of political pride or misplaced priorities. Today, under Ahmed Aliyu’s watch, the estate has come alive again. Roads, water, and electricity infrastructure restored, and hundreds of families hoping to start calling it home.

    The Sokoto Greater Water Supply Project tells a similar story. Initiated by Wamakko to address the state’s chronic water shortages, the project was meant to expand clean water access to urban and rural communities alike. For nearly a decade, it remained in limbo. It was an emblem of unfulfilled promises, a sad reminder of an aborted dream. But Ahmed Aliyu, true to his mentor’s spirit, revived the project with vigour. His administration has completed critical components of the scheme, including new treatment plants and modern distribution networks, ensuring that the taps in Sokoto now run with regularity.

    Across the state, Ahmed Aliyu’s administration is breathing life into many other projects Wamakko started. From road networks and healthcare facilities to educational and agricultural interventions, and the restored allowances to mosques and timely release of funds to ministries and parastatals, each completed project, or initiative tells a story of trust repaid and mentorship vindicated. Wamakko must feel very proud!

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    But beyond the physical manifestations, what stands out most about the relationship between the two Aliyus is the moral and emotional bond they share. Wamakko is not just a political godfather; he is a teacher, a guide, and a living compass of values. And Ahmed, in turn, has shown rare humility and gratitude; qualities that have earned him not only his mentor’s blessing but also the affection of the Sokoto people.

    Unlike the usual tales of godfathers and godsons at war, Sokoto presents a refreshing contrast, a partnership that works, built on sincerity and shared purpose. Wamakko has shown that his mentorship is not about control but trust, mutual respect and continuity. He understands that true leadership lies in building successors who will do even better than their masters. And Ahmed Aliyu has so far justified that faith with action.

    Every initiative from the young governor bears the same hallmarks that defined the Wamakko years! Forward-looking, people-centred, impactful, and above all, sustainable. His style of governance mirrors a deep sense of empathy; his administration’s focus on infrastructure, healthcare, education, and welfare shows that he shares the kind of leadership style with his mentor, the kind guided by vision and can indeed transform lives.

    If there’s any lesson the story of these two Aliyus offers, it is that loyalty, continuity, and vision can coexist beautifully in politics. Together, Aliyu Wamakko Magatakarda and Aliyu Ahmed Sokoto have redefined what mentorship and political harmony can achieve. They have proven that progress does not always require reinvention, that it sometimes simply requires sincerity and the courage to continue what works.

    In the final analysis, the miracle of the two Aliyus is not just about shared names or mutual admiration. It is about legacy; it is about how one generation can light the torch and another can carry it without letting it dim. In Sokoto State today, that torch burns brighter than ever.

    •Sani writes from Sokoto.

  • Kebbi: When insecurity becomes political currency

    Kebbi: When insecurity becomes political currency

    • By Zaidu Musa

    In Kebbi State, we are being forced to reimagine insecurity as the new currency of politics; the legal tender with which desperate politicians now seek to buy public sympathy and acceptance. And from all indications, the designer and chief trader in this new currency is none other than the former Minister of Justice and Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Cika Malami.

    The script is simple: portray Kebbi as a state besieged by insecurity and political thuggery so that the people may view him as a victim of failure; a supposed saviour rising from the ruins he himself has painted.

    But perhaps Malami has miscalculated. He seems to have grossly underrated the intellectual and political awareness of the people of Kebbi, who can see through the haze of his carefully staged performance. To expose this deceit, let us begin with some honest questions, the kind that forms the foundation of any serious inquiry.

    The first question Malami must answer is, during the years when he strutted through the corridors of power as the most powerful justice minister Nigeria had ever seen (though for all the wrong reasons), was Kebbi State free of insecurity? Secondly, while he enjoyed the privileges of office, did he once set foot in any local government area of Kebbi to commiserate with victims or offer assistance where insecurity struck?

    Finally, and the most obvious question, therefore, is why now? Did Malami just wake from a long political slumber to discover insecurity in Kebbi State? Nigerians have seen this familiar act before; this sudden moral awakening of politicians who discover public interest only when it suits their ambitions. It is insulting to the sensibilities of the people of Kebbi State for Malami to think he can profit from such a tired strategy.

    For clarity, bandits do not inform governors where or when they will attack. And governors do not command the armed forces. Whatever intelligence security agencies choose to share with governors is, in most cases, a matter of courtesy, not obligation. So what exactly is expected of a governor within the current security framework? Two things: logistical and moral support. Since they do not command the military, most governors provide vehicles, operational allowances, and welfare support for victims of insecurity.

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    And on both counts, no one has demonstrated this responsibility better than Comrade governor, Nasir Idris, the Kauran Gwandu. Until his emergence, Kebbi had never witnessed the scale of logistical investment — vehicles, motorcycles, and communication tools now dedicated to improving security operations. On the welfare front, Governor Nasir stands among the few leaders who rush to ground zero of any attack as swiftly as possible to identify with victims, console families, and coordinate relief.

    His commitment to tackling insecurity is not only passionate but structured. Recently, he hosted a global security consortium, G-Safety, in Kebbi. Many have commended this move as a welcomed development and it underscores his openness to international collaboration in modern security management.

    In contrast, Malami and his camp have invested their energy not in finding solutions but in orchestrating narratives that malign the government. Across their sponsored broadcasts and manipulative commentaries, one thing is glaringly absent: substance. None of them has offered a single actionable idea that was ignored or rejected by the state government. So, it’s clear that their aim is never to save the people of Kebbi State as they pretend, but to paint a hopeless picture with the hope of profiting from it. This is a most chillingly sinister gameplay.

    From what is increasingly becoming a staged attack on him and his political rally-like commiseration or nuptial visits, to his false alarm and that highly condemned petition to security agencies crying foul, everything Malami has done has been straight out of the playbook of political currency.

    It is a tired tactic that thrives on sensationalism and fear. The whole plan is to brand the government as weak, amplify isolated incidents into full-blown crises, and then present himself as the messiah who alone can restore order. Unfortunately for Malami, Kebbi State is no stranger to such antics. The people have learned to separate political theatre from governance reality.

    Governor Nasir Idris has continued to show quiet strength, focusing on real work rather than political showmanship. While others play the victim sport, he plays in the league of impact. Under his watch, Kebbi State has seen renewed coordination between local vigilante groups, community leaders, and security agencies. This includes the recent training of all 21 local government chairmen and grassroots security. There’s a visible sense of partnership in confronting the insecurity challenge, not the blame games that once defined past approaches.

    His government’s approach has also extended to tackling the socio-economic roots of insecurity which includes poverty, youth unemployment, and rural neglect. The governor’s empowerment programmes, agricultural interventions, and renewed investment in rural infrastructure have proven to be more than mere policies on paper; they are deliberate efforts to choke off the recruitment base of criminal networks. These are the quiet, often uncelebrated efforts that gradually rebuild community trust and strengthen the social fabric against violence.

    So, when Malami and his co-travellers try to weaponise the pain of the people for political capital, it becomes not just shameful but dangerous. Such antics demoralise the security operatives risking their lives and sow seeds of confusion among citizens who are struggling to stay hopeful. Insecurity is not an avenue for political score-settling, it ought to be a shared burden that requires maturity, cooperation, and sincerity of purpose.

    Unfortunately, the desperation to remain politically relevant after falling out of power has pushed some people to believe that destroying the reputation of their own state is a fair price to pay for attention. This self-serving posture is unbecoming of anyone who once held a national office. And it’s strange because, public service should ennoble, not embitter.

    Thankfully, Governor Nasir has refused to be drawn into their noise. Our governor understands that leadership is not about responding to every provocation but about staying focused on results. His quiet but consistent engagement with security stakeholders, his personal presence at crisis zones, and his resolute support for victims all point to a leader driven by duty, not drama.

    For all his imperfections, Kauran Gwandu has shown that governance is better measured by the sincerity of effort than by the loudness of propaganda. It is this sincerity that keeps the people behind him, despite the attempts to twist reality. Kebbi State’s relative stability today, compared to many of its neighbours, is not a coincidence; it is the fruit of deliberate action, patient coordination, and responsible leadership.

    Those who choose to downplay these efforts in favour of their false narratives must be reminded that the people of Kebbi State are watching. They know who is working and who is merely performing. They know who stands with them in their moments of distress and who waits for such moments to score political points.

    Insecurity should never become a bargaining chip in the market of politics. It demeans our collective humanity and betrays the trust of those who look to leaders for safety and hope. If Malami or anyone believes they can do better, they should wait for the ballot box; that sacred arena where power truly belongs to the people. Until then, they should stop toying with the peace of Kebbi State.

    The state deserves better – leaders who unite to solve problems, not divide; not amplify them. Because when insecurity becomes political currency, it is the people who pay the price. And Kebbi, a state with a proud history of tolerance, discipline, and communal strength, will never allow itself to be reduced to the theatre of one man’s ambition.

    • Musa writes from Birnin Kebbi.
  • Africa’s Energy Bank: The battle for the continent’s energy future

    Africa’s Energy Bank: The battle for the continent’s energy future

    • By Charles Tambou

    A quiet revolution is taking shape in Africa’s energy sector. For decades, African nations have depended heavily on Western banks and foreign investors to fund oil, gas, and power projects. But as those financiers turn away from fossil fuels, Africa is charting a new course by building its own bank, the Africa Energy Bank (AEB) and its headquarters is in Abuja, Nigeria.

    The Africa Energy Bank is the brainchild of the African Petroleum Producers’ Organization (APPO) and Afreximbank, Africa’s trade finance powerhouse. Its mission is simple but ambitious, to raise about $5 billion to fund oil, gas, and power infrastructure across the continent. In other words, projects that foreign lenders are now reluctant to support.

    For many African countries, this bank could not have come at a better time. From refineries and gas pipelines to power plants and energy storage, countless projects have been stalled because of lack of funding. By providing loans tailored to Africa’s realities, the AEB hopes to unlock energy development, boost local industries, and create jobs. Nigeria’s choice as the host country is seen as a big win, both politically and economically. As Africa’s largest oil producer and a leading gas hub, the country offers experience, technical expertise, and influence to guide the bank’s early operations.

    Somehow, Africa’s energy story is full of contradictions. The continent is rich in natural resources but poor in power supply. Millions of homes still live in darkness, while industries run on costly diesel generators. Supporters say the Africa Energy Bank could change that by financing key projects such as gas-to-power plants, refineries, and transmission lines.

    This can in the long run support industrialisation, create jobs and boost exports. It can also encourage local content where African companies will be given more room to participate; and serve as a bridge to clean energy by investing in renewables, power grids, and energy storage.

    If all goes well, the AEB could become a turning point in the engine room that powers Africa’s self-reliance in energy.

    But there could be roadblocks ahead to achieve the targeted goal as the journey will not be easy. First, there would be the issue of funding. Member countries and Afreximbank are expected to provide the seed money, but reports already point to disagreements over contribution shares and delays in releasing funds.

    Without a strong capital, the bank will struggle to make an impact. Besides, there will be the question of global perception. In a world that is racing toward renewable energy, any institution that funds oil and gas projects risks criticism. Global climate campaigners may see the AEB as a step backward, which could make it harder to attract international investors and partners.

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    There may also be basic governance concerns. As a treaty-based multilateral bank, the AEB must be run transparently, free from political interference. Poor management or uneven participation by member states could easily derail confidence in the bank.

    Recruiting skilled professionals, setting up offices, and building robust systems will take time and money. And without transparency and discipline, the bank could face credibility challenges even before it begins full operations. Supporters of the AEB, especially in Nigeria insist that Africa should not be rushed into abandoning its oil and gas resources. They argue that while developed nations can afford to go green quickly, Africa still needs its natural resources to power factories, hospitals, and schools. The goal, they say, is balance, which means developing fossil fuels responsibly, while gradually investing in cleaner energy.

    This dual-track strategy could allow the AEB to finance gas projects in Africa that replace dirtier fuels and, at the same time, fund solar farms, transmission networks, and renewable infrastructure. That way, the bank can power Africa’s present without mortgaging its future.

    With Henekien Lokpobiri at the helm of affairs representing Nigeria, winning trust through transparency is assured. And experts agree that for the AEB to succeed, it must earn public and investor trust. This means operating with clear rules, independent credit checks, and of course, transparent procurement.

    The bank must also meet international environmental standards to reassure partners that it will not finance projects that harm communities or the environment.

    Setting up a project preparation unit for the bank will be critical. Such a department can help African countries design and prepare ‘bankable’ projects, especially those that are attractive to investors and meet global best practices. Just as important, the AEB should engage civil society and climate groups early, making them part of the discussion on environmental safeguards and accountability. This means open communication which can turn potential critics into partners.

    There will be a question of ownership and vision. Beyond funding and governance, the AEB’s success will depend on political will. African governments must show commitment, not just in words, but in financial contributions and disciplined management. Any public quarrel between APPO, Afreximbank, or member states over control could send the wrong signal to the world, especially when global investors are watching closely.

    The dream is that AEB will become a model, not just for financing energy, but for showing that Africans can cooperate and deliver results in their own interest.

    The bottom line, however, is that the Africa Energy Bank represents both hope and risk. One can say that it is a daring attempt by Africa to take charge of its destiny. Africans will no longer wait for the world to fund our development and with AEB, we can fund ourselves. If managed with transparency, foresight, and fairness, it could light up homes, power industries, and open a new chapter in Africa’s economic story. But if it falls into old traps like politics, mismanagement, or lack of accountability, then it could become just another missed opportunity.

    But for now, Africa and the world are watching as with AEB, our destiny is in our hands.

    • Tambou is public affairs analysts and wrote from Yenagoa, Bayelsa State.