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  • EFCC’s quiet pillar, efficient sheriff

    EFCC’s quiet pillar, efficient sheriff

    By Lewis Chukwuma

    Clearly, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s astute pick, the fifth executive chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC, Olanipekun Olukoyede, whose appointment was subsequently confirmed by the Nigerian Senate on October 18, 2023, knew he wasn’t headed to a tea party as arrowhead of the nation’s lead anticorruption agency.

    His compelling managerial and professional background essentially denied him any illusions as to what the appointment meant, assuming he nursed any. Succinctly stated, the commission’s mission is “To eradicate economic and financial crimes through prevention, enforcement and coordination.” In appointing Olukoyede, Mr. President of course did not take the decision lightly given the overarching vision he had enunciated for a new Nigerian state.

    Towards achieving the commissions crucial mandate, President Tinubu gave Olukoyede the requisite free hand to do his job, the best way he understands it. The EFCC Czar who hit the ground running has brought an evangelical fervour to the fight against economic and financial crimes.

    But then, it was Nuhu Ribadu, first head of EFCC and currently the National Security Adviser, NSA, who gave an inkling into what tackling corruption in Nigeria really meant when he famously said that, “When you Fight corruption, it fights back.” Ribadu was absolutely correct.

    Recently, it has been observed with great concern, the malicious attacks and deliberate efforts to blackmail the lead anti-corruption agency, EFCC, through sponsored influencers, incentivised opinion publications in some national dailies, online and electronic platforms, all targeted at discouraging anti-corruption efforts and shielding kleptocrats from thorough investigation. The pattern is clear: there is an unfolding plot of surreptitious moves to backpedal on the progress made by the EFCC, especially under the leadership of Olanipekun Olukoyede.

    It should be recalled that some reports had recently suggested that Bayo Ojulari, Group Chief Executive Officer of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL), was allegedly pressured into signing a resignation letter by EFCC and DSS operatives. But the EFCC stated clearly that if there was such a development, it was not part of it. The presidency had also denied the allegations and affirmed that Ojulari, appointed in April 2025 to lead reforms within the organization remains the organization’s substantive head.

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    The controversy flowed from allegations surrounding a $21 million (N34.65 billion) corruption scandal. Civil society groups, including OilWatch Nigeria and the Workers’ Rights Alliance, have called for Ojulari’s arrest and prosecution. These groups, referenced claims that Abdullahi Bashir Haske, a detained associate, allegedly confessed to holding the funds on Ojulari’s behalf.

    The coalition actually launched a three-day protest, on August 1, at the National Assembly, NNPCL headquarters, and EFCC offices, to press their demands. Additional allegations centred on a $21 million kickback scheme involving oil traders and pipeline contractors, reportedly uncovered after Ojulari reassigned fund collection responsibilities. This prompted a whistle-blower to alert the EFCC, which subsequently froze the implicated account.

    In May 2025, the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) had urged both the EFCC and the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC) to investigate claims that N500 billion was not remitted by NNPCL to the Federation Account between October and December 2024.

    Of course, if there are established grounds to go after the head of any governmental organization, it is within the mandated purview of the EFCC to act. The current leadership of the commission under Olukoyede brooks no breaches of its clearly stated mandate, no matter whose ox is gored.

    If mere speculations that the EFCC is after its NNPCL top hierarchy had sparked a ridiculous, groundless fightback, endangering the extensive gains recorded by the EFCC in recent times, this must be appropriately countered and neutralised.

    Today, the nation’s refineries are in tatters despite tales of multi billion dollars TAMs. That should grip the attention of the top hierarch of NNPCL and certainly not spending energy funding ridiculous witch hunts.

    Further, key focus should also rather be directed at the budgetary allocations to the EFCC and other anti-corruption institutions which are inadequate and certainly not counterproductive malicious attacks. Poor resource allocation will gradually push the EFCC and other kindred agencies towards extinction. By limiting their resources, the government is unwittingly crippling their abilities to function effectively and independently.

    To truly establish a flourishing democracy, transparency and accountability must be strictly adhered to in governance. Strengthening institutions that combat corruption is crucial.

    Good a thing, recently, the EFCC chair painted a picture of the achievements of the EFCC under his watch, denying any charge of impunity. To be fair, there has been relatively less hysteria in Olukoyede’s campaign against corruption as he demonstrably regards the battle as a collective responsibility and wants an all-of society-approach.

    It will be recalled that he is the first EFCC chairman to admit publicly that there is corruption even within the EFCC. In 2024, Olukoyede sacked 27 of his own men for misconduct and fraudulent activities. He also ordered a probe into an alleged fraud of $400,000 linked to a sectional Head of the EFCC. But perhaps what is more remarkable about the EFCC these days is that there have been no serious allegations that the agency is being used for political vendetta.

    It is very encouraging that the EFCC is making good progress in fighting cybercrimes. Assets are being recovered from yahoo guys and restituted to the victims. These criminals are hurting genuine international transactions.

    The biggest traditional criticism of the EFCC is that it is a political tool deployed by the federal government against its opponents. This has certainly died down under the Olukoyede era. Also, Nigerians often complain about the EFCC’s heavy-handedness in its operations, such as storming hostels and hotels in the dead of the night and turning things upside down. The current EFCC boss has effectively changed that narrative.

    Olukoyede has also demonstrated an inclination to do things in a civil way, a far departure from the past hostile engagement template. He should upscale his commission’s public sensitisation campaign. And this should not be confused with media relations. This will definitely secure the buy-in of Nigerians.

    Mr. President did not take the appointment of Olukoyede as the fifth executive chairman of EFCC lightly given the overarching vision he had enunciated for a new, corruption free Nigeria state. A legal practitioner and Certified Fraud Examiner, (CFE), Olukoyede is a regulatory compliance consultant with specialty in compliance management, corporate intelligence and fraud management. He has considerable insight and experience in the investigation and civil litigation of fraud and financial crimes.

    The EFCC Chairman is also a consultant on manpower development who has undertaken several anti-corruption surveys and reviews for a number of law enforcement agencies, government institutions and corporate organizations both locally and internationally.

    Against this background, it’s then not surprising that Olukoyede, the EFCC boss has emerged a quiet pillar and efficient sheriff as the commission continues to prove to Nigerians that there is no political vendetta in its game plan.

    •Chukwuma wrote from Abuja.

  • Demystifying the opposition in Sokoto

    Demystifying the opposition in Sokoto

    By Kabiru Sani

    One of the recurring features of Nigeria’s democracy since 1999 has been the constant wave of political defections from one party to another. While the motives behind these defections vary, ranging from personal ambition to survival instincts, the most celebrated and often cited reasons have been the lack of internal party democracy or, conversely, the compelling performance of a ruling party in demonstrating inclusiveness and tangible progress. In Nigerian politics, success has a peculiar way of attracting loyalty.

    The recent gale of defections hitting opposition parties in Sokoto State is a case in point. Many have attributed this political realignment to the spirited and visible leadership of Governor Ahmed Aliyu, whose All Progressives Congress (APC) administration has, within a relatively short time, recorded notable achievements across critical sectors. The state has seen investments in infrastructure, improved workers’ welfare, and a renewed sense of governance that resonates with both ordinary citizens and the elite.

    During a grand reception organised to welcome prominent defectors from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Alhaji Sarkin Gishiri, leader of the Sokoto State Traders Association, described the move as a turning point in the state’s political tide. According to him, “As influential members of Sokoto’s business community, we believe in contributing meaningfully to a government that is clearly working in the best interest of the people.” His sentiments echoed the wider mood among the defectors, who believe that aligning with a government delivering on its promises is both pragmatic and strategic. Also received by APC leader in Sokoto, Senator Aliyu Wamakko Magatakarda, was Alhaji Ladan Almustapha, the current chair of the Sokoto State Chamber of Commerce, alongside other key stakeholders.

    This is not an isolated development. In April, PDP women leaders in the state, led by Hajiya Ummu Gada, joined the APC with a sizeable number of their supporters. Among them were the women leaders of Kware and Sokoto South Local Government Areas, Hajiya Shafa Yusuf Kware and Zainab Ibrahim, as well as the Kware Youth Leader, Alhaji Buhari Abubakar. Their reasons were not shrouded in ambiguity.

    Hajiya Ummu Gada bluntly attributed their decision to the chronic absence of internal democracy in the PDP, a charge that has stalked the party for years and arguably contributed to its dramatic fall from power in 2015. Once celebrated as the “largest political party in Africa” with an audacious claim to rule for 60 uninterrupted years, the PDP’s arrogance became its Achilles’ heel. It barely managed 16 years before all its four tyres went flat, metaphorically speaking. To this day, the party continues to grapple with factionalism, godfatherism, and a lack of reform.

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    She further praised the level of infrastructural development currently underway in Sokoto, remarking that the state “is beginning to look like Dubai with the scale of projects being executed.” From road rehabilitation to urban renewal projects, coupled with the prompt payment of salaries and improved welfare for workers, the APC government under Aliyu is seen as one that keeps its word. In a political environment where promises often fade after campaigns, such fidelity is bound to shift allegiances.

    At the heart of Nigeria’s political instability lies an uncomfortable truth: arrogance is often the undoing of dominant parties. History has shown that no party can take the people for granted indefinitely. While the PDP once strutted with a sense of invincibility, the reality of multiparty democracy caught up with it. Today, Nigerians are wary of any attempts to foist a one-party system on them, even as they gravitate toward parties and leaders who are visibly improving their lives.

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu captured this sentiment when he remarked that while he has no intention of wiping out the opposition, it is not his responsibility to help them put their house in order. The situation in Sokoto reflects this reality across several states: opposition parties weakened by their own internal contradictions and a ruling party that understands the art of performance-driven politics.

    In truth, when defections are driven by the positive contributions of the government in power—by visible progress in governance and an inclusive approach to leadership—it becomes difficult to dismiss them as mere opportunism. Instead, they represent a form of political endorsement that opposition parties find hard to counter. It is, in a sense, a double jeopardy for them: they cannot convincingly challenge the progress recorded while out of office, and at the same time, they struggle to prevent their members from switching allegiance to a performing rival.

    What is unfolding in Sokoto therefore, is not just another chapter in the book of defections. It is a reminder of a fundamental principle in Nigerian politics: performance has consequences, and non-performance has even greater ones. For the opposition, survival demands more than rhetoric; it requires introspection, reform, and a willingness to compete not with propaganda, but with results.

    Governor Aliyu may not have set out to “demystify” the opposition deliberately, but by focusing on governance that touches lives, he has done just that. In the marketplace of Nigerian politics, results remain the most potent campaign tool. Opposition parties in Sokoto and beyond would do well to take notes.

    •Sani writes from Sokoto

  • Pay-to-play lawmaking?

    Pay-to-play lawmaking?

    A ranking member of the House of Representatives, Ibrahim Usman Auyo, recently opened the can of worms that typically lets off an odious smell about the conduct of lawmaking in Nigerian legislative chambers. He alleged that the wheel of legislation was more often than not oiled by frontloading bribe money running into millions of naira at each instance, not driven by duty on the part of legislators. Lawmakers ordinarily were elected by constituents into the legislative chambers to hear out and process motions, petitions and bills on their behalf as championed by members representing them in those chambers. But reality, according to Auyo, is that if you want to get heard by your fellow lawmakers, you pay your way to get their ears.

    The Jigawa State lawmaker, representing Hadejia/Auyo/Kafin Hausa federal constituency in the green chamber of the National Assembly (NASS), made the allegation in response to criticism by his constituents that he had little to show by way of sponsoring bills and motions on their behalf. Auyo’s defence to that charge was that such venture is financially prohibitive because a lawmaker, according to him, needs to pay between N1million and N3million in gratification to push stuff on the floor of the chamber. Speaking in Hausa during a meeting with his constituents, recorded in a video that lately ran viral, the lawmaker said: “Since I was elected as a House member in 2015, no individual has given me a bill to pass, either from Auyo, Hadejia or Kafin Hausa. They are just pretending.” And the catch: “Also, even the bills and petitions are paid for. You have to pay from N3million, N2million or N1million to present it. And after you present the bill, you must follow up by lobbying the whole 360 members of the House to accept the bill.”

    While at it, Auyo defended his record on youth empowerment, claiming that 80 percent of his constituency projects targeted young people even though some beneficiaries usually sold the items they received. “I do distribute my (empowerment) things myself, and 80 percent out of 100 percent is for youths, I swear to Almighty Allah. My first motorcycle and car distribution was to the youths, no single elderly person benefited,” he said, adding: “Just recently, during the governor’s empowerment in Auyo, all the beneficiaries were youths. But you bought (an item) at N300,000, they sell it for N150,000 immediately  after collecting it.”

    Auyo’s colleagues in the legislative chamber were naturally gutted by his claims and demanded that he provide corroborating evidence or face sanctions. Spokesman of the House, Akin Rotimi, led the clapback. In a statement, he said the allegation were unsubstantiated and, if left unclarified, risked undermining public confidence in the National Assembly. “Statements of this nature must be backed by verifiable facts and presented through the appropriate parliamentary channels,” he added.

    Rotimi argued inter alia: “The leadership of the House has consistently encouraged members to engage with their constituencies during recesses and report on their stewardship. This commitment is reflected in frequent town halls and public hearings, including a series of midterm engagements held in June and July, presided over by the Speaker, Tajudeen Abbas. The National Assembly is an institution of records, with well-established and transparent procedures for introducing bills, motions and petitions, governed by the Constitution, House standing orders and parliamentary ethics. The insinuation that sponsoring a motion or bill is a ‘contract job’ involving bribes is inconsistent with these processes and must be clarified.”

    National lawmakers are presently on recess and the spokesman said Auyo would be invited to substantiate his claims before the House when they reconvene. “Should he be unable to provide evidence, the matter will be referred to the House committee on ethics and privileges for appropriate consideration, in line with parliamentary procedure,” he added, stressing that the House was committed to fostering mutual respect among members and addressing grievances through due process in the collective interest of Nigerians while upholding the dignity of the parliament.

    Other House members were reported knocking Auyo for his claims. Deputy House spokesperson, Phillip Agbese, described the allegations as a reckless misrepresentation and insisted legislative procedures are governed by the Constitution and standing orders, which should guarantee transparency and equal access for all lawmakers without any financial outlay. He argued that the Jigawa lawmaker’s comments stemmed from ignorance. Minority Leader of the House, Kingsley Chinda, dismissed the allegations by Auyo, saying the House was looking forward to hearing from the lawmaker. “I have been in the House for 14 years, and I have never paid money for my bills and motions to be taken. I am taken aback by the claim by the honourable member. Perhaps, he will share his experience with the House,” he stated, adding: “I wonder why a member will pay money for his bills or motion to be heard. Who was the money paid to?” Member representing Lavun/Mokwa/Edati federal constituency of Niger State in the House, Joshua Gana, waved off Auyo’s claims, saying: “Moving motions and sponsoring bills are the primary reasons for being a legislator, and I have never heard or seen anything like that (giving bribe) in my life. We talk to our constituents daily, and when they have needs to be heard nationally,  we take it up immediately.”

    Many stakeholders, however, saw in the Jigawa lawmaker’s comments another exposure – perhaps, unwitting – of deep-rooted sleaze suspected to characterise the conduct of lawmaking in this country, which is widely deemed opaque and underhanded. They thus called on the leaderships of both chambers of NASS to beam the searchlight inwards and honestly seek out the truth for possible remediation, not just crack down vindictively on Auyo for squealing on what might be a collectively held secret. After all, there have been members from past sessions of both the Senate and the House who alleged budget-padding by those chambers and were summarily suspended without diligent proof of inaccuracy of their claims. Auyo should be given the benefit of the doubt and dispassionate efforts made by the legislative chambers to ascertain the veracity of his claims, the stakeholders argued.

    There are good reasons, in my view, to doubt the Jigawa lawmaker’s allegations on the surface level. He made the claims to defend himself against charges of non-performance by his constituents, and nothing is out of the remit of expediency for a desperate person seeking to bail out of a career-threatening bog in which he was stuck. Auyo, who was elected on the All Progressives Congress (APC) platform, has been in the green chamber for 10 years and you would wonder why he never blew the whistle concerning the alleged tendencies until his constituents called him out for non-performance. In other words, the allegations could be an opportunistic wild card played by the lawmaker to save his troubled career, without even faintly considering how they rub off on the institutional image. Self-interest becomes unenlightened when it does not reach beyond crass self-centredness.

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    In any event, Auyo spoke at the grassroots in Hausa and perhaps did not envisage being documented and amplified, with the recording shared on national platform. That, of course, is a naïve way to reason in this digital age. But who knows what bit Auyo when threats of political waterloo stared him in the face.

    But there are as well good grounds on which the Jigawa lawmaker’s allegations shouldn’t be dismissed offhand. The NASS has for long been dogged by accusations of corruption and monetisation of legislative processes, with previous sessions of the assembly coming under charges of having received financial inducements to process desired legislations. The alleged third term agenda of former President Olusegun Obasanjo that eventually fell through was a notorious example. And it isn’t that the current 10th NASS has been free of allegations of sleaze. There were reports earlier on this year that senators in the Senate committee on tertiary education and TETfund and representatives in the House committee on university education allegedly demanded a bribe of N8million each from university vice-chancellors to approve their respective institutions’ budgets. The reports blew over with time, but without convincing refutation by the lawmakers.

    As for Auyo’s allegations, asking the Jigawa lawmaker to substantiate his claims with “verifiable facts” is a tall order and may be a clever way of turning the table on him despite the fact. Bribe money is alleged to be involved, and givers are unlike to have asked for receipts even if such monies were truly circulated to sponsor bills and motions. Rather, the leaderships of the two chambers of the National Assembly should dispassionately, thoroughly and painstakingly audit their legislative processes – if need be, involving the anti-graft agencies.

    •Please join me on kayodeidowu.blogspot.be for conversation

  • Kebbi 2027: Rating Malami’s macabre dance

    Kebbi 2027: Rating Malami’s macabre dance

    • By Mahmud Musa

    When I first read that Abubakar Malami (SAN), former President Muhammadu Buhari’s all-powerful and controversy-dogged Minister of Justice and Attorney General of the Federation, had defected to the African Democratic Congress (ADC) coalition, my heart almost gave up.

    I wondered what could possibly make a man with his poor record under the last administration imagine that he still has political capital to leverage on? What makes him think he could gain influence even in his ward or local government area, let alone in Kebbi State where people are already seeing verifiable governance in action under Governor Nasir Idris?

    Frankly, when the coalition talks started brewing, I thought its frontliners had found the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC)-like formula that could help them replicate the 2015 cohesion that toppled an incumbent president for the first time in Nigeria’s democratic history. It appeared, on the surface, to be the birth of a credible alternative.

    But since names like Abubakar Malami, Nasir El-Rufai, Aminu Waziri Tambuwal, Rotimi Amaechi and others with baggage began to surface, my hopes have dimmed. The entire lineup looks more like a retirement home for the failed, embittered, and politically displaced persons. These are people who having wielded enormous power in the last administration now find it impossible to live without it.

    And Malami, more than anyone else, is the poster child of that spectacular fall from grace. Word has it that he has set his eyes on Kebbi, plotting to wrest the governorship seat from Comrade Dr. Nasir Idris in 2027. But the problem for Malami is glaring and almost insurmountable. The people of Kebbi State have seen development up close under Idris, and it does not resemble the propaganda Malami and his group of failed politicians are trying to sell. So, they view Malami’s attempts to stir up controversy that keeps backfiring for what it is – failure! It has left him to look like a drowning man clutching to a straw.

    The truth is Malami’s record is enough to de-market him and his group. His tenure as AGF was defined less by justice and more by scandal. Nigerians have not forgotten his role in the Abdulrasheed Maina saga where the fugitive pension reform boss, already dismissed and facing trial for multi-billion naira fraud, was mysteriously reinstated into the civil service in 2017; a move traced to Malami’s office. The scandal embarrassed the Buhari administration and damaged Malami’s credibility irretrievably.

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    Then there was the matter of the repatriated Abacha loot, where Malami faced allegations of seeking to turn the process into a money-making scheme. While he denied wrongdoing, the controversy stuck, reinforcing the perception that he saw public office as a cash cow.

    Nigerians also remember the P&ID $9.6 billion arbitration scandal, where the government’s legal handling came under severe criticism. Many argued that Malami’s office bungled key aspects of the case, putting Nigeria at risk of losing billions. Add to this his role in asset recovery controversies where luxury houses, seized cars and questionable asset sales appear to end up with his friends and cronies and you have the portrait of a minister who seemed perpetually caught between duty and vested interests.

    Even in state matters, Malami’s hand was often controversial. He was accused of meddling in political crises in states like Rivers and Kano, using his office to push partisan outcomes rather than impartial justice. He was also linked to shielding allies while targeting enemies in corruption cases. His critics tagged him “the most powerful AGF in Nigeria’s history,” not because he strengthened the rule of law, but because he bent it.

    With such a horrible record, does Malami really believe the people of Kebbi State will suddenly forget? That they will abandon a moving train and hand the reins of their state to a man stuck in political wilderness? The Kebbi voters are not naïve and, frankly, that he believed he could hoodwink them into preferring him to Governor Idris is an insult to their sensibilities. The people have seen that the development strides of Dr. Idris like road projects, healthcare upgrades, recruitment of teachers and health workers, and so on are tangible, unlike Malami’s audio promises.

  • From Yelewata to Guma: How police stopped two tragedies in their tracks

    From Yelewata to Guma: How police stopped two tragedies in their tracks

    • By Shehu Usman

    The Nigerian Police Rapid Response Team stationed in Benue has foiled what could have been another national tragedy of monumental proportions. The incident was reported by Daily Trust. Although three farmers sadly lost their lives in the incident, the situation could have been far worse if not for the police’s proactiveness.

    Following the Yelewata massacre in Benue State by bandits, a horrific incident that sent shivers down the spine of the nation, the Inspector General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun, made a remark in his speech that caught my attention. He noted that whenever such attacks occur, we must not forget that there have also been numerous other planned attacks successfully foiled by the police and other security agencies.

    At the time, I am sure many believed he made that statement merely to defend the inability of his men to avert the Yelewata tragedy. But recent events show that the IGP was not being economical with the truth. Without the tireless efforts of the police and other security agencies in curtailing these marauding murderers, the situation could have been far worse than it is today.

    Our police officers are working tirelessly, often silently, to curtail crime, yet we do not amplify their heroics nearly as much as we amplify their shortcomings. Imagine if the bandits had succeeded in attacking Yelewata again, the news would have dominated headlines nationwide. But because the attack was foiled, the story risks fading into the background. And it wasn’t only in Yelewata; a similar plot was also thwarted in Guma Local Government Area.

    Yes, we have every right to demand accountability from our security agencies, especially the police, being the lead agency in internal security. However, in doing so, we must also acknowledge their relentless efforts in combating crime, often in the face of scarce resources, outdated equipment, and dangerous working conditions.

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    Policing in Nigeria is a high-risk duty. Officers frequently work under intense pressure, covering vast territories with inadequate manpower, while confronting criminals who are often better armed and better funded. Despite these challenges, there are countless untold stories of bravery, operations that never make it to the headlines because the attacks were stopped before they could happen.

    The grief of Yelewata still lingers—families torn apart, dreams cut short, and a community left with scars that may never fully heal. Each life lost is a reminder of what is at stake when security fails, and each life saved is proof of the value of vigilance. As citizens, our voices must continue to demand justice, transparency, and efficiency from those entrusted with our safety. But alongside those demands, we must also recognise and amplify the quiet victories, those moments when disaster was averted because men and women in uniform stood their ground.

    The foiled attacks in Yelewata and Guma are not the end of our security challenges, but they are moments worth noting. They reaffirm that while criticism keeps our institutions accountable, encouragement fuels their morale. In the balance between the two lies the path to a safer Nigeria.

    • Shehu Usman is a Public Affairs Analyst.
  • Delta-Five and Oborevwori’s education vision

    Delta-Five and Oborevwori’s education vision

    • By Ray Umukoro

    Call them President Bola Tinubu’s kids; then Governor Sheriff Oborevwori’s children. You won’t be wrong. For in reality, that sums up the story of five young Deltans who left Nigeria as national champions to compete in Qatar and returned to the country as global champions. They brought honour and fame to Nigeria, to Delta State and to their respective schools and families.

    Take a bow:  Wisdom Chukwuma of Government College, Ughelli; Otorvo Uyoyou of Alegbo Secondary School, Effurun; Abraham Honour of Okpaka Secondary School, Okpaka; Ekhamateh Splendour of Government Model Secondary School, Asaba; and Alika Daniel of Utagba-Ogbe Grammar School, Kwale. They are all students of public schools in Delta.

    Ahead of their stellar performance in Qatar, they had emerged champions at the 2025 President’s National Basic Education Debate Championship, which earned them the ticket to represent Nigeria at the World Schools Debate Championship in Doha, Qatar.

    To emerge champions in the national President’s schools debate, they out-performed other young debaters from 36 states of the federation and the Federal Capital Territory. They showed oratory, lexical elegance, critical thinking, linguistic sophistry, stage craft, teamwork and typical Delta spirit of self-confidence and charisma. The Delta quintet showed no butterflies. They were assertive and compelling in their arguments, persuasive with a splash of eloquence. They were not fazed by the audience.

    They possessed every stage of the national competition, wowing the audience with raw intelligence, logicality and an uncanny ability to verbalise their thoughts at the speed of light. Besides, they evinced a firm grasp of contemporary issues in a manner that truly set them apart from their competitors.

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    The Delta-Five simply owned the national debate championship. They made it their show with a dash of distinction. That was the badge of honour they took to the 2025 World Basic Schools Debate Championship held in Doha, Qatar. And they excelled against competition from United States of America and host nation, Qatar, debating on climate change, youth empowerment and responsible technology use.

    It was a triumph of ‘the spirit of Delta’ and a testament to the strategic investment in education by Oborevwori; an investment that spans teachers recruitment, capacity building, infrastructure addition and upgrade, welfare of education personnel across the value chain, all of which have created the conducive ergonomics for experiential learning.

    One common feature in Delta public education is funding. Oborevwori, himself a product of public-school system, believes that with the right tools, upskilled personnel, and good funding, Nigeria public schools can rival any in the world. He was the first governor to pay the 2025 counterpart funding for UBEC-ShUBEB projects. His unrelenting push for quality academic and technical education has manifested in more school enrolments, improved performance in external examinations and enhanced technical competencies among youths in the state. It is a template worthy of national implementation.

    A strong advocate of performance-based reward, the governor gifted each of the five students and their handlers with a goodly N20 million. Oborevwori is an ideal intentional leader whose predilection to welfare has been legendary all through his public life. He believes that governments at all levels must be people-centric. It was the same spirit of people-centred leadership that made him launch the Widows Welfare Scheme, which seeks to empower 10,000 widows through direct financial aid and access to free healthcare as well as the release of N10 billion to clear outstanding pension arrears owed to retirees in the state. This bucks the trend whereby retirees wait on end before receiving their deserved entitlements.

    Nigeria has had a poor sense of welfare for pensioners with hundreds dropping dead while waiting to be paid or while protesting non-payment of their pensions and gratuities. In a particular south-west state in 2015, 236 pensioners reportedly died in seven months as a result of the inability of the state government to pay their pension and gratuity, according to a Radio Nigeria report at that time. Even at the federal level, the issue of delayed payment and in some cases non-payment of pension has caused strains and deaths of retires in a manner that is not only shameful but affronts the fundamental rights of the retirees.

    There has been a toxic pattern of owing retirees across the country. But not so with Oborevwori. He believes that while governance focuses on building infrastructure across all spectrum of endeavour, the human element in society must never be neglected. He sees this as a duty, an undeniable obligation to humanity. And he has kept his word. So far, a total of N36.4 billion had been paid in pensions, and N1.4 billion is being released for payment of pensions monthly since he assumed office.

    “Our retirees are men and women who gave their best years in service to the state. It is only just that they receive what is duly owed to them, and under my watch, their welfare will remain top priority,” he said recently during a meeting with the state’s Pension Board.

    Leadership in emerging economies like Nigeria must be deliberate in visioning, and purposeful in implementation. This was the model of Lee Kuan Yew, the architect of modern Singapore. He was devoted to quality education of Singaporeans and the enthronement of merit over sundry mundane considerations. He enforced the learning of English language making Singaporeans bilingual and becoming globally competitive. This deliberateness in leadership led to the emergence of Singapore from the ruins of war into a frontline global economy.

    Indeed, success is neither an accident nor a happenstance. It comes from a premeditated visioning of a desired destination and calculated implementation of the critical processes that will lead to that destination. Oborevwori from the outset promised to deliver a MORE agenda of Meaningful Development, Opportunities for All, Realistic Reforms, and Enhanced Peace and Security. The rash of reforms he has wrought in the education sector alone underscores the competitive edge of Delta students both locally and globally. It is a rebirth of the good old days when Delta, even as a component of the defunct Bendel state, was the exemplar for youth development, academic and sporting excellence in the country.

    From law, medicine and engineering to liberal arts and social sciences, Delta colleges and universities have continued to excel in major competitions thus cementing the state’s position not only as a benchmark in education but also a model in youth development and upskilling for global competitiveness. This is not a by-product of ad hoc and episodic leadership. Such landmarks are achieved with conscious leadership, the type epitomised by Oborevwori.

    The fact that the fantastic Delta-Five are all students of public schools in the state speaks volumes of the governor’s determination to make Delta education sector the archetypal 21st century standard in the country.

    • Umukoro, a public policy analyst, writes from Warri
  • How Nigerian men can help reduce maternal deaths

    How Nigerian men can help reduce maternal deaths

    • By Ebuka Ukoh

    In Senegal, husbands are returning to school. Not to obtain degrees, but to learn how to save their wives’ lives. In community circles called “Schools for Husbands,” men gather to learn about maternal health, safe childbirth, and family care. This simple initiative is already decreasing maternal deaths by turning men into active, supportive partners in maternal healthcare.

    Contrast this with Nigeria. Just weeks ago, local newspapers reported yet another tragedy involving a young mother in Bauchi who bled to death after giving birth at home. Her husband admitted he thought antenatal visits were “women’s business” and didn’t realise his presence at the clinic could have made a difference. Her story is not unique; it reflects the harsh reality for far too many Nigerian families.

    We mourn these women, but mourning alone will not save the next mother. The truth is clear: Too often, Nigerian men are absent from the room where life-and-death decisions are made. Until that changes, no number of hospitals, midwives, or donor funds will suffice.

    Let’s do a quick reality check: Nigeria is a patriarchal society where cultural pressures compel individuals to uphold strict gender norms. Household decisions, from whether a woman attends antenatal care to where she gives birth, are often influenced by men. At the same time, Nigeria is deeply religious. That’s what makes the Senegalese example powerful: There, a spiritual leader is in charge.

    If Nigerian imams and pastors championed shared family roles, the ripple effects could be transformative. Urban and rural communities alike would benefit from tailored training—whether addressing high hospital costs in Lagos or long travel distances in Jigawa. Context may vary, but the principle remains the same: When men step up, women survive, and children thrive.

    Evidence is plentiful: When men participate in maternal health, outcomes improve. So does family life. Women are more likely to attend antenatal care, deliver with skilled birth attendants, and receive postpartum care. In states like Jigawa, where maternal health indicators are poor, male involvement is not optional—it is urgent.

    Campaigns that positively frame masculinity, portraying men as protectors and allies rather than bystanders, dismantle harmful stereotypes. When men embrace this role, couples communicate more openly, women feel supported, and children flourish.

    Religion can either entrench unhelpful norms or accelerate change. Both the Bible and the Quran emphasise family care as a sacred duty. The Bible urges parents to guide their children; the Quran calls for gratitude and righteousness within family life. These teachings are not gender-specific—they apply equally to fathers and mothers.

    If pastors and imams presented male engagement in maternal health as obedience to God, cultural resistance would give way to responsibility. Nigeria’s faith leaders hold the moral authority to turn silence into action.

    Read Also: Adeleke commends Tinubu, Ribadu for busting terror cells in Osun

    Transforming male behaviour in reproductive health is about more than saving mothers—it reshapes society. Male engagement reduces early marriage, improves family planning uptake, and diminishes gender-based violence.

    It also directly links to girl-child education. Communities where men respect women’s reproductive autonomy are where girls are more likely to stay in school. Engaging men in maternal health, therefore, is not a distraction from gender equality—it is the very pathway to it.

    The question is no longer whether male engagement works; it is how Nigeria will act upon it.

     Pilot programmes: Train men and women together across rural and urban communities.

     Legislative frameworks: Enact laws and allocate funding to ensure male engagement is sustainable.

     Community dialogues: Foster brave spaces for men and women to challenge gender norms.

     Faith-based campaigns: Mobilise imams and pastors to preach shared family responsibility.

     Partnerships: Unite healthcare workers, educators, and community leaders to normalise men’s presence at clinics.

  • Power sector: The watts that weren’t!

    Power sector: The watts that weren’t!

    There was a delusion that the privatization of the power sector – an existing, dilapidated monopoly – would be as straightforward and eventually beneficial as the transformative liberalization of the telecommunications industry. What we are now witnessing is the shattering of that illusion, with the critical failure of the electricity sector. The entire framework was rushed, ill-conceived, and frankly, a disgrace to Nigeria.

    As with many things in Nigeria, a political elite, in a moment of cynical opportunism and historical amnesia, miscalculated that the success of the telecommunications sector would be effortlessly replicated. This was an almost ridiculously naive assumption, because the telecommunications industry was a blank slate built from scratch on new technology and a fierce, consumer-driven competitive environment.

    In contradistinction, those who bought into the so-called electricity privatization were fixated on creating monopolies and fiefdoms, where the consumer counted for nothing. This was the direct opposite of the competition-driven, marketing-savvy telecommunications framework. The outcome, of course, was a total disaster and the rest is history! Without electricity, no country can develop its basic industries or a continuously expanding manufacturing base to create jobs.

    What’s now to be done? A more fundamental question is whether the nation possesses the intellectual humility to admit that an urgent, comprehensive reworking of the process is needed. The concept of privatizing the Transmission Company of Nigeria (TCN) is a final, desperate plea to private capital to fix what political incompetence has broken. Foreign and local investors should be encouraged to take the driving seat. There’s no alternative to this because a robust transmission network is the critical, missing link between power generation and distribution.

    The concept of a centralized national grid should be replaced by a decentralized system. As then-presidential candidate Barack Obama pointed out, even in the United States, the idea of a single national grid is outdated. Under a competitive framework, Nigeria’s six geopolitical zones should have their own independent grids.

    Furthermore, major commercial hubs such as Lagos, Kano, Abuja, and Rivers should have separate, self-contained grids. This is simply common sense! In the Year of our Lord 2025, the persistence of a single national grid reflects the self-defeating mindset of a quasi-federal system. A proper federal system would have abandoned this outdated concept decades ago.

    The Federal Government’s decision to empower states on the concurrent list to determine their own electricity framework is right. This approach is consistent with practices in countries like India, Canada, and Brazil.

    The creation of the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) raises a critical question: should Nigeria even have a Ministry of Power? A similar argument could be made regarding the Ministry of Communications, especially as the National Communications Commission (NCC) is in place. Ditto for the Ministry of Agriculture and Food Security.

    If the Ministry of Power must exist, its primary role should be to coordinate the sector’s liberalization and competitive framework. This would involve collaborating with the Ministers of Finance and Industry, Trade, and Investment to develop robust regulations and secure the necessary funding to advance the renewable energy sector. The core focus of the ministry should therefore be to facilitate real competition by breaking up the transmission of power.

    Nigeria must go all-in on renewable energy. It’s unacceptable that a country with significant lithium deposits in Nasarawa State is not negotiating to develop a massive, value-added, lithium-powered factory base. Unless we break from our fixation on fossil fuels, our efforts will be in vain.

    A redefined Ministry of Power would have significant implications for policy and practice, demanding a shift from a traditional, centralized model to one that is more decentralized, agile, and market-oriented. Policymakers must focus on creating a robust regulatory framework that encourages private sector participation, renewable energy integration, and smart grid development. This involves establishing clear and transparent rules for licensing, tariff setting, and grid access, which would attract essential investment and innovation. For instance, policies could incentivize the adoption of distributed energy resources like rooftop solar panels and micro-grids.

    Read Also: Tinubu pledges resolution of ₦4tn power sector debt, appeals for patience from GENCOs

    Uruguay achieved 91% of electricity generation from renewables in 2022, transitioning from fossil fuel dependence. Morocco leveraged solar energy with the Noor-Ouarzazate complex, one of the world’s largest concentrated solar farms.

    Kenya developed the Lake Turkana Wind Power Project, Africa’s largest wind farm, contributing significantly to renewable energy. Iceland generates almost 100% of electricity from renewables (hydropower and geothermal), with geothermal power heating most homes. With the right expertise and needed political will, we can say it’s better late than never!

    A massive breakthrough is possible if the government can secure the funds for wind turbines along Nigeria’s coasts, a sector with significant prospects. Therefore, President Bola Tinubu should instruct his minister to establish a competitive framework and create an annual fighting fund of at least one billion dollars to finance private sector-driven renewable energy projects.

    Public-private partnerships can also help share costs and risks associated with these reforms. Enhancing technical expertise through capacity building and training is essential for managing decentralized grids and integrating renewables. Implementing pilot projects and phased rollout can help test these changes before a nationwide implementation. This will go a long way in minimizing potential disruptions. With careful planning and stakeholder engagement, smooth transitions can ensure improved efficiency, sustainability, and reliability in power supply.

    The ministry would need to champion modern technologies like advanced metering infrastructure and predictive maintenance analytics. The ultimate challenge is to transform the abstract concept of power into a tangible force for good, moving from the ‘what is’ of a centralized system to the ‘what can be’ of a decentralized, democratized and sustainable energy future.

    Obtaining a meter shouldn’t be an issue. After all, people have been used to buying telephone handsets and gas cylinders anywhere they wish for decades. Without a competitive framework, the electricity sector – and by extension, Nigeria itself – will continue to struggle.

    Talk about estimated billing and one would conjure images of a distant, ineffectual bureaucracy – a calculated exploitation in the political economy. It’s a daily reality where utility companies’ administrative convenience acts as a regressive tax, stunting small businesses’ growth. The system asserts that a provider’s algorithm outweighs a consumer’s meter, with tacit consent from a political system that treats accountability as a foreign concept.

    Epileptic electricity supply is a profound issue of distributive justice, as it disproportionately affects the poor who cannot afford alternatives, thereby limiting their human flourishing and freedom. This raises moral questions about the state’s obligation to provide a reliable public good to all citizens, fulfilling its part of the social contract.

    In Nigeria, this translates into concrete hardships: small-scale entrepreneurs are forced to use expensive generators, which increases costs and often leads to business failure, trapping them in poverty. Socially, it limits access to essential services like education and healthcare, as students cannot study at night and hospitals struggle to power critical equipment. Besides, this unreliability breeds corruption and institutional decay which perpetuate a vicious cycle of inequality and poverty.

    The ministry’s new role is to steward energy as a public good, ensuring it serves social justice and economic empowerment. By focusing on transparency, collaboration, and long-term vision, Nigeria’s Ministry of Power can uphold high ideals of public service. With the right leadership and clear purpose, the nation can meet its energy needs and fulfill its collective potential.

    May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

  • Architecture of a sacrificial giver: Tunji Bello and the power of purposeful giving

    Architecture of a sacrificial giver: Tunji Bello and the power of purposeful giving

    • By Olabode Opeseitan

    In a country where wealth often masquerades as virtue and philanthropy is too frequently tethered to ego, Tunji Bello’s donation of a 550-seater auditorium to Lagos State University (LASU) is a quiet revolution. It is not the size of the gift that stuns—it is the source. By every reasonable measure—whether by asset declarations, Forbes rankings, or real estate holdings—Tunji Bello is not among Nigeria’s wealthiest citizens. Yet, he has done what perhaps fewer than 10 Nigerians have ever done: build a legacy structure for a public university—not with surplus, but with sacrifice.

    The story began in 2021, when Bello turned 60. While many would have marked the milestone with opulence, he chose introspection. He saw the infrastructural gap in LASU—not as a statistic, but as a wound in the national conscience. With no clear funding arc, he took a leap of faith. He made his intentions known to LASU authorities, rallied friends, converted birthday gifts into donations, and when inflation threatened the dream, he sold his house to build an auditorium for LASU. What emerged is not just an auditorium—it is a monument to moral courage, a structure built not on concrete alone, but on conviction.

    The man behind the mission

    Tunji Bello’s life is a study in purposeful evolution. A journalist, lawyer, environmentalist, and public servant, he has worn many hats—but always with the same thread of integrity. From his early days at Concord Press to his tenure as Lagos State Commissioner for Environment, and now as Executive Vice Chairman of the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission (FCCPC), Bello has consistently stood on the side of the public interest.

    At FCCPC, he has taken on digital loan sharks, price gougers, and monopolistic cartels with the same fervor he brought to LASU. His mantra is clear: governance must protect the vulnerable, and leadership must be anchored in empathy. Under his watch, FCCPC has become a bulwark against economic feudalism, ensuring that consumers are not crushed under the weight of exploitative practices.

    Global echoes of modest giants

    Bello’s story is not without precedent. In India, Dashrath Manjhi—a poor laborer from Bihar—lost his wife, Falguni Devi, in 1959 after she fell from a mountain ridge and could not reach a hospital in time. The very mountain that blocked access became his adversary. Armed with only a hammer and chisel, Manjhi spent 22 years carving a path through it, reducing a 34-mile detour to just 9 miles. His grief became a gift to generations, and his resolve earned him the name “Mountain Man.”

    In the United States, Clara Barton, with no formal medical training or wealth, founded the American Red Cross, driven by a singular passion to serve wounded soldiers. And in Kenya, Wangari Maathai began the Green Belt Movement with a handful of women planting trees—an act that grew into a global environmental crusade.

    These individuals, like Bello, did not wait for billions. They acted with what they had: vision, grit, and a refusal to let tragedy or limitation define their legacy.

    Auditoriums as vessels of nationhood

    An auditorium is not just a building—it is a civic altar. It is where ideas are debated, futures are imagined, and communities are forged. In educational institutions, it becomes the heartbeat of intellectual life. Bello’s gift to LASU is therefore not ornamental—it is foundational. It affirms that learning deserves grandeur, that public universities should not be relegated to the margins of aspiration.

    Read Also: Tunji Bello salutes Amuka-Pemu at 90

    A call to the rest of us

    Tunji Bello’s gesture is a mirror. It asks each of us: what are you doing with your influence, your network, your modest means? It reminds us that charity is not the exclusive domain of billionaires—it is the province of the willing. In a society often paralyzed by cynicism, Bello’s story is a clarion call to rediscover our moral momentum—to be architects of good even when the moral scaffolding of society is collapsing.

    Let this be the story that shifts our national imagination—from wealth as status to giving as stature. Let it be the story that inspires a thousand more auditoriums, scholarships, clinics, and community centers. And let it be the story that reminds us that the most enduring legacies are not built on abundance, but on audacity.

    • Opeseitan, a journalist, business development and marketing communications expert, wrote in from Lagos.
  • IGP Egbetokun needs effective policing as enduring legacy

    IGP Egbetokun needs effective policing as enduring legacy

    • Mobolaji Sanusi

    For some time now, the piteous plight of the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) personnel has consistently been perturbing to the sight. This is coupled with the high expectations from an unyielding public despite glaring official underfunding that make police personnel situation precarious. The untidy daily sights of policemen on our roads in rickety vehicles adorned in not-too-neat uniforms and weather-battered booths; observed constraints in the discharge of their duties during occasional visits to police stations in my line of duty coupled with the sometimes random discussions with cops during chanced meetings and at checkpoints on their debilitating plights could be mindboggling. These problems are largely caused by institutional corruption and official neglect that made right thinking people shudder about whether or when this country would get the issue of policing right.

    Some have argued that until police affairs are decentralized or better put, state police is adopted, the avoidable plight of the police as an institution would continue. While this position cannot be completely ignored, the truth is that sociologically speaking, a society is a reflection of its institutions.

    A rotten society begets rotten institutions. But however bad a society is, certain institutions of state must be accorded a pride of place in terms of deliberate engendering of proper psycho-social attitudes, well-guarded rules of engagement and provision of attractive conditions of service and necessary working tools. Are these currently obtainable in the police force?

    The answer to above may not likely be affirmative, and this is a consequence of decades of police leadership complacency and lack of desirable verve to attempt a change of the shameful status quo ante. I used the words police leadership, advisedly because it is at that level that a workable roadmap can be drafted and presented to whoever is leading the country at any point in time.

    More importantly so is the fact that whoever had served as IGP or is currently serving as IGP is believed to be repository of major problems and challenges of the police as an institution and are expected to at least solve part, if not all the problems while in the saddle, no matter how short the tenure might be.

    Sadly, what the Nigerian state has witnessed in relation to police leadership is: “Take your turn to be IGP, enjoy the perquisites of the position and leave the recurring questions begging for answers for your successors to handle.” This surrendering approach in police leadership attitude is seriously faulty, affecting the efficacy and general wellbeing of the Nigeria Police Force that is blessed with competent officers and men who have always made the country proud while posted on international assignments. This is notwithstanding the despicable few bad eggs in the force and the puritanical killing systems in place across the country.

    Read Also: Egbetokun hailed for abolishing case transfer, other reforms

    Recently, IGP Kayode Egbetokun came up with an initiative that is not completely new or bad, but like most lawful domestic initiatives, its online processing implementation platform is somewhat complicated. What is meant to ease its processing has become the bane making life unbearable for permit seekers willing to pay the exorbitant official fee of about N16,000. Complaints of payment of higher fees to third parties to gain online access rent the air and may persist despite the rescheduled deadline to October 1, 2025. To avoid this processing extortion, many believe that the police should have liaised with states licensing authorities for ease of operation. Also, many harbour the belief that the high fees demanded at this point in time is akin to according priority to revenue generation over police duty and convenience of permit seekers. Many also think that other important challenges for smooth policing should be accorded priority by the current police leadership under Egbetokun.

    It won’t be out of place at this juncture to ask what significant problems of the force the current IGP Kayode Egbetokun, Ph.D., is solving or will solve before the end of his tenure? One germane thing also is that he urgently needs to make serious efforts to  significantly reposition the police force since he has the ears of our hardworking president to his advantage.

    IGP Egbetokun undoubtedly possesses what it takes to be the number one cop of not only Nigeria but any other country of the world. He has good education with requisite experience and exposure. He has paid his dues from when he joined the force as a commissioned officer in the early nineties till when he was appointed, initially in acting capacity, by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR

    Egbetokun is obviously not new to the president, having worked closely as his Chief Security Officer when he was governor while the current Kabiyesi Oniru, Oba Omogbolahan Lawal, took over the role of ADC from now AIG Tunji Disu, the erstwhile  CP, FCT Command.

    Asiwaju as governor of Lagos State did not take issues of security and policing with levity. Despite the constitutional limitation of police matters being outside the purview of states across the federation, the president as Lagos governor creatively established the model Lagos State Security Trust Fund (LSSTF) and improvised the Rapid Response Squad (RRS), through which corporate entities in the centre of excellence complement government’s policing efforts at making Lagos safe for all to live in.

    Till date, LSSTF and RRS still exist, surviving through former governors Babatunde Raji Fashola, Akinwunmi Ambode, and now under incumbent Babajide Sanwo-Olu.

    Through the LSSTF and RRS, the shortfalls in the federal government’s handling of police affairs were to a satisfactory level taken care of by the state government under Asiwaju. That is the institutional building that Asiwaju created, which has become a model for other states across the country to emulate.

    Without this kind of initiative, it won’t be hyperbolic to say that policing in Lagos and possibly across the country would have existed only in name. The tales of operational and welfare woes faced by Divisional Police Officers (DPOs), Area Commanders and even states’ Commissioners of Police in the discharge of their lawful duties of maintaining societal peace and order are not things that could be put in print for fear of publishing inciting information against the government.

    These challenges have been on for decades, but with the leadership ingenuity of Asiwaju as Lagos henchman, the bad policing situation was put under manageable control. IGP Egbetokun was in the know of all that Asiwaju did at that time. But what is he doing about the serious police underfunding and the need to improve on the not so encouraging policing operational cum welfare situations in the country?

    Most people accustomed to the Lagos model under Asiwaju celebrated the appointment of Egbetokun as police IG. But are Nigerians having a feel of the experience that he garnered while working with the ingenious Asiwaju as governor of Lagos State?

    Egbetokun’s name in contemporary Nigeria is synonymous with policing and there’s no way he could shy away from the discouraging state of policing and police personnel welfare in the country. And so far, can it be said that he is doing enough to alleviate the general wellbeing of policemen in the country? The deep-rooted rot he met on the ground ravaging the force needs a bold institutional leadership approach to combat.

    For example, the Nigeria Police Force, as at 2021, from Google search, had a staff strength of about 371,800. It is doubtful if the plans to increase the force to 650,000 by adding fresh 280,000 recruits to the existing have been approved or implemented. Yet, country is grossly under-policed.

    The United Nations’ standards, though not adhered to by many nations according to Google is about 230 police for every 100,000 people. The same United Nations also from the same source recommended a ratio of one policeman to 450 citizens. This looks utopian in Nigeria where the total number of police personnel is less than 400,000 despite her population of over 200million people. The Guardian newspaper also in a report earlier this year stated that police-to-citizen ratio in Nigeria stands at 1:650. Viewed from whatever prisms, the picture looks grim.

    More sadly is the fact that a significant number of these inadequate policemen are being consistently deployed as personal escorts/guards to powerful politicians, wealthy, and other money-miss-road individuals. Most of the Nigerian individuals enjoying police protections do not deserve such protections and are largely one of the major reasons why true policing of the society might continue to encounter hiccups.

    Why should primacy be accorded, on cash and carry basis, to individual citizens at the expense of Nigeria’s collective security?

    Also sickening is that the attached policemen to these individuals are even more loyal to them than to the country. IGP Egbetokun once recalled these misused policemen attached to individuals at the expense of the country’s general policing’s well-being. But within days, he recanted on his directive. The true reason for his less than courageous recant may come out one day in probably his autobiography after leaving office.

    IGP Egbetokun needs to unravel why officers and men of the force jostle for deployment to guard individuals, and not the country. Again, figures on Google confirm that the highest monthly salary for a policeman in Nigeria is N309,167; while the lowest monthly salary stands at N105,833. These figures are disgusting and disturbingly low when juxtaposed with other variables.

    For instance, the revelations from Mr. Fatai Owoseni, a retired commissioner of police in Lagos State, in a recent viral social media interview, is grippingly annoying on what the ideal police was but has since been institutionally destroyed.

    As against what is obtainable in years past when government provided free operational tools and personnel policing necessaries, Owoseni revealed, amongst other scathing details that today, it is from the pittance called salary that policemen are expected to procure their uniforms, booths and other necessaries.

    In addition to this, necessary equipment and incentives for the force are either not available and where available, they are hoarded or only made available for use by the highest bidder amongst privileged Nigerians. No wonder we do read news stories of policemen planning to go on strike. Something that should ordinarily be deemed as a taboo for such an institution.

    With this kind of contemptuous treatment meted out to policemen, there’s no way they can effectively be providers of peace and order in the society because the urge for personal survival in a biting economy will instinctively come first in their priority lists. How then won’t there be trust issues between the force and the public?

    Yours sincerely can affirm, without equivocation, that a largely denied police force would be nothing but an enclave of corruption and haven for abuse of cherished inalienable rights of the people. Such police force, as currently kept and grossly underfunded in the country, cannot be relied upon to effectively combat insecurity and other criminal activities.

    These policemen, mostly found wanting in the proper discharge of their duties, cannot sadly be completely blamed for their despicable laxity in battling security challenges, including terrorism, banditry, kidnapping, and other forms of violent crimes.

    Having gone this far, it is pertinent to say that the IGP needs to do something fast by quickly articulating an empirical route to be handed over to the president, to resolve part, if not to substantively resolve problems impeding the growth of the police as an institution for maintaining peace and order.

    IGP Egbetokun should not see this as an Herculean task since he was appointed by President Tinubu to put the force on the right footing and not to give excuses like his predecessors in office. The recent inexorable plummeting of police public image, though not solely caused by Egbetokun, should be frontally addressed because the buck stops on his table. After all, uneasy lies the head that wears the crown.

    He still has about two years, due to his rare service extension before his retirement, and it’s necessary to ask him what the defining thrust of his tenure as IGP is. We do know that he’ll never be in want again in his life; his name is already in the nation’s history book as having been privileged to attain the enviable heights of Nigeria’s number one cop.

    Beyond these ephemeral personal achievements, the most important to reasonable Nigerians is to know what the enduring legacy Egbetokun is planning to bequeath to Nigerians and the police force are.

    At the moment, the state of affairs of the police has not improved in terms of welfare, operations, logistics and importantly attitude wise. Nigerians expect more from a man of  Egbetokun’s standing. President Tinubu will be more than willing to give presidential helping hands to motivate the force in terms of improved remuneration, training, exit perquisites and adequacy of police workforce that is scandalously low at the moment.

    Does the IGP believe a poorly paid policeman can be a pride to his leadership, not to talk of being to their country? His letter to the Senate President Godswill Akpabio, requesting an expedited amendment to the pension law to exclude the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) from the Contributory Pension Scheme (CPS) is belated but commendable. He obviously needs to do more tangible initiatives.

    In contemporary Nigeria, if judicial officers are getting improved welfare packages, neglecting policemen perquisites of office is like putting a horse on fire, security wise. The Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMFC) in its ongoing attempt to review the salaries of political leaders/appointees must look into police force perquisites as a matter of urgency.

    The police also needs complete attitudinal reawakening and sense of inclusivity under Egbetokun like we had under Tafa Balogun when he got presidential approval under Obasanjo for the promotion of stagnated police officers and also the upgrade to officer cadre of graduates that got enlisted in to the force as recruits. To date, those who benefited from Tafa’s foresight, serving or retired, will never forget that singular act.

    Egbetokun needs to let Nigerians see his truly enduring plans for uplifting the morale of policemen and for boosting police operational efficiency and welfare needs…..No more, no less!

    • Sanusi, former MD/CEO of LASAA, is a managerial psychologist and currently the managing partner of AMS RELIABLE SOLICITORS.