The Nation Newspaper

Category: Comments

  • Kebbi 2027: Between conscience and desperation

    Kebbi 2027: Between conscience and desperation

    By Kabiru Bala

    As the days inch closer to 2027, which now seems the ultimate political destination for Nigerian politicians, Kebbi, like other states where politicking began in earnest, is quietly shaping up for a fierce showdown. The likely faceoff will be between the incumbent governor, Nasir Idris, and his former political ally turned adversary, Abubakar Malami, the former Minister of Justice and now a chieftain of the African Democratic Congress (ADC). The seeming confrontation is unfortunate, but it has become a normal thing for Nigerian politicians, especially the desperate ones whose obsession to grab power knows no bounds.

    Certainly, many would wonder and possibly ask: How did the once cordial relationship between Nasir Idris and Abubakar Malami break down so spectacularly? Well, as someone who closely followed political dynamics in Kebbi State leading up to the 2023 elections and prevailing happenings, I can shed some light on the series of events that set the stage for this current standoff.

    Let us rewind to late 2022, when then president, Muhammadu Buhari, issued a directive to all serving ministers and political appointees with intentions to contest the 2023 general elections to resign on or before May 16, 2022. At the time, speculations were rife that Malami would resign and contest the governorship in Kebbi. Though the nation waited, he never did.

    In fact, what Nigerians didn’t know then was that Malami had already manoeuvred behind the scenes to secure the blessings of then governor, Abubakar Atiku Bagudu. Convinced that Malami would contest, Bagudu convinced Nasir Idris, a loyal party man, to shelve his governorship ambition and settle for a senatorial seat. But, Idris, ever the dutiful party loyalist, decided against even taking up the senate offer. He reasoned that, should Bagudu decide to run for senate as most governors at the end of their tenures do, he wouldn’t want to be the one to go against his benefactor. So, he instead prepared to contest for a House of Representatives seat and still pledged his unalloyed support and commitment to the APC’s course and Malami’s aspiration.

    But here’s the twist! Malami never truly intended to run for the governorship despite all the genuine sacrifices by Comrade Idris and Bagudu’s commitment. Having relished the power of the “super minister of justice,” he was not going to just let it go. Even more disturbing was that he neither wanted the governorship nor wanted anyone else in the APC to clinch it. His strategy, it appears, was to warehouse the governorship seat, create a vacuum, and keep his options open. Fortunately for the APC, Idris learned of these plans just in time and secured the party’s ticket mere hours before the close of the sales of the nomination. The unknown caller who confided in Idris that Malami wasn’t contesting is still a hero we celebrate with hope as he’ll one day reveal his identity for a bigger way of appreciation, not from Governor Idris alone, but the entire people of Kebbi State who are now enjoying the dividend of democracy from the present administration of Kauran Gwandu.

    Read Also: World Youth Scrabble Championships: Team Nigeria’s  Aliu inches  closer to podium finish

    With hindsight, that decision saved the APC from potential disaster. Because without Nasir Idris on the ballot, the 2023 election might have been a clean sweep for the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), which already managed to secure all the three (3) Senate seats and four (4) out of the eight (8) House of Representatives positions in Kebbi State. Comrade Nasir Idris’s acceptability was on full display at the second leg of the election when he overwhelmingly defeated his major challenger, Maj-Gen. Aminu Bande (rtd), and while riding on the popularity of Nasir Idris, APC won 20 out of the 24 state House of Assembly seats.

    It was after all the scheming that had failed and to salvage his image, Malami, in a bid to hoodwink party stalwarts into believing he’s a loyal party man, was seen in a video declaring that he would never run against Idris. But as we have seen, that’s a statement of convenience.

    Fast forward to now, barely two years after that declaration, Malami has defected to the ADC and is now positioning himself as the rallying point of opposition forces. The big question is: what changed?

    Well, the answer isn’t hard to deduce. Malami, it seems, wanted to be both the Minister of Justice and the governor of Kebbi, a political impossibility. When that failed, he calculated that letting the opposition win in 2023 would make the governorship easier to snatch in 2027, with APC backing him from the centre. Even with Idris contesting under the APC, the plan was to orchestrate a defeat and reclaim the seat later.

    But things did not go according to his script. Nasir Idris, against the odds and internal sabotage, won the governorship and has since governed with policies that resonate with the people; policies focused on real development, inclusiveness, and social welfare.

    This is what Malami cannot stomach. In his worldview, all roads must lead through him. In that sense, he mirrors former President Buhari, who often commanded a cult of personality, but unlike Buhari, who mellowed into a democrat in his final years, Malami has yet to learn the delicate art of self-restraint in power.

    Today, stripped of his federal clout, Malami’s obsession with power is driving him toward political nihilism. Having lost control of the APC machinery in Kebbi, he now seeks relevance in the ADC, a coalition of displaced politicians willing to trade their loyalty for a chance to unseat the incumbent.

    This, in essence, is the underbelly of the Kebbi political feud: Malami’s desperation versus Idris’s conscience. One seeks to rewrite history, the other to continue building on the mandate he fought hard to secure.

    It is vital for the people of Kebbi to see through the smokescreen. Malami, for all his legal mastery and political manoeuvring, has become a man haunted by his own ambitions. Having wielded so much influence at the centre, the thought of irrelevance appears unbearable to him. In pursuit of that relevance, he is willing to do or say anything, even if it means destabilising the same party he once claimed to serve.

    On the other hand, Governor Nasir Idris, despite being a product of party loyalty and compromise, rose above treachery to claim victory for the APC and has since repaid that trust with people-centred governance. From infrastructural interventions to renewed investments in agriculture and education, he is gradually proving that the 2023 gamble to entrust him with the ticket was the right one.

    The political crossroads before the people of Kebbi as 2027 draws near is therefore stark: would the people reward the desperation of Malami, who weaponises intrigue and revisionism to stay relevant? Or do they endorse the conscience of a governor who, despite the odds, has chosen the path of service over sabotage?

    Ultimately, power belongs to the people. The coming months will test their memory, their discernment, and their resolve to look beyond loud narratives and empty promises. In the theatre of the unfolding drama in Kebbi, one thing is certain: 2027 will not just be an election; it will be a referendum on character.

    •Bala, a Public Affairs Commentator, writes from Abuja.

  • The price of standing still

    The price of standing still

    By Joe Afolayan

    Once upon a time, Nokia was the undisputed king of mobile phones. Its devices were everywhere, admired for their durability, simplicity, and reliability. At its peak, Nokia commanded more than 40 percent of the global mobile phone market, and its iconic 3310 remains etched in memory as a cultural landmark. Yet, in the space of just a few years, the giant collapsed.

    Its downfall was not sudden misfortune but the result of a failure to adapt. When Apple introduced the iPhone in 2007 and Google pushed Android, the very idea of what a phone could be was redefined. Consumers no longer wanted a handset just for calls and texts; they wanted an integrated platform that connected them to apps, services, and the wider digital world. Nokia, confident in its hardware, clung stubbornly to its outdated Symbian operating system and underestimated the importance of building a software ecosystem. By the time it shifted focus through a partnership with Microsoft to develop Windows Phones, Apple and Samsung had already claimed the future. The lesson was clear: market leadership offers no immunity from irrelevance if a company refuses to evolve.

    Philips tells a similar but slightly different story. For decades, the Dutch multinational was regarded as one of the most innovative firms in the world. From inventing the cassette tape to co-developing the compact disc with Sony, Philips shaped how generations experienced music and entertainment. Yet innovation, paradoxically, was also where it stumbled. It often pioneered technologies but failed to commercialize them effectively, allowing competitors to reap the rewards. LaserDisc, for example, was a Philips invention, but it was Sony’s DVD that became the global standard. Even in lighting, where it led with energy-efficient bulbs, it lost ground when rivals moved faster with LEDs. Philips also stretched itself too thin, dabbling in too many sectors at once without a sharp focus on its core strengths. By the early 2000s, it was gradually retreating from consumer electronics and repositioning itself as a health technology company. The lesson here is that invention alone is not enough—without bold execution and clear strategy, innovation risks being squandered.

    BlackBerry, once the ultimate status symbol for professionals, provides another cautionary tale. In the early 2000s, no serious executive would be without one. The physical QWERTY keyboard and secure email service made it indispensable for businesses and governments alike. At its height, BlackBerry commanded more than 20 percent of the global smartphone market and seemed unstoppable. But like Nokia, it misread the direction of consumer demand. The company insisted that users would always prefer the feel of physical keys, dismissing Apple’s touchscreen as a fad. It also failed to appreciate that the smartphone was moving from being primarily a business tool to becoming a lifestyle accessory—something people used for entertainment, social media, and creativity as much as for work. When BlackBerry finally tried to catch up with touchscreens and its own app store, consumers had already shifted en masse to Apple and Android. Developers, seeing the writing on the wall, had little incentive to build apps for BlackBerry’s shrinking user base, creating a downward spiral. What BlackBerry teaches us is that a loyal customer base can disappear overnight if a company ignores changing tastes and clings to a fading identity.

    Read Also: Nigeria ginger output drops amid soaring market prices

    Sainsbury’s, the British supermarket giant, illustrates the risks of failing to innovate in retail strategy. Founded in 1869, it became a household name and was once the market leader in UK groceries. But in the 1990s, Tesco surged ahead, driven by aggressive expansion, sharper logistics, and smarter use of customer data through its pioneering Clubcard program. Sainsbury’s was slower to invest in supply chain modernization, meaning its operations were less efficient and costs higher than those of competitors. As the decades wore on, the situation worsened with the arrival of Aldi and Lidl, who reshaped consumer expectations with rock-bottom pricing and stripped-down efficiency. Sainsbury’s found itself caught in an awkward middle ground: unable to undercut Aldi and Lidl on price, yet unable to outshine Tesco or Waitrose on differentiation. To compound matters, it lagged in embracing online retail, a costly delay in a market where shopping habits were rapidly evolving. The decline of Sainsbury’s shows that innovation is not always about new technology—it can also mean rethinking business models, loyalty programs, and logistics to meet the needs of a changing world.

    Taken together, these stories reveal strikingly similar patterns. Success often breeds complacency. Nokia and BlackBerry assumed their dominance would shield them from disruption. Philips invented remarkable products but lacked the urgency to commercialize them. Sainsbury’s trusted too much in its reputation, assuming customer loyalty would remain unshaken. Another common thread is the tendency to underestimate rivals. Nokia dismissed Apple and Google as outsiders. Philips overlooked the growing strength of Korean makers like Samsung and LG. Sainsbury’s misjudged the disruptive power of Aldi and Lidl. Each company also misunderstood or ignored evolving consumer needs. BlackBerry believed professionals would never embrace a touchscreen world. Nokia thought hardware supremacy mattered more than ecosystems. Sainsbury’s failed to see how online shopping and discount pricing would transform habits.

    At the heart of each failure lies inertia. These companies clung to old ways of doing things—legacy systems, outdated supply chains, business models that no longer fit the times—even when the signals of change were clear. And when they finally acted, it was too little, too late. Innovation demands speed as well as foresight, and delay often proves fatal in fast-moving markets.

    The fall of once-dominant giants like Nokia, Philips, BlackBerry, and Sainsbury’s is a powerful reminder that no company is too big to fail. In today’s world, leadership in an industry can vanish in a matter of years if firms neglect innovation. It is not enough to have a successful product or a trusted brand. Businesses must constantly renew themselves, anticipate shifts in technology and consumer behaviour, and be willing to disrupt even their own best-selling models before competitors do. The message for all companies, whether in technology, retail, or any other sector, is clear: innovation is not optional. It is the cost of survival.

    •Afolayan is an International Development Consultant.

  • From Brasilia with love

    From Brasilia with love

    By Abdulaziz Abdulaziz

    “At a time when protectionism and unilateralism have been making a comeback, Nigeria and Brazil reaffirm their bet on free trade and productive integration.” – President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva.

    The image of President Bola Tinubu and President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva clasping their hands together, their faces beaming with bright smiles summarises the import of President Tinubu’s last week’s state visit to Brazil. That photograph was not just an image of two happy men. Its meaning is much deeper. It’s a depiction of reconnection between two long lost brothers who have found themselves and decided to retrace their age-old relationship, dating to transatlantic slave-trade, and take back each other with open arms.

    The state visit of President Tinubu, on the invitation of President Lula, was a remarkable opportunity to renew partnership between the two giants of the global South. Nigeria and Brazil are like identical twins, or two sides of a coin. The two lead their respective regions. Nigeria is Africa’s largest economy like what Brazil is to Latin America. Our population is almost the same. We have nearly a balanced trade sheet. From January to July, trade between the two countries is valued at $1.2 billion. Brazilian exports to Nigeria totalled $654.9 million, while Brazil’s import from Nigeria stood at $591.7 million. The trade figures are, however, far from desirable.

    Considering the long ties and proximity of the two countries, separated only by the Atlantic Ocean (in commenting about this geographical proximity, President Tinubu humorously remarked that we’re so close that a good swimmer can actually cross to the other side), relationship between us, to borrow President Lula, ought to be “much more substantial”.

    From Ifa religion and football to Marcopolo buses and Embraer jets, Nigeria and Brazil have long-standing cultural and economic ties that unfortunately ebbed in the last decade, as lamented by President Lula. Addressing a joint press conference with President Tinubu, the Brazilian leader, pointed to a decline in both diplomatic and economic ties and how both sides are working to revamp it.

    “For many years, Nigeria was our largest commercial partner in Africa,” President Lula said, pointing to a peak of $10 billion recorded in 2014. “However, in the last decade, this exchange has been drastically reduced.”

    Enters President Tinubu.

    For a man who from day one was clear about his mission: resetting our economy and setting Nigeria on the path of prosperity, President Tinubu has his job well cut out. To achieve his set target of making Nigeria achieve $1 trillion economy by 2030, the president is all out to court friends and develop new acquaintances. With internal cleaning all done—including tidying up the investment climate– the president’s goal is to create as much investments and partnerships as possible. He goes around the world, not for merry junketing but to knock at the doors that matter and inform everyone that “Nigeria is ready for business”. From Doha to Delhi, Johannesburg to Riyadh, he carried the same message with details and dexterity of a skilled salesman.

    It is within this context that the Tinubu administration set out to renew the lulled relationship with Brazil, culminating in the state visit last week. Prior to this trip, the last time a Nigerian leader was in Brasília was in 2009. The other side too went aloof.

    This active reconnection began with a side meeting between President Tinubu and President Lula on the side-lines of the African Union Summit in 2024. The two reviewed state of relations between the two countries and decided that the situation needed to change. In President Lula, President Tinubu found a willing brother eager to smoothen things out. Thus began the journey.

    Since then, Brazil’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mauro Vieira, and Brazil’s Vice President Geraldo Alckmin had been to Abuja on separate occasions, for high-level discussions on areas of collaborations. Also, the Nigerian Minister Agriculture and Food Security and that of Livestock Development had been to Brasilia to participate in the 2nd Brazil-Africa Dialogue on Food Security, Fight Against Hunger and Rural Development. Through these diplomatic shuttles, the two sides had signed several bilateral agreements in the fields of defence, agriculture and livestock, security, audio-visual production, trade and investments, tourism, and energy. These were aside the fresh ones signed last week in the presence of the two leaders.

    President Tinubu was received as a very important guest in Brasilia, with pomp and pageantry, in the spirit of true brotherhood. Aside the colourful military reception and decorated hallways, central boulevards in the capital city were adorned with Nigerian flags. It was a warm and honourable welcome.

    Read Also: Presidency slams Daily Trust for ‘falsehoods, division,’ urges Nigerians to shun paper

    Beyond the pageantry, meaningful conversations took place in one-on-meetings and in wider bilateral conversation involving 20 top officials on both sides of the table. At the end both leaders gave a vow to commit to a new future where humanity and shared destiny trump selfish or pecuniary interests.

    President Tinubu, who delivered a powerful off the cuff remarks at the joint press conference, gave a succinct bon mot signalling a new beginning thus:

    “We allowed problems in the past to hold us back, but today we said this is over. Brazil and Nigeria are here to grow together. Technology transfer, energy and the economy are ways that can benefit both countries. Together, we can develop our economies, strengthen our sovereignty and contribute to a better world.”

    It’s not for nothing that our foreign reserve got the recent reported surge to $41 billion. Beyond improved earnings from oil –whose output soared nearly double under this administration–the economic diplomacy of President Bola Tinubu, like this trip to Brazil, has renewed the hope of investors and attracted many of them back. A latest example–a gain from the trip to Brazil–is the prospect of having the Brazilian oil giant, Petrobras, back to Nigeria, five years after it divested from our then fledgling oil sector.

    The high point for this important presidential outing was the signing of the Bilateral Air Service Agreement (BASA) between the two countries which was immediately put into effect through the gesture of Air Peace CEO, Chief Allen Onyema, who flew back part of Nigerian contingent via a demonstration flight from Brasilia to Lagos. That flight was a symbol of the deep connection and love between the two countries which was unlocked through President Tinubu’s significant state visit.

    •Abdulaziz is Senior Special Assistant to President Bola Tinubu and a member of the Presidential Communication Team.

  • From devaluation to domination: How Tinubu’s exchange rate reforms turned the naira into Nigeria’s export engine

    From devaluation to domination: How Tinubu’s exchange rate reforms turned the naira into Nigeria’s export engine

    By Tanimu Yakubu

    When President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration dismantled Nigeria’s rigid foreign exchange regime in 2024, critics were quick to call it a currency collapse. The naira plunged to N1,800 per dollar in March 2024, and headlines screamed of economic freefall. But beneath the noise, a deliberate, high-risk economic recalibration was underway—one that has now begun to pay off in spectacular fashion.

    By August 2025, the naira had clawed its way back to N1,525/$1, marking a 15.28% strengthening in just five months—an annualised pace of nearly 48.9%. This wasn’t luck; it was policy. Increased oil receipts, swelling diaspora remittances, and the clearing of over $4 billion in foreign exchange backlogs restored investor trust. The unification of Nigeria’s FX windows created a single, transparent market rate—finally letting the currency find its realistic value.

    Why does this matter?

    Because a realistic exchange rate does more than please economists—it changes the very arithmetic of trade. Nigerian goods, once overpriced in dollars due to an artificially strong naira, suddenly became bargains on global markets. A bag of sesame seeds, cocoa beans, or even processed chocolate instantly cost less in New York, Mumbai, or São Paulo, without the Nigerian farmer or factory owner earning less in naira terms.

    The result was swift and striking. Non-oil exports jumped from $2.696 billion in H1 2024 to $3.225 billion in H1 2025—a 19.62% year-on-year growth. And this wasn’t just a “price illusion.” Export volumes rose from 3.83 million to 4.04 million metric tonnes, proof that foreign buyers weren’t just paying more for the same goods—they were buying more goods, period.

    A perfect “sweet spot” had emerged:

     • For buyers abroad, Nigerian goods were cheaper than competitors’.

     • For exporters at home, the naira value of earnings soared, enabling reinvestment into value-added processing—turning raw cocoa into chocolate bars, raw sesame into bottled oil.

    Read Also: Nigeria, Colombia open new diplomatic chapter as Shettima hosts Márquez in Abuja

     • For the economy, the export surge pumped foreign exchange back into the system, strengthening the naira without eroding its competitiveness.

    The feedback loop is textbook economics:

     1. FX Reform → Realistic Naira

     2. Cheaper USD Prices → Export Boom

     3. Export Boom → FX Inflows

     4. FX Inflows → Naira Stability

     5. Naira Stability → Investor Confidence & Long-Term Growth

    What’s remarkable is that this cycle feeds itself. As Nigerian goods win more market share globally, the inflow of export dollars reinforces naira stability. That stability lowers risk for investors, inviting portfolio and capital inflows that further bolster reserves.

    The critics who cried “worthless naira” missed the bigger picture: a floating currency is not a sign of weakness—it is a tool for national competitiveness. By refusing to prop up the naira with scarce reserves and instead letting market forces work, the Tinubu administration has set the stage for a sustainable, export-driven growth path.

    If Nigeria stays the course, the naira’s recovery won’t just be about exchange rates—it will be the story of an economy finally learning how to turn its currency into a competitive weapon on the world stage.

    •Yakubu is Director-General of Budget Office of the Federation.

  • Katsina terror attack

    Katsina terror attack

    Fifty bodies were reported retrieved and search continuing for more, though officials confirmed below 40 fatalities, in the  attack by bandits on a mosque in Unguwan Mantau community, Malumfashi council area of Katsina State. The attack on 19th August ranked among the deadliest terror incidents in recent times.

    It happened during the dawn (Fajr) prayer. Reports said the first call to prayer was barely concluded at about 5a.m. when gunmen stormed the small mosque packed with worshippers, young and old, all bowed in devotion. The timing was obviously intended for maximum surprise and ambush of the worshippers, who scampered hither and thither for their lives when shots rang out from the intruders.

    A target couldn’t be softer for the agents of terror: the worshippers were unarmed and possibly praying for peace when violence struck. Survivors recalled a brief moment of stupefied silence in the mosque before the bandits released an indiscriminate volley of gunshots. “Many worshippers were killed in the instant. Others were rushed to hospital with wounds, and some died there,” an eye witness was cited saying. It was reported that after the mosque attack, the bandits estimated to number about 100 rampaged through the village, torching homes, killing and abducting people. According to accounts, some 15 houses got razed and 10 people killed in the inferno, with scores of women, children and the elderly abducted.

    Government deplored the attack and vowed to hunt down the perpetrators, saying security operatives were on their trail and would bring them to swift and decisive justice. Information and National Orientation Minister Mohammed Idris Malagi assured that there is no hiding place for terrorists. Chief of Defence Staff General Christopher Musa voiced concern over renewed wave of violence in the North-west, but noted that the military lately made profound gains in the war on terror. “These are evil and deranged individuals going around because of ideologies they feel people must accept. If you are not with them, then you are an enemy. They don’t respect religion or borders, and that is very critical,” he said on national television.

    The CDS pointed out that the military arrested key commanders and more than 200 other terror suspects in recent operations, which he described as highly significant breakthroughs in the fight against insecurity. “This shows that intelligence and operations are working together. The synergy we now have with all security agencies is yielding results. (The menace) is not going to stop overnight, but I can assure Nigerians that things are improving by the day,” he stated. The Defence chief, however, stressed that citizens must also play a part by refusing to shield terrorists and their collaborators. “Why this thing keeps thriving is because we still have individuals that are hiding the bandits for one reason or another,” he said.

    Since the Katsina terror attack, grief has mixed with an old debate, especially in the North, as to whether it is wise to negotiate with terrorists who have turned vast rural communities into raiding targets. Government appeared to have looked on as Islamic clerics, in recent times, held peace talks with notorious terror actors. Early in August, a delegation of clerics disclosed that their negotiation with Zamfara warlord Bello Turji secured the release of 32 captives and a symbolic surrender of weapons. There were varying accounts on details of that deal and government’s role in the negotiations, but the message of engagement was clear. The military, at some point, even had to openly dispel speculations that Turji himself had surrendered. You never know whether the alleged peace deal plays any role in the relative calm that currently prevails in the axis – that is in addition to the exploits by the military. 

    Read Also: Tacha urges Nigerians to build country, discourages ‘japa’

    Opinions have always differed on the benefit of negotiating with bandits, and the recent Katsina attack has hardened views against peace dealing. Failed peace accords are not a distant history in the country. In 2019 and early 2020, former Katsina State Governor Aminu Bello Masari and his Zamfara counterpart, Alhaji Bello Matawalle, currently the Defence Minister of State, brokered peace deals with local terror leaders in their jurisdictions that quickly unravelled. Masari came in the open sometime to voice frustration with the unreliability of the terror actors’ word.

    Part of the challenge is that there is a multiplicity of terror camps, such that a peace deal with one or two camps does not hold up with other active camps operating in the area. The current set of state governors in the North-west, early in this dispensation, announced that they would adopt a common approach to tackling the menace of banditry that would not involve private peace dealing with terror actors. It is not certain how far they’ve come with that commitment, but local authorities and community groups were said to be pursuing their own negotiations with bandits. Only late last week, it was reported that local authorities in Kurfi council area of Katsina State facilitated negotiations by some community leaders with suspected bandit groups – the catch, under watch by security representatives! The Unguwan Mantau community attack should again show the futility of hinging hope on the capacity of bandits to uphold truce deals, even if engaged.

    But there is ample room, of course, for non-kinetic approach to complement kinetic operations by the military in another dimension to the security challenge. CDS Musa articulated that dimension when he spoke of some citizens shielding terrorists and their collaborators. And he only echoed a concern already raised by the Katsina government when an official, late in July, said 80 percent of attacks by bandits were being aided by informants and community members who supply  the terror actors food and other basic needs in their forest hideouts. Katsina Commissioner for Internal Security and Home Affairs, Nasir Mu’azu, said findings showed that some members of communities affected by banditry provide information to the criminals or supply them essential items in the bush for profiteering motives.

    Speaking to journalists on security situation in the state, Mu’azu noted that the tendency identified was making it difficult for the government and security operatives to address the menace of insecurity in those areas. According to him, investigations revealed that some dishonest individuals within communities were providing services to criminals for economic gain. “They sell items such as fuel to the hoodlums for five thousand naira per litre, while a bottle of soft drink goes for about three thousand naira,” he said, lamenting that with the efforts by security forces, insecurity would have become a thing of the past. The persistence of banditry and kidnappings in the state, according to him, is attributable to the activities of informants and collaborators. “Why I said this is that the bandits do not know where to buy all these things, but some members of the communities who own shops sell their products to them at exorbitant prices, making it difficult to get their cooperation to address the security challenge,” he said, adding: “Drugs that are usually sold for little amounts of money in pharmacies and other shops are sold for millions of naira by community members to the bandits.”

    The commissioner also said some community members connived with bandits to abduct targeted victims, including their own family members. “In one of the cases, we found a man who connived with bandits to abduct his biological father, who was diabetic, for ransom. When the bandits took him to their hideout in the forest, they had already procured diabetic medication for his daily consumption. A total sum of 30million naira was paid as ransom for the man, and eight million naira was given to the son of the kidnapped man for allowing his father to be abducted,” he stated. Besides, informants were known to alert bandits whenever Nigeria Air Force jets leave the airport to strike at their hideouts. Those jets often end up not reaching their targets because some community members allow the criminals to shelter under them.

    Legendary Chinese leader and founding father of modern China, the late Mao Zedong (also known as Chairman Mao), once expounded the mechanistic theory of war as opposed to the psychological theory – the ‘soft war’ that he considered more crucial in victory strategy. The latter approach, roughly articulated, involves alienating fighting armies (terrorists) from base populations (communities), because it is people who provide the passions that drive fighting zeal. Non-kinetic approach to dealing with the menace of banditry should consist in re-orientating collaborators embedded in the communities to see that the activities of bandits aren’t in their own interest either. If you want to stop an unruly dancer from gyrating endlessly, you would have to take away the drum beats. 

    •Please join me on kayodeidowu.blogspot.be for conversation.

  • Northwest: The lion’s share of Tinubu’s government projects

    Northwest: The lion’s share of Tinubu’s government projects

    By Tanimu Yakubu

    The Lagos Illusion

    The viral chart bundles together national infrastructure—federal highways, coastal transport corridors, and legacy roads—and labels them “Lagos-only projects.” By that logic, the Kano–Maiduguri expressway could be called a “Maiduguri-only project.” It is a sleight of hand that ignores the truth: these are national arteries, not local trophies. “When disaggregated, Lagos’ actual exclusive projects—airport fencing, Carter Bridge works, localized upgrades—stand at about N1.2 trillion. The much-touted N2.7 trillion are federal highways and transport links that pass through Lagos but serve the entire federation. In short, Lagos is not swallowing the budget; Nigeria is being stitched together through infrastructure.

    The Northwest Reality

    The real numbers paint a starkly different picture:- North West: N5.97 trillion (over 40% of all approvals) – South South: N2.41 trillion – North Central: N1.13 trillion- South East: N407 billion- North East: N400 billion- South West (excluding Lagos): N604 billion In other words, the Northwest—not Lagos—holds the lion’s share. It is the President’s single largest beneficiary.

    Correcting Propaganda

    The viral infographic by Daily Trust exaggerates Lagos’ share while downplaying the North’s gains.

    Read Also: Over 1,200 deaths on Nigeria’s inland waters raise security concerns

    Tinubu’s Northwest Compact

    Let us speak plainly: without the Northwest, there would be no Tinubu presidency. The President knows this. He has not forgotten, nor has he been ungrateful. Consider the Kaduna Power Plant (255MW). Conceived under the late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, it languished in abandonment for years. Today, under President Tinubu, it is being revived and put back on track. This is not just a power project—it is a symbol of continuity, respect, and reward for the North.Add to that the Kaduna–Kano expressway, the Kano–Maiduguri highway, the Sokoto–Illela corridor, and massive investments in education and security infrastructure. These are not footnotes. They are the backbone of a deliberate Northwest-first investment strategy.This is not neglect; it is recognition. It is gratitude made concrete, kilometre by kilometre, megawatt by megawatt.

    Propaganda vs. Progress

    The danger of the viral infographic is not just statistical error—it is deliberate incitement. It pits Lagos against Kano, Southwest against Northwest, as though one region’s progress must mean another’s exclusion. That is not budgeting. That is blackmail.But Nigerians are wiser. The records show:- Lagos is Nigeria’s commercial hub, rightly upgraded.- The Northwest is Nigeria’s electoral fortress, richly rewarded.- Every region receives its share, because Tinubu budgets for one economy, one country, one people.

    Conclusion: Records, Not Rumors

    History will not remember the viral graphics. It will remember the farmers in Katsina whose produce reaches markets in Lagos, the power that lights up Kaduna through Yar’Adua’s plant, revived by Tinubu, and the schools and hospitals springing up across Sokoto and Zamfara.

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has not marginalized the North. He has trusted it, invested in it, and rewarded it. That is the record. That is the fact. That is the truth. And no infographic, however colorful, can bury it.

  • President Tinubu’s Brazil visit and Kaduna’s strategic gains

    President Tinubu’s Brazil visit and Kaduna’s strategic gains

    • By Aliyu Ahmed Aliyu

    In an era where the clamour of global diplomacy often drowns the voice of meaningful intent, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has charted a distinctly focused course, one rooted in a resolute commitment to tangible outcomes for Nigeria and its people. Since assuming office in 2023, he has operated with an unflinching sense of purpose: to restore the nation’s dignity, redefine its global relevance, and reimagine its domestic possibilities. The President’s recent state visit to Brazil was emblematic of this strategic diplomacy: not merely ceremonial, not performative, but substantively transformative.

     Brazil and Nigeria, two titans of the Global South, share more than the accident of geography or the mutual echoes of post-colonial struggle. They are bound by immense potential for cooperation across agriculture, aviation, technology, innovation, and trade. And in the lush diplomatic corridors of Brasília, these latent affinities were finally given structure. But perhaps even more remarkable than the diplomatic choreography was the powerful subnational narrative that emerged from the visit; one in which Kaduna State, under the astute and forward-thinking leadership of Governor Uba Sani, seized the moment with rare clarity and resolve.

     President Tinubu’s visit was punctuated by high-level bilateral engagements with President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and his cabinet, culminating in the signing of pivotal agreements that spanned critical sectors. These included a Bilateral Air Services Agreement between the aviation ministries of both nations, designed to ease mobility, boost tourism, and facilitate cargo exchange. Diplomatic training and political consultations were formalized through accords between the respective foreign ministries, setting the stage for deeper strategic dialogue.

     Most critically, Nigeria’s Minister of Science, Innovation and Technology and his Brazilian counterpart signed a forward-looking memorandum of understanding covering digital transformation, biotechnology, ocean science, energy innovation, and raw materials research. This, along with another significant agreement between Nigeria’s Bank of Agriculture and Brazil’s National Bank for Economic and Social Development (BNDES), promised to unlock vast opportunities in agricultural finance, rural development, and agro-industrial integration. It is estimated that these agreements could attract over $30 billion in investments to Nigeria in the coming years.

    Read Also: Tinubu’s FX reforms position Naira as export engine – Yakubu

     Amid these grand gestures of national alignment, the presence of Governor Uba Sani as part of President Tinubu’s delegation signaled the beginning of a new paradigm; one in which Nigerian states no longer wait passively for federal trickle-down, but rather, participate actively in shaping international partnerships tailored to their unique economic aspirations. Governor Sani’s conduct during the visit was nothing short of visionary. Representing not just Kaduna but the future of subnational engagement in Nigeria, he moved with precision and preparedness, leveraging the diplomatic atmosphere to negotiate development compacts that directly address the core needs of his state.

     The agreements signed by Kaduna State on the sidelines of the Brazil visit read like a manifesto of purposeful governance. With SAMPRES, a leading Brazilian dairy enterprise, the state committed to introducing Girolando dairy genetics and reproductive technologies aimed at establishing a nucleus herd with superior milk yield. The goal is as strategic as it is urgent: to reduce Nigeria’s unsustainable dairy import dependency while positioning Kaduna as a regional dairy powerhouse. This is not dairy for the sake of symbolism. It is dairy as infrastructure, as industry, and as employment.

     In partnership with CAMPO, another Brazilian agribusiness leader, Kaduna State will initiate the conversion of underutilized land into productive agricultural zones. This transformation will be powered by advanced soil correction technologies, modern irrigation systems, and mechanized farming protocols, all engineered to build robust crop value chains in maize, rice, soybeans, cotton, and livestock. The vision is simple: to move from subsistence to surplus, from vulnerability to value-addition, and from import dependence to food sovereignty.

     Recognising that agriculture without skills is a recipe for stagnation, Governor Uba Sani also secured an agreement with SENAI, Brazil’s foremost technical and vocational training institution. This collaboration will see the co-development of a curriculum across thirteen technical disciplines; from data analytics to aluminum fabrication and hospitality. It will include dual certification, joint training of trainers, and institutional strengthening of Kaduna’s newly established Vocational Training Institutes. This is not an abstract education policy. It is a deliberate bet on youth, on competence, on a labour force ready for both local industry and global opportunity.

     Governor Sani understands that skills are not acquired in ivory towers, but in purpose-built centers designed for rigour, relevance, and recognition. Hence, his administration established three Vocational Training Institutes — in Rigachikun, Soba, and Samaru Kataf — all commissioned by President Tinubu himself in June 2025. These centers are now recognised by the National Board for Technical Education as Nigeria’s most advanced hubs of vocational excellence. They offer a blend of traditional crafts and cutting-edge disciplines: from welding and solar installation to artificial intelligence and smart agriculture. They represent the future of employability in a world no longer moved by degrees alone.

    The transformation of Panteka Market, Africa’s largest informal skills ecosystem, further illustrates the Governor’s nuanced understanding of human capital development. What was once an unregulated sprawl of apprentices and craftsmen has now been integrated into the Nigerian Skills Qualification Framework. Equipped with state-of-the-art tools and training infrastructure, the market now supports over 38,000 learners, preserving indigenous craftsmanship while embedding modern certification standards that open doors to formal employment and international recognition.

    This holistic approach to development finds its deepest expression in the state’s agricultural revolution. Under Uba Sani, Kaduna has not only increased its agricultural spending to exceed the 10 percent Malabo Declaration benchmark; it has redefined how agricultural investment is conceived and delivered. In 2025 alone, over 100,000 smallholder farmers received free fertilizer, two bags each, under a restructured distribution scheme that prizes transparency and inclusion. Commercial farmers received up to 10 bags at a deeply subsidized rate of ₦30,000, well below market cost. Yet the most revolutionary aspect is that all 100,000 smallholder beneficiaries were automatically enrolled in a crop risk insurance scheme. This subtle but strategic innovation insulates them from the shocks of climate volatility, pest invasions, and market collapse. It is agriculture with a safety net; a rarity in most of sub-Saharan Africa.

    Security, long a thorn in the side of Kaduna’s agricultural ambitions, has been addressed through intelligence-driven community partnerships and the reopening of previously inaccessible farmlands. Over 20,000 hectares of land are currently being ccultivated, with irrigation systems now deployed to ensure year-round farming. It is a bold response to a perennial problem, and one that aligns with the state’s broader vision of food self-sufficiency.

     This singular focus on all-season productivity is critical in a state where agriculture contributes 42 percent of GDP and employs over 60 percent of the population. By extending farming into the dry season and linking it to storage, processing, and export value chains, Kaduna is not only stabilizing rural incomes; it is structurally transforming its economy.

     Governor Sani’s approach is neither romantic nor haphazard. It is grounded in numbers, driven by data, and executed with policy fidelity. Between 2023 and 2025, the agricultural budget surged from ₦1.48 billion to ₦74.02 billion; a 4,871 percent increase. With pending supplementary allocations, that figure could soon reach 14 percent of the total budget, making Kaduna an outlier in a country where agriculture is too often treated as a political afterthought.

     Indeed, the state’s Special Agro-Industrial Processing Zone (SAPZ), launched on April 8, 2025, in partnership with the Federal Government and the African Development Bank, is poised to become the heartbeat of Kaduna’s agro-industrial renaissance. Sited in Daki-Takwas, Chikun Local Government, the SAPZ is a self-contained development corridor housing clusters for production, processing, packaging, and logistics. It is a fully integrated value chain ecosystem with strategic focus on high-yield crops: ginger, tomatoes, soybeans, maize; coupled with cold-chain systems and market access support.

    The AfDB’s $934 million commitment to SAPZs across Africa finds in Kaduna a model for replication. The state’s leadership in aligning agriculture with export readiness is further evidenced by the ongoing development of an Agricultural Quality Assurance Centre, which will test, certify, and grade produce for international markets, especially under the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). In Kaduna, quality is not an afterthought; it is the threshold of participation in a globalized economy.

    This seriousness of purpose extends to infrastructure. Rural roads that had long been neglected are being rehabilitated to link farms to processing hubs and urban markets, drastically reducing post-harvest losses. The Dry Season Agricultural Empowerment Programme, launched in 2024, provided targeted support to ginger farmers, solar-powered irrigation for vegetable growers, and extensive vaccination for livestock herders. Every sector, every season, every farmer, touched by policy, supported by budget, and protected by foresight.

     In all of this, the quiet force propelling Kaduna forward remains President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s economic reform agenda. By clearing the $7 billion foreign exchange backlog, harmonizing exchange rates, and reaffirming investor confidence, President Tinubu has restored Nigeria’s credibility on the global stage. Governor Uba Sani’s ability to leverage that credibility in Brazil speaks volumes. “No investor wants to come in if they can’t repatriate their funds,” Governor Uba Sani said candidly, while in Brazil. Now, with macroeconomic sanity re-established, subnational actors like Kaduna can negotiate with confidence, clarity, and conviction.

    The Brazil state visit will be remembered not only for its diplomatic elegance but for the profound ways in which it empowered domestic actors to rewrite their own development scripts. Kaduna, through the genius of Governor Uba Sani, did not merely attend: it participated, it negotiated, it secured. And now it builds.

    Where once foreign policy was seen as the exclusive preserve of federal institutions, a new era is dawning; one in which subnational leaders with vision, preparation, and political will can shape their destinies on the world stage. The handshake in Brasília was not just symbolic. For Kaduna, it was the beginning of a harvest.

    •Aliyu Ahmed Aliyu, a journalist, resides in Kawo, Kaduna.

  • Ukachukwu’s vision for Anambra’s Renaissance

    Ukachukwu’s vision for Anambra’s Renaissance

    In the heart of Nigeria’s southeast region, where the Omambala River whispers ancient secrets and the industrial hum of Nnewi and Onitsha  echoes with entrepreneurial dreams, Prince Nicholas Ukachukwu stands poised to orchestrate Anambra’s greatest symphony of transformation. As the All Progressives Congress gubernatorial candidate for the November 8th elections, Prince Ukachukwu presents not merely a manifesto, but a covenant of renewal—a sacred promise to weave security, prosperity, and progress into the very fabric of Anambra’s destiny.

    The Foundation Stone: Security as Sanctuary

    “No tree bears fruit in a storm,” Prince Ukachukwu often reminds his audiences, and indeed, his administration’s first pillar rests upon transforming Anambra from a landscape of uncertainty into a sanctuary of safety. Security, in his vision, transcends mere crime prevention—it encompasses economic security, social stability, and the fundamental right of every Anambra citizen to dream without fear.

    The Prince’s security architecture envisions a state where farmers tend their fields without trepidation, where entrepreneurs build empires without intimidation, and where children walk to school as dawn breaks over peaceful communities. Through strategic partnerships with federal security agencies and community-based security networks, Anambra will become the beacon of safety that illuminates the entire southeast.

     Powering Progress: Energy as the Lifeline of Prosperity

    In Prince Ukachukwu’s Anambra, darkness will no longer steal dreams. His power revolution strategy recognizes that electricity is not merely about lighting bulbs—it is about illuminating possibilities. Every kilowatt generated becomes a catalyst for transformation, every power line erected becomes a bridge to prosperity.

    The manifesto envisions an Anambra where industrial machines never sleep, where hospitals operate life-saving equipment around the clock, and where students study under reliable light. Through aggressive power infrastructure development targeted at 318 Megawatts for the state and other strategic energy partnerships, Prince Ukachukwu promises to make load-shedding a relic of the past and uninterrupted power supply the norm of the future.

    The Trinity of Industrial Renaissance: Three Clusters, Infinite Possibilities

    Perhaps no aspect of Prince Ukachukwu’s vision captures the imagination quite like his revolutionary concept of three industrial clusters—each serving as a cathedral of commerce in Anambra’s three senatorial zones. These are not mere economic zones; they are destinies being forged, legacies being written in steel and silicon.

    Read Also: Nigeria’s gas production rises to 7.59BSC daily

    The Nnewi Engineering and Industrial Cluster will transform the already bustling commercial heart into a manufacturing marvel, where precision meets production and innovation dances with industry. Here, the legendary Igbo entrepreneurial spirit will find its most sophisticated expression.

    The Omambala Agricultural Cluster represents a return to the soil with modern sophistication—where ancient farming wisdom meets cutting-edge agricultural technology. This cluster will be the breadbasket that feeds not just Anambra, but the entire region.

    The Commodities and ICT Cluster emerges as the digital gateway to the future, where bytes and bandwidth create new forms of wealth, and where Anambra’s youth will code their way to continental relevance, a Bangalore of sorts.

    The Green Gold Revolution: Agriculture as Anambra’s New Oil

    “Agriculture will put Anambra on the map,” declares Prince Ukachukwu, and his agricultural revolution strategy reads like poetry written in grain, greens, tubers and prosperity. The commitment to mechanize 30,000 hectares represents more than land development—it symbolizes the transformation of farming from subsistence to significance.

    In this new Anambra, agriculture becomes agribusiness, farmers become entrepreneurs, and rural communities become centers of wealth creation. The uptakers program will ensure that every produce finds its market, every harvest translates to prosperity, and every farmer rises from survival to success. This is agriculture reimagined, farming revolutionized, and rural communities transformed.

     Learning for Liberation: Education as the Great Equalizer

    Prince Ukachukwu’s educational philosophy can be summarized in three words: “Learning for Empowerment.” His manifesto recognizes that in the 21st century, education is not just about acquiring knowledge—it is about acquiring power. Power to create, to innovate, to compete, and to transform.

    The massive investment in vocational and technical education represents a paradigm shift from certificate worship to skill celebration. State-of-the-art facilities will emerge across Anambra, where young hands learn to build the future, where technical skills become the new currency of success, and where every graduate emerges not just educated, but employable and entrepreneurial.

    Free and qualitative education becomes the great equalizer, ensuring that poverty never stands between any Anambra child and their destiny. With recognizable certificates that open doors across the globe, Anambra’s educational system will become the envy of the nation.

    Health as Wealth: The Complete Care Continuum

    Prince Ukachukwu’s health care vision unfolds like a three-tiered fountain of life—primary care forming the foundation, secondary care providing the structure, and tertiary care crowning the system with excellence. The 21 general hospitals scattered across the state will serve as lighthouses of healing, while three reference hospitals will position Anambra as a medical tourism destination.

    This is healthcare reimagined, where prevention meets intervention, where community health workers become warriors against disease, and where every heartbeat in Anambra is protected by world-class medical care. Through strategic investments in facilities, training, professional development, and competitive remuneration, Prince Ukachukwu promises to make quality healthcare not a privilege for the few, but a right for all.

     The Sacred Circle: Empowerment Through Tradition

    In a stroke of innovative governance, Prince Ukachukwu’s manifesto weaves traditional institutions into the fabric of modern administration. Traditional rulers and town unions will not merely be honored guests at government functions—they will be active participants in governance, bridges between the people and government, and guardians of cultural continuity in an age of rapid change.

    This integration represents a renaissance of respect for indigenous wisdom, where the ancient and the modern dance together in perfect harmony, and where governance becomes truly grassroots.

     The Promise of Tomorrow: A Covenant with Prosperity

    As November 8th approaches, Prince Nicholas Ukachukwu’s manifesto stands not as a collection of promises, but as a blueprint for transformation. It is a vision where security nurtures prosperity, where power illuminates possibilities, where agriculture feeds aspirations, where education empowers excellence, where healthcare heals hearts, and where tradition guides transformation.

    In choosing Prince Ukachukwu, Anambra chooses not just a governor, but a conductor of its greatest symphony—a maestro who will orchestrate the diverse instruments of development into a harmonious melody of progress. The future beckons, and Prince Nicholas Ukachukwu holds the baton that will lead Anambra into its most glorious dawn.

    •Igboeli Arinze writes from Abagana

  • Governor Sokoto, statistics and good governance

    Governor Sokoto, statistics and good governance

    • “Lack of statistics is to hide inconvenient facts” – Albert Bertilsson

    Once Governor Ahmad Aliyu Sokoto concluded that one of the main reasons why annual budgets at all levels of government often fail to achieve their desired objectives, and why there is a litany of abandoned projects, is not merely due to funding but squarely because of the lack of statistics for planning, the next logical step was to expressly approve a statewide Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) Survey.

    The survey focused on critical sectors like education, employment, healthcare, standard of living, and access to essential services — areas that would provide his administration with key insights into the root causes of poverty and inequality across the state.

    Because many governments — both federal and sub-national — often plan based on assumptions, the consequence is that year after year, resources are spent without meaningful progress. Policies not grounded in statistical data become ineffective. Without data, good governance is a mirage.

    By taking the bull by the horns, Governor Sokoto hopes to statistically understand the root causes of deprivation at the household level, and how best to fundamentally address the social and economic challenges hindering the government’s determination to drastically improve the fortunes of the people of Sokoto State.

    Between July 3rd and July 25th, 2025, the state government, in partnership with Redwire Marketing Consulting, successfully conducted the MPI Survey. The exercise not only aligns with Governor Sokoto’s 9-Point SMART Agenda — covering security, economic development, education, healthcare, and youth empowerment — but also complements national and global development priorities, including the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

    The logical question by Governor Sokoto which led to the survey was this: Can the Sokoto State Government effectively provide essential services to its people without reliable data? Once the governor began asking this question, Sokoto State firmly bid a long-overdue farewell to reliance on guesswork in policy formulation. With credible data in hand, the government can now tailor its budget to actual needs and move away from planning based on speculation — a practice that has historically undermined development.

    Read Also: Six dead, 21 rescued in Sokoto canoe accident 

    Conducting a state-specific MPI Survey sets a reliable baseline, allows for the monitoring of changes over time, and justifies budgetary allocations through evidence-based planning.

    It must be stressed that the fundamental purpose of the survey is for the state to take full ownership of its development future — by collecting and analyzing its own data, and using that evidence to shape sustainable, inclusive, and impactful policies.

    In addition to enhancing governance and service delivery, the survey would provide essential demographic data — covering population growth, urbanization trends, and household dynamics.

    With such dependable statistics, the Sokoto State Government will be better positioned to anticipate future needs in education, healthcare, housing, infrastructure, and social protection. The data will also strengthen the annual budgeting process and improve the equity of resource allocation.

    Another major advantage of the internal survey is that it will enable faster and more precise decision-making, tailored to Sokoto’s specific conditions, challenges, and opportunities.

    The decision to undertake this data-driven initiative underscores Governor Ahmad Aliyu Sokoto’s resolve to tackle the root causes of underdevelopment head-on. For decades, poor or non-existent data has denied citizens access to quality public services. Governor Sokoto has turned that tide.

    Encouragingly, the survey adhered to international best practices, using the globally accepted Alkire-Foster method for multidimensional poverty measurement. This methodology ensures that the data is both credible and comparable, enabling Sokoto to benchmark itself against other Nigerian states.

    The use of mobile data collection tools and real-time dashboards will also ensure accuracy, as it allows for efficient supervision of field enumerators. This digital transformation of data collection by Sokoto State has set a new standard for how government statistics should be gathered in Nigeria.

    The survey is part of a broader reform agenda being championed by Governor Sokoto and executed by Dr. Abubakar Mohammed Zayyana, the Commissioner for Budget and Economic Planning. To achieve the survey’s objectives, the State Bureau of Statistics has been repositioned to “deliver timely, relevant, and actionable statistics — such as those expected from the MPI Survey — to guide inclusive policy development and socio-economic interventions.”

    Recently, Abdullahi Abdulrahman Shagari, a renowned statistician, was appointed as the State Statistician-General for the Sokoto State Board of Statistics. The ultimate goal of the survey is to improve the lives of Sokoto State’s residents by setting measurable development targets, and aligning the efforts of ministries, development partners, civil society, and the private sector around a shared understanding of the needs and priorities of the people — the true purpose of government.

    More broadly, the goal is to institutionalise data as the foundation of targeted, inclusive, and evidence-based public policy — a framework that ensures no one is left behind.

    For instance, the survey will aid the governor — who aspires to make Sokoto Nigeria’s leading investment destination and food basket — in identifying where and how to make the required agricultural investments. For Governor Sokoto, agriculture is key, because it has the potential to create jobs, ensure food security, and supply raw materials to agro-processing industries.

    With reliable data, the government can assess agriculture’s contribution to GDP, measure workforce involvement in the sector, and attract investment across the value chain. The state will also be able to improve access to land and financing and facilitate the growth of agro-industrial hubs.

    In education — another top priority — the survey will allow the government to assess school infrastructure, enrollment trends, and teacher distribution. The findings will support efforts to ensure every child receives a 21st-century education that prepares them for the knowledge economy.

    Without the survey, Governor Sokoto would lack the empirical basis to evaluate the effectiveness of his policies, or to identify and address implementation challenges. This is the power of statistics — as Stephen Senn put it, statistics tell you “what you have done wrongly or how you could have done it better.”

    Through this initiative, Governor Sokoto is institutionalizing the role of data in planning, budgeting, and accountability — and for that, he deserves a special commendation. But statistics alone are not the end.

    What ultimately matters the most is sustained commitment to service delivery and the political will to act on the findings — both of which Governor Ahmad Aliyu Sokoto has in abundance.

    • Ado, a public affairs commentator, wrote in from Sokoto.
  • Lessons from Brazil and South Africa

    Lessons from Brazil and South Africa

    The best way to view the Nigerian nation is that it stands at a critical juncture. The central question is how to transform it from its current state into the country it ought to be: one of the world’s top 12 economies, with a low poverty rate and a growing, sustainable middle class.

    In this context, the actions and decisions of the current government are particularly significant. The present government has made a very good start. While this is a contentious statement, it is the stark and honest reality. Without a painful fiscal rebalancing of the economy, Nigeria would have been a basket case by today, seeking a bailout from the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Therefore, the Bola Tinubu-led government deserves credit for averting what could have been a humiliating disaster and betrayal of the high hopes of independence.

    In the span of just a few days, two events have occurred that helped to illuminate Nigeria’s current dilemma. The president’s state visit to Brazil, for instance, is significant not because it was unusual, but because the destination itself holds a deeper meaning.

    Beyond the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding, Brazil’s experience should serve as a roadmap for the present government. During his first term in office, President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva presided over a period where, according to figures from international organizations like the World Bank, approximately 40 million Brazilians were lifted out of poverty. This is an amazing feat for any democracy!

    During his eight-year tenure, Lula da Silva never controlled the National Assembly and was consistently forced to negotiate legislation clause by clause. In spite of this, he pulled millions out of poverty, expanded the middle class, and unleashed Brazil’s hidden potential. This is a feat the Nigerian government should examine closely. 

    There is a lot to learn from Brazil. For example, the country used its homegrown school feeding programme not only to benefit schoolchildren but also to transform itself into a major agricultural powerhouse that exports semi- and fully-processed goods. This success was so significant that one of the articles of impeachment against Dilma Rousseff, Lula da Silva’s successor, was that Brazil had failed to meet its soybean export target to China.

    In revamping its homegrown school feeding programme, Nigeria should have paid special attention to the similar programme engineered by Lula da Silva. The laudable recapitalization of the Bank of Agriculture (BOA) should provide a launching pad for revitalizing this programme and modernizing Nigeria’s entire agricultural value chain. This would lay the necessary foundation for the agro-allied sector to contribute at least 60% of Nigeria’s foreign exchange earnings by 2032.

    Another key lesson from Brazil is the success of its respected development bank, Banco Nacional de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (BNDES). As The Economist once highlighted, it’s the world’s largest development bank, providing loans for major infrastructure projects with terms of up to 34 years. To learn from its success, a team from BOA should have been part of the delegation to build long-term relationships and hold detailed discussions with BNDES management.

    Brazil and Nigeria, both developing nations, show divergent paths. Brazil’s diversified economy and stronger social systems have resulted in a GDP five times Nigeria’s and a much higher life expectancy. Nigeria’s economy, however, is crippled by its heavy dependence on oil, creating a “rentier state” where political elites control wealth instead of fostering a productive, broad-based economy. This has led to a profound disconnect between the nation’s immense resources and its citizens welfare.

    Read Also: Nigeria: Why Brazil. Yes, Brazil

    The story of Nigeria and Brazil is an age-old joke that often makes its rounds. As the tale goes, Nigeria and Brazil arrived at the gates of heaven at the same time. Brazil’s representative began to complain to Saint Peter: “Why did you bless Nigeria with such an abundance of mineral resources, a fertile land, and beautiful landscapes, yet we were given so little?” Saint Peter smiled and simply asked Brazil to look at the kind of leaders Nigeria had.

    This joke speaks to a powerful truth: a nation may be blessed with all the good things in life, but without capable and visionary leadership to show the way, all those blessings can amount to nothing. When you look at Nigeria’s case, had it been led by true statesmen like Obafemi Awolowo, Ahmadu Bello and Michael Okpara, our story might have been entirely different.

    Nigeria’s primary challenge is economic. Until the root causes of poverty are addressed, the myriad of political and security issues cannot be vanquished. This is the critical task facing the Tinubu administration. It must demonstrate the leadership and skills required to propel the nation forward, while citizens must cultivate the civic virtue to demand no less. Drawing from Brazil’s experience offers valuable lessons, and it is hoped these were thoroughly absorbed.

    A second issue is the powerful speech given by Julius Sello Malema of the South Africa’s Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF). The Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) showed great foresight and guts by inviting the firebrand to speak.

    Malema was absolutely correct: the future of sub-Saharan Africa should be built upon a working partnership between post-apartheid South Africa and a resurgent Nigeria. This offers a clear, visible way out of the African dilemma, with the two forces working in tandem to realize the laudable objectives of the African Continental Free Trade Area. 

    South Africa and Nigeria have a historical duty to spearhead an African renaissance. However, Nigeria must first step up by emulating the independence and resilience of South Africa’s fine and effective institutions. To achieve substantial development, Nigeria must undergo an “institutional revolution.” Without strong institutions, no country can achieve sustainable progress. Even authoritarian regimes rely on professionalized and effective state institutions as the primary drivers of success.

    The Nigerian dilemma can be solved by emulating the interwoven linkage between professionalized state institutions and their performance, a model clearly demonstrated by Singapore since 1965. This means all state institutions – including Customs, Immigration, and the internal security network – must be professionalized and made truly independent.

    For instance, there is a marked difference in professionalism, independence and effectiveness between Nigeria’s Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and its British equivalent, the Serious Fraud Office, as well as with their counterparts in Brazil and Malaysia. Without a paradigm shift, our foundations will remain weak and we’ll continue to struggle.

    The bitter truth is that Brazil and South Africa are not just outperforming Nigeria, they are not in the same league. While the two are in the Premier League, Nigeria is in the 10th Division. Tragically, the country has been led by a “seventh eleven”, a team of uninspiring leaders.

    Who would have wanted to travel to Singapore in 1965? Didn’t Lee Kuan Yew beat Nigeria at its own game in 1965? Now, the standard of living in Singapore is higher than in most states in the US, and two of its universities are among the world’s top 100. Meanwhile, where is the University of Ibadan, Nigeria’s premier university?

    While Brazil (218 million) and South Africa (63 million) are full members of BRICS – and Brazil even holds a seat at the influential G20 table – Nigeria, with its whopping 230 million people, is still waiting for its invitation to the big leagues. Evidently, a massive population is just a fun fact, not a prerequisite for geopolitical power.

    Who knew a country actually had to get its act together to join the grown-ups’ table? It seems the bar is set absurdly high: functional governance, economic stability, and maybe even a hint of political maturity.

    May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!