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  • How Tinubu’s Foreign Policy benefits the common man

    How Tinubu’s Foreign Policy benefits the common man

    • By Ademola Oshodi

    Since assuming office in May 2023, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has redefined Nigeria’s foreign policy, not as an elite game of handshakes and photo-ops, but as a strategic extension of his domestic agenda to stabilise the economy, protect national security, and improve the lives of everyday Nigerians. Under his leadership, foreign policy is not theory. It is delivery. And it is working.

    Foreign policy includes strategies, principles, and actions, across a range of diverse sectors and utilizing a varied array of tools through which a sovereign state engages other nations (and relevant international institutions) to advance its strategic interests (and those of its citizens). Nigeria’s foreign and domestic policy have always significantly influenced each other, especially around regional leadership and security architecture, as well as social and economic partnerships.

    The evolution of Nigeria’s foreign policy since independence has been significantly impacted by post-colonial (and anti-colonial) ideology, oil (and economic) diplomacy and regional leadership.  As the nation’s domestic situation evolved, often abruptly and radically, Nigeria’s foreign policy appeared to consistently prioritize the West Africa sub-region, Africa (within the framework of the OAU/AU) and less clearly defined partnerships with Europe, Asia, and the Americas. This pursuit of regional leadership and global partnerships have not always translated to tangible returns for everyday Nigerians, especially in terms of economic and indeed social benefits.

    Tinubu has made it clear that diplomacy must serve Nigerians. It must bring jobs, lower prices, and create the conditions for stability and progress. For the first time in decades, foreign policy has come down from the high towers of bureaucracy and planted firmly in the soil of Nigerian’s daily struggles. It is foreign policy that puts food on the table, electricity in rural homes, and dignity in the hands of Nigerian youth. Consequently, diplomatic engagements and negotiations, security cooperation, trade agreements and cultural exchanges, have been deliberately aligned international engagement with national political and economic objectives.

    Let us talk facts. The President’s bold leadership in ECOWAS – taking a principled and unapologetic stance against military coups in Niger, Burkina Faso, Mali, and Guinea – was not about grandstanding. It was about protecting Nigeria’s economic and security interests. These coups threatened trade routes and drove up food prices in northern Nigeria. By pushing back diplomatically and securing vital corridors, President Tinubu safeguarded cross-border markets that millions of Nigerians depend on. The result, according to the UN’s FAO reports, was a sharp drop in food inflation from 39.8% in December 2024 to 21.8% by March 2025. That is not theoretical. It is food on the table, and relief not only in the market stalls of Kano, Kebbi, Katsina, Sokoto, and Maiduguri but across Nigeria as a whole.

    Critics question President Tinubu’s travel schedule. But those diplomatic trips produced more than protocol. They have delivered over $50 billion in foreign investment commitments. Nigeria under Tinubu has inked strategic deals with the UAE, India, Qatar, China, Brazil, and others. These investments are building refineries, roads, rail lines, and superhighways – 440 of them and counting. Projects like the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway and the Port Harcourt–Aba railway, are not just good national talking points or concrete and steel. They are jobs, shortened travel times, and new business opportunities. The Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway is projected to contribute $12 billion annually to the nation’s GDP in the 1st decade including 10,000 direct jobs and 15,000 indirect jobs.

    Read Also: Senate okays Rivers electoral commission chair-nominee amid protest

    The President’s foreign engagements also strengthened Nigeria’s position under AfCFTA, unlocking a trade surplus of N6.95 trillion in Q2 2024. That is the result of real diplomatic groundwork – trade deals, customs reform, and border coordination that protect Nigerian producers and consumers alike. Trade surplus has the potential of increasing household income of Nigerians by an average of 3.8% by facilitating price moderation and increased purchasing power.

    Meanwhile, defence diplomacy has put muscle behind that stability. With over 13,500 terrorists eliminated and new military hardware commissioned through strategic partnerships with Turkey, United States, France, Germany, and Pakistan, Nigeria is showing it will not be bullied within or without.

    A critical but often overlooked dimension of President Tinubu’s foreign policy is its firm diplomacy on national security. Under President Tinubu’s leadership, Nigeria has taken a firm stance against foreign complicity in domestic instability. The 2024 arrest of five separatist-linked individuals by Finnish authorities, following strategic diplomatic engagement, marked a breakthrough in cross-border counter insurgency cooperation. For the first time in records, a European partner took decisive legal action against diaspora-based actors inciting violence back home. This is a firm step in the process of reversing the perennial loses to Nigeria’s economy that have persisted in the $billions through the deviant activities of these individuals and ensuring that ordinary Nigerians can go about their daily economic and social activities undeterred. It sent a clear message: no corner of the world will shield those undermining Nigeria’s peace. Tinubu’s foreign policy is not just about alliances. It is about defending national sovereignty with precision, resolve, and global reach. This is foreign policy with teeth: defending Nigeria’s sovereignty not just at the borders, but within and across borders.

    The energy sector has also been reignited. Nigeria’s visibility in global energy forums and policy clarity encouraged final investment decisions (FIDs) from firms like Shell, helping to rebuild refining capacity and energy security.

    Moreover, $8 billion commitments in oil and gas investments and the new deepwater project approved, have aided rural electrification, water solutions, healthcare, and education, bringing consistent electricity to hundreds of schools, clinics, and farms.

    Under this administration, foreign policy has become a tool for economic repair. The Tinubu administration’s bold reforms and high-level diplomacy have also translated to macroeconomic and foreign exchange stability, and debt clearance. Strategic negotiations with the IMF and Afreximbank, demonstrate how foreign policy was used to restore macroeconomic confidence and stabilise the currency, laying the groundwork for growth. The tangible result of this is over $10 billion in FX debt cleared, and foreign reserves rising from $3.99bn to $23.11bn. For traders in Alaba and Kano or importers in Aba, this means stabilised exchange rates and slashed import costs, which trickles down to improved accessibility and affordability of basic necessities across Nigeria.

    When President Tinubu renewed the N3.28 trillion currency swap with China in 2024, it was not a handshake in a boardroom – it was a lifeline for Nigerian traders. While critics dismissed it as technocratic, for traders in Alaba, Kano, Idumota, Onitsha and others, it was a lifeline to finally bypass the dollar squeeze and get their goods moving. By trading directly in yuan, they dodged middlemen, cut costs, and shielded their hustle from forex chaos. That is not abstract economics. That is a president putting firepower behind the market woman’s survival, the trader’s daily bread and the consumer’s hard-earned resources. In a volatile global economy, President Tinubu took bold diplomatic action to defend Nigeria’s economic backbone: her entrepreneurs.

    Q4 2024 saw Nigeria hit 3.84% GDP growth – the highest in three years. This is not coincidence. It is the result of deliberate diplomacy that aligns global capital with national needs. This, alongside restructuring under the G20 Common Framework and concessional lending from multilateral lenders, have freed resources for public investment and growth.

    Tinubu’s foreign policy recognises Nigeria’s greatest asset: its youth – with over 70% of Nigeria’s population under 30. His foreign policy has focused on removing barriers to opportunities for Nigeria’s youth, through global financing for human capital. Partnerships with the World Bank, Afreximbank, and European Investment Bank secured over N80 billion to revamp 8,000 primary health centres. In addition, over 300,000 students received education loans, and 900,000 women and youth entrepreneurs accessed grants and credit schemes. And the $800 million World Bank-supported cash transfer programme? It reached 15 million households, putting money directly in the hands of the underserved. This is foreign policy, repurposed as social policy for the benefit of Nigerians, especially those at the lower rung of the social and economic ladder.

    President Tinubu understands what every market woman in Lagos or mechanic in Benin knows – the Nigerian abroad is feeding families at home. Diaspora remittances consistently contribute over $20 billion annually to Nigeria’s economy, this is contribution overwhelmingly funnelled directly to households and families providing a vital cushion to meet basic needs, invest in education and healthcare, improve standards of living and eventually contributing to poverty reduction. His foreign policy has opened new possibilities for global Nigerians, and, by extension, their families and communities at home. By re-engaging the UAE, normalising labour migration pathways with Germany and Canada, and expanding legal routes for skilled migration, President Tinubu restored opportunities for workers and traders and expanded legal channels for skilled professionals. The result is higher remittances, professional mobility, and stronger transnational families. Nigeria’s second-largest FX stream – the diaspora – has been empowered and organised under Tinubu’s watch.

    Conclusion

    Some may ask: what is Tinubu’s foreign policy really about? It is about results. Nigerians are seeing cheaper food, more stable currency, safer borders, and new jobs. These diplomatic missions have yielded clear, measurable results with millions reached through cash programmes, significant cuts in food prices, thousands of rural homes electrified, and new chances for youth and diaspora families. That is not diplomatic jargon. It is what the market woman in Kaduna or the farmer in Benue really cares about.

    It is note-worthy that continuing domestic insecurity, particularly insurgency in the Northeast and communal violence in the Middle Belt undermines Nigeria’s standing on the diplomatic platforms for peace and security especially on these people’s lives. Nevertheless, unrelenting effort continues to be applied in the art and science of domestic and foreign policy to address these challenges.

    President Tinubu’s foreign policy does not sit in glass towers. It draws inspiration from and marches the streets, rides the buses, and lives in the daily hopes of ordinary Nigerians. It is high-level diplomacy which is anchored on and used to drive grassroots impact. Tinubu is not just shaking hands abroad; he is building foundations at home and impacting lives.

    •Ademola Oshodi is a Senior Special Assistant to the President of Nigeria

    on Foreign Affairs and Protocol.

  • Unveiling the future of Lagos through education

    Unveiling the future of Lagos through education

    By Kehinde Akinfenwa

     Education is the real starting point for a virtuous circle whose impact can be seen in every aspect of daily life. It stands as the golden thread of development, wielding a profound influence that extends far beyond the classroom walls.

    This, indeed, is why the Babajide Sanwo-Olu administration is paying detailed attention to education in Lagos State. From urban centres to hard-to-reach communities, the state’s education system is undergoing a dynamic evolution, driven by innovation, inclusivity, and a commitment to excellence.

    A prevalent feature of the evolving educational landscape is the sight of school constructions and renovations springing up with purposeful intensity across the state. The Special Committee on Rehabilitation of Public Schools (SCRPS) is a critical engine driving this transformation, executing the vision of the state government with precision and impact.

    In the last six years, it has delivered 386 rehabilitated classroom blocks and constructed 1,290 brand-new classroom blocks across the six education districts.

    Through flagship programmes such as the Job Initiative Lagos (JIL) and the Eko Digital Initiative, over 13,000 students and youths have been trained in digital literacy, coding, data science, and digital marketing.

    The integration of arts into STEM, the Innovate Eko STEAM Programme, is equally bridging the gap between traditional learning and future-ready skills. The programme cultivates critical thinking, creativity, and problem-solving capabilities, preparing students for a rapidly evolving global economy.

    There is Eko Learners’ Support Programme, a comprehensive initiative aimed at preparing Senior Secondary School students for critical examinations like WASSCE and NECO. This intervention, which features 320 televised lessons across 10 core subjects, is a paradigm shift in leveraging technology to democratize learning.

    The launch of Project Zero and the establishment of the Safe School Initiative have significantly expanded access to learning opportunities for every child, with the mission to eradicate the scourge of out-of-school children and increase school attendance.

    Part of this remodelling plan was the introduction of the EKO-EXCEL (Excellence in Child Education and Learning) programme, tagged “Leave No Child Behind,” which was deployed to crystallize teaching and learning processes in all government primary schools across the state, using innovative technology devices and a data-driven platform.

    In fortifying the education ecosystem, the government has championed the review and optimization of the school curriculum and instituted better school governance across all the state’s institutions of learning.

    Alongside this sweeping transformation was the strategic recruitment of over 3,000 passionate and qualified teachers for both primary and secondary schools – an investment not only in manpower, but in the minds and futures of the next generation.

    These educators are being equipped with modern teaching tools, ongoing professional development, and digital literacy training to meet the evolving demands of 21st-century classrooms.

    Steadily, the government’s investment in the education sector is yielding visible dividends, with a series of prestigious awards and recognitions rolling in from within and outside the country. One remarkable highlight is the Y2024 Stockholm Junior Water Prize Competition, a globally acclaimed platform that celebrates innovative water-related projects by young minds.

    Out of 60 projects submitted from schools across Nigeria, students from Lagos State clinched top honours -emerging 1st, 3rd, and 4th place. The overall best project, developed by students of Wesley Girls Senior Secondary School, earned the honour of representing Nigeria at the international finals in Stockholm, Sweden, marking the second consecutive year the school has carried the nation’s flag at this global stage.

    Similarly, the 26th edition of the JETS Competition also showcased Lagos’s prominence in innovation as the state won a total of 23 medals at the event and received the giant trophy as the overall best State at the competition for the second consecutive year.

    Also, out of the 20 participating states at the 2025 edition of the Young Nigerian Scientists’ Presidential Award, a student from Surulere Senior Secondary School emerged the second runner-up and was remarkably rewarded with a scholarship to pursue his education to PhD by the federal government.

     Tertiary education is also undergoing remarkable transformation. At the Lagos State University (LASU), strategic investments in research and technological infrastructure have elevated the institution’s status as a premier academic hub in West Africa. One laudable milestone that was recorded was the signing of an agreement with six private investors to build 8,272-unit hostel at the Lagos State University, Ojo.

    Following the conversion of LASUED and LASUSTECH into a university in 2022, these institutions have expanded their academic program to meet the evolving demands of higher education. LASUSTECH, in particular, has secured NUC accreditation for 25 new courses and fostered international affiliations that position the university as a key player in scientific research and academic excellence.

    The Lagos State University College of Medicine (LASUCOM) is also on the brink of a historic transition, with plans to become a stand-alone University of Medical and Health Sciences. This initiative aims to address critical skill gaps in medical disciplines such as pharmacy, physiotherapy, and radiography, thereby bolstering the state’s healthcare workforce and aligning with global standards.

    One major ritual the Lagos State government has consistently upheld over the past 25 years is the full funding of the West African Senior School Certificate Examination (WASSCE) fees for all students in public secondary schools. Between 2019 and 2023 alone, over N4.2billion was expended on examination fees. While N1,577,794,000 was paid in 2024, Governor Sanwo-Olu has further approved an additional N2billion for the 2025 WASSCE fees.

    Impressively, a N5billion endowment fund was launched by the state government to support 2,000 low-cost private schools across Lagos, aimed at cushioning the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the educational sector. This timely intervention was not only crucial in reviving struggling schools but also ensured that private education stakeholders could rebuild, operate optimally, and continue complementing government efforts in delivering sustainable, inclusive education.

    Read Also: Nigeria benefits from $50 million Malala Fund’s global girls’ education investment

     The pivotal role played by the Lagos State Technical and Vocational Education Board (LASTVEB) in the development of technical education and in equipping young people with practical skills to meet industry demands has been remarkable. The impact is so profound that Lagos is being recognized as a model for vocational and technical excellence.

    The inculcation of 12 new trade courses with integrated entrepreneurship curricula in colleges across the state is a strategic move that has further repositioned technical education in Lagos. In the 2023/2024 academic session, 85% of students who graduated from Lagos technical colleges across the state have secured employment or become self-employed.

    The success in bridging the gap between theoretical knowledge and real-world application is setting the pace to transform the state’s workforce landscape and drive inclusive economic growth.

    Acknowledging that education must be accessible to all regardless of age, life situation, or economic status, the Sanwo-Olu-led administration has sustained investments in infrastructure, learning resources, and capacity-building initiatives to sustain ongoing reforms in the education sector.

    With the strategic support of stakeholders, civil society groups, and private sector actors, the government is expanding educational access and fostering a more inclusive learning environment, ensuring that everyone has the opportunity to learn, grow, and thrive.

    •Akinfenwa is of Ministry of Information & Strategy, Alausa, Ikeja. 

  • Why Nigeria cannot become a one-party entity

    Why Nigeria cannot become a one-party entity

    By Ray Ekpu

    Since the massive defection of the Delta State governor, Sheriff Oborevwori, his predecessor Ifeanyi Okowa and the state’s local government contingent from the PDP to APC, the tension in the political landscape has reached a flash point. On Friday June 6, the governor of Akwa Ibom State, Umo Eno took the courageous step of leaving the party, PDP, that has been in power in his state for 25 unbroken years.

    He abandoned the umbrella of the PDP and grabbed the broom of the ruling party, APC. The defection ceremony was chaired by the chairman of the APC Governor’s Forum and governor of Imo State, Hope Uzodimma. He led eight other governors to the event.

    So far only one commissioner in Eno’s cabinet has opted out of the defection train. Ini Ememobong, Commissioner for Special Duties and Deep Seaport said that he is resigning his commissionership because of his belief in politics with principles. What other evidence do you need that power is sweet, very sweet, in fact sweeter than honey. That is why power is said to be “the ultimate aphrodisiac.”

    Within the APC there is singing, drumming and dancing, that the 2027 race is likely to be a fait accompli, a walk-over, a stroll in the garden. Not really but all politicians are optimists, incorrigible optimists, idealists, idealistic idealists, who see a drop of water in the ocean as the ocean itself.

    President Bola Tinubu has obviously been very happy with the turn of events. At the national summit of the APC held on May 22, he had said that the “defection of some prominent members of the opposition party to the APC was in order as they were exercising their constitutionally approved democratic rights. Don’t forget that the freedom of movement and the freedom of association are not criminally punishable.” That appears to be his response to those in the opposition party who feel that it is wrong for people elected on the ticket of one party to defect to another party.

    On the other hand, the members of the opposition do not want to admit that these defections and or planned defections are putting their nerves at full stretch. They do not want to admit that the political landscape has definitely tilted and rattled on its axis. They are struggling to put a gloss over the rough edges so that what has happened in the political space does not become a significant piece of irritation for them. That is why they would say that they do not need governors to win the presidency even though they know full well that it is governors who control the voters in their states through their local governments. They do not want to admit that they are in the eye of the tornado and that they need to work extremely hard to get a soft landing.

    Whatever they are saying in response to the situation on the ground can be regarded simply as a tribute to tenacity, a tribute to optimism. That is politics.

    What Oborevwori and Eno have done is called in some countries crossing the floor or crossing the carpet. In the British House of Commons, the government and opposition members of parliament face each other on rows of benches. They are not bunched up together as we have in Nigeria’s National Assembly. So in England, those who change from either government to opposition or vice versa have to sit on the other side. In Nigeria, such defections of prominent people are done with a fabulous fanfare and with a huge gathering in tow. They give such persons the flag of his new party which he displays to the public. Sometimes they also give the new member the symbol of the party.

    In the case of someone joining the APC, he may be given the broom. If he is joining the PDP, he may be given an umbrella. But so far I haven’t seen anyone joining APGA being given a live cock which is the party’s symbol. Maybe it will happen someday if the party manages to get some prominent new converts. In some countries such as India, Pakistan, Indonesia, Malaysia and Bangladesh, there are laws that prescribe the removal of a member from parliament due to carpet crossing. In Nigeria carpet crossing is allowed if there is a problem within the party of the person who wants to defect to another party.

    A few of such cases have been handled by Nigerian courts but many of such cases are not pursued largely because it takes a long time before such cases are decided.

    In Nigeria, carpet crossing is easy, as easy as drinking water because all the parties look alike, like siamese twins, and behave alike like robots. All the well-known parties in Nigeria are right wing parties. No significant party is left wing or centrist. In terms of policies and programmes, there is hardly any difference. In the Second Republic, there were seven parties and out of the seven, only two had any policy difference. While the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) believed in quality education, the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) was gunning for free education at all levels. The approach to education was the only significant difference between the two parties. The other five parties had nothing outstandingly different from each other.

    Now the APC has 23 governors while the PDP has 10, APGA one, Labour Party one and NNPP one. There are speculations about Adamawa, Plateau, Enugu and Rivers but they remain speculations only.

    At present our democracy is multi-party with the APC leading in the National Assembly and the states. This is followed by the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Labour Party (LP) and the NNPP. At present discussions, covert and overt, are going on as a way of putting together a mega coalition that would give the ruling party a heluva fight in 2027. but the main problems with this coalition are the conflicting ambitions of the principal proponents of the coalition as well as the rotation principle. The rotation principle is likely to be an important element in the decision making process. By the rotation process between North and South, the South is entitled to do two terms after Muhammadu Buhari’s two terms. This is clearly one of the problems causing a conflict in the PDP and except it is resolved in favour of rotation, the party will continue to lose the support of Nigerians who believe that rotation is a force for the unity and stability of Nigeria.

    Nigerian politics is transactional. Most of those who are in it see it as a business that must yield profit. So people who defect from their parties to the ruling party expect to get some benefits from the might of the federal government. Some expect to be shoehorned into a lucrative office while some who probably have some skeletons in their cupboards expect to be forgiven if and when they defect. In that case they expect the EFCC, ICPC, DSS and the Police to look the other way as they collect the APC flag or broom at the defection venue. Some also expect to have a full stomach made possible by the award of stomach infrastructure which may come in different shapes and sizes.

    In Nigerian politics, no one defects from one party to another without getting or hoping to get something that can give him or her, a beer belly or rosy cheeks. But people do not defect only to the party at the centre. They also defect into a party that is the ruling party in a state because such parties are also in a position to provide stomach infrastructure or contracts or appointments or other forms of awoof.

    There are reasons why I believe that Nigeria will remain a multi-party democracy and can never become a one-party entity. One of the reasons I think so is because Nigeria is a multi-ethnic, multi-religious, multi-cultural entity that cannot become one party under one big tent. No single party can accommodate the idiosyncrasies of the different tribes and religions. So many Nigerians would still prefer to own their parties and be known as the founder, the convener, the Board of Trustees chairman or member. And they would put these designations in their curriculum vitae which will also bear their names as well as High Chief, Dr and Engineer. I know of no country in the world where people love vanity as much as Nigeria.

    Read Also: Hold governors accountable, not just Tinubu, APC chieftain tells Nigerians

    So, take it from me that all the politicians in Nigeria will not be found under one canopy no matter how attractive it looks. Now look at this list of the number of presidential candidates in the various elections since 1999. In 1999 -two candidates; 2003 -20 candidates; 2007 -27 candidates; 2011 -20 candidates; 2015 -20 candidates; 2019 -73 candidates and 2023 -18 candidates. So, if so many people wanted to be presidents of Nigeria, how would they become president from only one party? It is only from several parties that a president can emerge. They were not independent candidates. They were representatives of parties. In 2027 it will not be different. Several people under several party platforms will fight to become president.

     It is also noteworthy that after the 2019 elections, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) deregistered 74 political parties for failing to “satisfy the requirements” of continued registration based on their poor performance during the elections. As of 2022, the deregistration of these parties was being challenged in court which means that they were still active on the ground. As we speak now, there are still about 20 political parties in the political horizon who are hoping that they may someday acquire power. Every politician always hopes that someday, he may acquire power. No one can dim that flame of optimism whether or not he has acquired the blaze and dazzle of popularity that can fetch him the key to the Kingdom of Power.

    So those who are chanting the song of a one-party democracy can spend time and do something useful. Nigeria will not become a one-party entity either now or in the foreseeable future.

  • Prayer warfare on food security?

    Prayer warfare on food security?

    A prayer and fasting programme recently called by the Federal Ministry of Agriculture and Food Security set many tongues wagging. Perhaps so because the nation is far from being food secure, and many apparently wondered if prayer warfare was a nuclear policy option government was adopting as a way out. The ministry swiftly backpedaled on the prayer programme in the face of criticisms. But it is doubtful anyone holds that the divine has no place utterly in human affairs. So, there was more to the jibes against the prayer initiative than just godlessness.

    It all began with an internal memo in the agric ministry that got leaked on social media. The memo dated 11th June, 2025 and signed by the Director of Human Resource Management, Mrs. Adedayo Modupe, invited ministry staff to participate in a prayer programme themed ‘Divine Intervention for Protection and National Development’ and scheduled to hold on three consecutive Mondays from 16th June. The circular was addressed to all directors, deputy directors, assistant directors, value chain desk officers and other staff members, and it read in part: “This is to invite all staff of the Federal Ministry of Agriculture and Food Security to a solemn prayer session for God’s guidance and success in supporting the government’s efforts to achieve food security.”

    The circular stated that the prayer sessions would hold in conference hall ‘B’ at the ministry’s headquarters in Area 11, Garki, Abuja, from 12:00p.m. to 12:30p.m. on scheduled dates namely 16th, 23rd and 30th June, and it enjoined the staff to “come fasting” on those days.

    When the circular got leaked to the public, people raised queries on the relevance of the ministry’s spiritual response to the food crisis in Nigeria, with many questioning the option’s applicability to rising hunger and high cost of food in the land. Analysts wondered whether the ministry had run out of ideas and was thus invoking the fatalism of religion to defray expectations; some cynically said the leadership of the place should then be peopled by imams and pastors rather than technocrats and bureaucrats. Following that trend of public reaction, the same director who earlier unveiled the prayer initiative, in a follow-up circular, announced its postponement “until further notice” without providing any reason.

    Further clarifications came, however, in a statement by Assistant Information Officer to the Director of Information, Ezeaja Ikemefuna, who explained that the proposed prayer programme was an internal initiative of the human resource department in the ministry to address staff welfare concerns and was not a policy measure. According to him, the programme was organised partly in response to a series of sudden deaths among management cadre staff of the ministry and not as a strategy to tackle food insecurity. He added that the human resource department arranged the prayer sessions to address staff well-being “just as the already existing monthly aerobic exercise and establishment of a gymnasium in the ministry are for physical fitness, and as the regular medical check-up of staff is for their health.”

    The statement could, however, not deny the stated objective of the prayer initiative to appeal for divine intervention in governance issues; so it said the ministry staff deemed it not out of place to also pray for the country, hence the theme proposed for the programme. Stressing that the initiative should not be misinterpreted, the statement explained: “It must be emphasised that this is NOT an official policy by the ministry to address agriculture and food security issues in the country, but in response to the yearnings of staff members who are apprehensive following the death of some of their colleagues in recent times.

    Ikemefuna, in his statement, seized the occasion to outline government’s strides on the policy front and achievements of Agriculture and Food Security Minister Abubakar Kyari. “The ministry has taken delivery of over a thousand tractors to support farmers and has signed the commercialisation phase under the supervision of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Another of his initiatives is the Strategic Grain Reserve and Market Stabilisation of prices, where about 42,000 metric tonnes of grains and an additional 58,200 metric tonnes of milled rice grains were distributed,” he said. The statement added that the Central Bank of Nigeria donated 2,150,000 bags of fertilisers to curb food inflation; besides that government approved the recapitalisation of the Bank of Agriculture to the tune of N1.5trillion, launched the National Electronic Extension Platform, and initiated reforms in the cooperative sector through training and workshops.

    Read Also: ADA won’t stop Tinubu’s re-election in 2027 — APC Chieftain Okechukwu

    Moreover, the ministry said it had partnered with the World Bank on the $600million Rural Access and Agricultural Marketing Project, rehabilitated 200,000 kilometres of rural roads, and distributed free agricultural inputs nationwide under various schemes, including the National Agricultural Growth Scheme Agro-Pocket, among other measures. Restating its commitment to tangible results, the ministry stressed that the prayer programme was an “internal initiative of staff to address the concern over sudden deaths in the ministry and not intended to replace or downplay the remarkable effort and achievement of the ministry and other stakeholders in achieving food security in the nation.”

    It can’t be that the ministry’s statement meant the measures it outlined had resulted in food security, or even impacted significantly in terms of enhancing Nigerians’ access to food. Truth is that they have not, as acute inflation in the cost of food items yet exerts a chokehold on a larger segment of the Nigerian citizenry. Only last week, state governors conferred in Abuja with National Security Adviser Nuhu Ribadu on ways of easing that chokehold. High costs of basic items make food security still a mirage for many people in this country, with recent United Nations (UN) estimates indicating that no fewer than 4.4 million citizens do not have enough food to eat. So, there’s much for the agric ministry to yet work at to live up its name, and it isn’t time even by any stretch of positivism to self-applaud.

    But neither is there a good basis, in my view, to hold the ministry to the charge of escape into fatalism. The prayer programme it planned was to hold on three consecutive Mondays for just 30 minutes on each scheduled day. That did not seem like an initiative intended to become a central agenda in the ministry’s operations as to take the place of policy measures, or a conclusive indication of policy failure. In any event, policies typically have gestation periods when implemented before they make discernable impact, and those measures flaunted in the ministry’s statement may well be at that stage before the impact gets felt. Only time will tell, except that the time available is really short and many citizens can’t forebear for much longer. This writer is a firm believer in the efficacy of prayer and the place of the divine in guiding human affairs. So, I see nothing implicitly wrong with the prayer initiative. The question, rather, is how the organisers hoped to harmonise the diversity of faiths among ministry staff within the 30-minute duration of each session as scheduled.

    Still, those who argue that solutions expected to the challenge of food insecurity in Nigeria are more practical than spiritual have a valid point. In other words, factors militating against bumper produce are issues for government to tackle, not for the agric ministry to pray about. Farmers have said they want prices of inputs to crash, access to tractors at affordable cost and provision of security to farming communities that are being deserted because of siege by bandits and insurgents. In collaboration with stakeholders, the ministry should devise remedial measures, including providing farmers access to financing, quality seeds, fertilisers and technology.

    Security for farming communities is easily the biggest challenge. SBM Intelligence, a marketing and security intelligence consultancy specialising in African affairs, reported that some 1,500 farmers in northern Nigeria lost their lives to bandit attacks between 2020 and 2024. Data from Global Human Rights Nigeria also revealed that 24,816 people were killed and 15,597 kidnapped in Nigeria over the past five years. Any serious effort to ensure food security must address the menace of insecurity and enable farmers to return to their farms.

    •Please join me on kayodeidowu.blogspot.be for conversation.

  • My father and the unfinished legacy of June 12

    My father and the unfinished legacy of June 12

    • By Olisa Umar Maduagwu Jr.

    As Nigeria marked another Democracy Day on June 12, I found myself reaching for more than memory—I reached for meaning. And what I found was not only the familiar name of Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola, whose sacrifice we rightfully commemorate, but a deeply personal artefact that has long rested in the quiet of my family’s archives: a letter dated January 25, 1993, written and signed by MKO Abiola to my late father, Senator Alhaji Umar Mmadagwu.

    My father, elected under the National Republican Convention (NRC) to represent the Orlu Senatorial Constituency in Imo State during the Third Republic, received this letter at a time when Nigeria stood at a delicate crossroads. The military had promised a transition to civilian rule; the people were hopeful, and yet the winds of uncertainty blew strong across the land.

    The letter was more than a correspondence; it was a window into a moment when Nigeria teetered between democratic promise and autocratic relapse. In his thoughtful prose, Abiola captured the anxieties of the time, escalating inflation, widespread unemployment, low industrial output, and the deepening chasm between Nigeria’s social classes. He lamented not just the material hardship endured by the masses, but the moral failing of a nation increasingly consumed by sectional interests and partisan squabbles.

    Abiola’s words were reflective, prescient, and deeply human. He called attention to the growing inequality that was stretching the fabric of national unity to breaking point. He warned against a narrow politics that focused on the sharing of a shrinking national cake, and instead urged a national focus on productivity, innovation, and collective purpose. He appealed for a reorientation of governance around justice, equity, and national cohesion.

    He envisioned, in his own words, an “indivisible, indissoluble Federal Republic under God”—a Nigeria bonded not only by legal structures but by shared faith in its moral and constitutional destiny.

    What remains remarkable, and heart-wrenching, is the humility with which he declared his intention to seek the presidency. “I offer myself not as your leader but as your partner,” Abiola wrote. “I present myself not as one having all the solutions to the nation’s problems, but as someone who believes that the search for enduring solutions must begin with the building of a genuine national consensus.”

    Read Also: We’ll reshape economic diplomacy to build a progressive West Africa – Tinubu

    That sense of partnership, of shared stewardship, is rare in today’s political lexicon. In Abiola’s vision, leadership was not about the triumph of one ideology over another, but about national inclusion and mutual accommodation. He called for a bipartisan approach to major issues, for respect between the executive, legislative, and judicial arms of government, and for a revival of the rule of law. It was a vision grounded in service, not supremacy.

    But that vision never had the chance to unfold. The annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential election by the military regime was a brutal interruption—not only of a democratic process, but of a national awakening. The hopes of millions were silenced overnight. Among the casualties were the newly elected legislators of the Third Republic, including my father, whose tenure was summarily dissolved. Their voices were muted. Their wages withheld. Their legacy largely forgotten.

    And so, as President Bola Ahmed Tinubu recently conferred posthumous national honours on some of the heroes of the June 12 struggle—MKO Abiola, his wife Kudirat Abiola, Professor Humphrey Nwosu, journalists, and other pro-democracy actors—I felt a mix of pride and grief. These recognitions are overdue and noble. But they are also incomplete.

    We cannot afford a selective reading of history. If June 12 is to be remembered truthfully, it must also honour those elected lawmakers who, in the face of military intimidation and financial inducement, refused to ratify the annulment. These legislators—Senators and Representatives from across Nigeria—were the institutional bulwark against the erosion of the popular will. Among them, notably, was President Tinubu himself, elected to represent Lagos West under the banner of the Social Democratic Party (SDP).

    These lawmakers paid a heavy price. Their parliament was disbanded. Their entitlements frozen. Their service dismissed as a footnote. And yet their resistance was crucial. Without their refusal to lend legitimacy to the annulment, the moral thread of our democratic aspiration might have snapped entirely.

    Today, more than three decades later, many of these men are gone. A recent statement by John Fasogbon, spokesperson for the surviving lawmakers from the Southwest, revealed that of the 598 lawmakers elected in 1992, no fewer than 271 have died without ever being paid their lawful salaries and allowances. The remainder, now elderly, live without pensions or any formal recognition. Theirs is a silence not of irrelevance, but of betrayal.

    The injustice here is not merely economic—it is historical. Nigeria cannot continue to celebrate June 12 as a watershed in our democratic journey while excluding those who safeguarded that dream in parliament. They stood with the people when it mattered. They risked everything. They are as much the architects of our democratic inheritance as those whose names dominate headlines.

    To his credit, former President Muhammadu Buhari took a bold step in 2018 by recognising MKO Abiola as the rightful winner of the 1993 election and posthumously conferring on him the nation’s highest honour, the GCFR. He also declared June 12 our new Democracy Day. President Tinubu has commendably built on that foundation by extending honours to other figures of the struggle.

    But the arc of justice remains incomplete.

    President Tinubu, who himself was a product of that same aborted National Assembly, holds the moral authority and institutional power to rectify this oversight. He knows first-hand the significance of that legislative resistance. His presidency could yet be remembered as the one that completed the work of June 12—not only by remembering its icons, but by honouring its unsung guardians.

    This call is not just about my father. It is not about a cheque. It is about dignity. It is about truth. It is about writing history with both honesty and honour.

    If Nigeria is to mature democratically, we must learn to remember rightly. We must remember those who stood when standing meant sacrifice. We must show future generations that service to the nation, even when thwarted, is never in vain.

    Let Abiola’s letter be a testament. Let it remind us that June 12 was never about one man. It was a collective cry for justice, a refusal to be silenced, and a commitment to nationhood forged in adversity. Let us honour all who carried that torch, and let us do so in the spirit of an indivisible, indissoluble Federal Republic under God, as Abiola envisioned.

    To President Tinubu, I say this: You have already begun the noble work of healing memory. Now, complete the circle, by remembering all who stood for that ideal and by finishing the work of democracy they began.

    •Mazi Maduagwu Jr. writes from Abuja.

  • Revitalising the economy through real estate investment

    Revitalising the economy through real estate investment

    • By Augustine Udoh

    Though rightly adjudged and generally acknowledged as the leading economy in Africa, Nigeria’s economy has at various times been challenged, slipping in and out of recession, but has remained resilient.

    The economy is highly dependent on crude oil, and according to the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), the product accounts for about 10% of the country’s GDP, 70% of government revenue and more than 83% of the country’s total export earnings.

    This over-dependence on crude oil, experts say, makes the economy vulnerable. At different points, production and exploration were challenged by the activities of militants in the South/south, which further compounded the situation, with adverse effects on the nation’s over 200 million population.

    A vast majority of the population is affected by the bold policies introduced by the President Tinubu-led administration to restructure and stabilize the nation’s economy, to reduce poverty, to lay a solid foundation for economic growth and sustainable development, and to secure the future of the country.

    Despite the president’s efforts at revamping the economy, the country is still being troubled by a combination of several other challenges, such as epileptic energy supply, deficient public infrastructures and human development, widespread corruption and poor governance, instability of government policies and initiatives, brain drain, insecurity, high inflation, rising unemployment and high cost of living. All of these have pushed the country into great distress and the citizens stuck in untold hardship and a general anomie of despondency.

    A World Bank report released in October 2024 states that over 56% of Nigerians live below the national poverty line. Economic situation in Nigeria has deteriorated significantly, with the country’s purchasing and selling situation seriously depressing, annual profits decreasing, significantly affecting the country’s population.

    Though economic challenges might be huge and overwhelming, Nigeria remains a country of great potentials. The economy only needs re invigoration and concerted efforts of all stakeholders to place it on a sound footing for sustainable development. Fortunately, that is what the current administration is doing,  carrying out series of reforms notably in the oil and gas sector with the deregulation of the downstream sector, and floating of the naira. It is expected that these steps will enhance efficiency in the economy, with the government becoming less bogus, less bloated and less corrupt. Government has also channelled several billions of oil revenues into other sectors of the economy such as, agriculture, technology, infrastructure, especially oil sector infrastructure and power in an effort to boost the diversification of the economy.

    Read Also: We’ll reshape economic diplomacy to build a progressive West Africa – Tinubu

    These are commendable initiatives, but the government needs to pay more attention to infrastructure, real estate and construction either by direct investment, or by partnering with the private sector, but most importantly by creating a more conducive environment for sustainable investment in these critical areas via clearly laid out and workable policies.

    It might be a bit tough and painful now, but the encouraging signs of economic progress, stabilized exchange rates, GDP growth, increased government earnings, and increased allocation to the federating states are enough to douse the pains of the moment, and to give us assurances that Nigeria is undergoing a significant economic transformation.

    As it’s the case in most developed economies, any initiative aimed at revitalizing the economy must be done through heavy and steady investment in real estate and infrastructure.

    The federal government must be ready to make large budgetary allocations to infrastructure and pursue aggressive intervention in housing development and supply, and come up with helpful policies to stimulate and deepen private sector participation in housing delivery if we really want to reflate and lift the economy out of the doldrums, lift millions of Nigerians out of poverty, and promote the much desired social order.

    It is the way the economy is patterned that real estate latches on. There are prospects for the industry to thrive; the sector is heavily underdeveloped at the moment. There are still a lot of opportunities for development within the real estate sector, but those opportunities can only be realized by conscious efforts of government and private sector commitment to realizing them.

     About 30% of Nigeria’s population of about 200 million is still struggling to have quality and affordable housing. This translates to about 28 million housing deficit which implies that the country’s housing sector needs urgent investment.

    But the truth of the matter is that housing shortage provides incentives for development, as there are huge opportunities there in the real sense of it. Real estate sector in other climes contribute hugely to Gross Domestic Product. In Nigeria, the statistics we have indicates that housing contributes about 5.4%, which is grossly inadequate. In the United States of America and United Kingdom, you have contributions of 18%-20% to GDP.

    I think it is time to appreciate the fact that no other investment is comparable to real estate investment. I recollect the losses some investors incurred in the capital market as a result of the global economic meltdown or the global financial crisis some years ago, the consequences were legion and many investors lost heavily. Some never recovered from the shock and the losses. This would not happen to real estate investment. Real estate is secured and more reliable. It is not only a reliable investment alternative, but a viable and enduring one. It is an investment you can fall back on aftermath a crisis, it is the only investment that hedges against inflation, and it appreciates with time.

    The real estate market in Nigeria is filled with lots of opportunities for profitability and the fact that real estate appreciates in value over time suggests that real estate is a better alternative to other investments, and a reliable route to revamp the economy.

    Let us face the reality, real estate has a great multiplier effects positively. Real estate, infrastructure and construction absorb a lot of people, the engineers, builders, artisans, technicians and the end-users. We need to realize that we are dealing with labour and materials in the construction industry. Government should recognize and invest in the critical variables in the housing sector; otherwise the problems will remain largely unresolved.

     For instance, when government or private developers acquire land for housing development, government needs to provide infrastructure, which is access road, water, electricity and other facilities that will make the place habitable. This is because once the cost of infrastructure is removed; the remaining cost of the project is negligible.

    What is required is a leadership with the understanding and capability to set the tone and direction for national growth and development which must incorporate all citizens, irrespective of ethnic or geopolitical affiliation in a grand vision of collective dynamic growth.

     Inevitably, a growing economy represents the best pathway toward addressing many of the social and economic challenges Nigeria now faces in its 62nd year of independence, and the most viable way to drive this is through investment in real estate and infrastructure.

    •Udoh is an Estate Surveyor and Valuer based in Lagos.

  • Crisis in Benue State: Impact on food security 

    Crisis in Benue State: Impact on food security 

    • By UKA EJE (PIX)

    I am from Benue State, and my early years, from childhood to University, were spent in the state. I understand the nature of this crisis not as an observer, but as an indigene. My roots are in this land. The dream that became ThriveAgric, a company now serving over one million farmers across Nigeria and Africa, was born on the soil of Benue. Today, many young people with dreams like mine struggle to see theirs through. Their lives have been disrupted, their families displaced, and their futures made uncertain, not just by one factor, but by the weight of a complex crisis that has dragged on for decades.

    Benue: Nigeria’s Food Basket in Crisis

    Once known as Nigeria’s “Food Basket,” Benue State is now caught in a struggle not only over land and livelihoods but also over food, survival, and dignity. The recent violence in Yelewata community in Guma LGA underscores the human toll of this ongoing crisis. Reports suggest over 100 lives were lost, with some sources placing the number closer to 200. Thousands have been displaced, and farmlands, the backbone of the region’s economy, have been left in ruins.

    This is not an isolated event; it is part of a prolonged and complex crisis that has turned fertile land into mass graves and resulted in widespread displacement. According to the United Nations, over 2.1 million people have been displaced in Benue State alone. To grasp the scale of this, imagine the entire population of a major city like Paris being forced to flee, leaving behind homes, heritage, and harvests.

    A Timeline of Violence: Understanding the Herdsmen-Farmer Crisis in Benue

    I spent a significant part of my childhood in Benue State. Back then, it was common to see herders moving their cattle along major roads. While this occasionally caused traffic, it was generally accepted as part of life in a region where agriculture and pastoralism coexisted. Over time, however, what had once been manageable tension gradually evolved into a far more troubling and violent reality, particularly in the hinterlands and rural border communities.

    The gruesome crisis between nomadic pastoralists and settled farming communities is deeply rooted and multifaceted. On one hand, pastoralists have historically migrated across regions in search of pasture and water. On the other hand, farmers rely heavily on fixed land for cultivation. As climate change, land scarcity, and population growth intensified, so did competition over land and resources.

    Since 2011, these tensions have increasingly escalated into an open crisis. Pastoralist communities have reported theft of cattle and attacks on their camps, while farming communities have experienced the destruction of farmlands, community raids, loss of lives, and widespread displacement. These incidents have triggered cycles of reprisal and deepened mistrust on both sides.

    By 2013–2014, reports of armed confrontations became more frequent and deadly. What had previously been sporadic clashes began to resemble more sustained violence. In 2018, the crisis drew national attention following the tragic New Year’s Day attacks in Logo and Guma LGAs, which left nearly 100 people dead and prompted an increase in government response, though many viewed it as still inadequate.

    Read Also: ADA won’t stop Tinubu’s re-election in 2027 — APC Chieftain Okechukwu

    According to the book The Root Cause of Farmer-Herder Crisis by Olowu Olagunju, over 60,000 lives have been lost in farmer-herder crises across Nigeria since 2001, with Benue accounting for the highest number of casualties. Over 2.1 million people have been displaced in the state alone. The recent violence in Yelewata serves as another painful reminder that the crisis is ongoing and that lasting solutions remain urgent and necessary.

    The Ripple Effect: How Insecurity Undermines Nigeria’s Food Security

    Benue State is one of Nigeria’s top three agriculturally productive regions, contributing significantly to the country’s supply of tomatoes, rice, maize, yams, soybeans, cassava, and fruits. However, when communities are affected by a crisis, regardless of the source, the consequences extend far beyond the immediate region. Many farmers are forced to abandon their fields, leaving fertile land uncultivated. Insecurity disrupts planting and harvesting cycles, leading to reduced yields and labour shortages. With rural roads and markets becoming harder to access, supply chains begin to fracture. This disruption contributes to food scarcity, driving up prices and making basic staples less affordable for millions of Nigerians. Beyond the numbers, the human cost is immense. Entire farming communities face the loss of livelihoods, land, and long-held dreams. While the crisis may be concentrated in one part of the country, its ripple effect threatens food security and stability nationwide. This isn’t just a rural issue; it poses a threat to our national food sovereignty.

    Why Every Nigerian Should Care

    You may live in Lagos, Abuja, Port Harcourt, or any other part of the country far from Benue, but the impact of this crisis is already being felt nationwide, regardless of your social or economic class. As farming communities are displaced and agricultural production declines, food supplies dwindle, and prices rise. Tomatoes, yams, rice, beans, and other staples are becoming more expensive, not only due to inflation, but because fewer are being grown, harvested, or transported safely.

    Meanwhile, as rural areas become less secure, many people are forced to migrate to urban centres in search of safety and livelihood. This influx strains city infrastructure, increases unemployment, and contributes to growing inequality. When poverty and hunger deepen, social unrest and crime often follow, creating a cycle of instability that affects everyone regardless of region.

    Nigeria’s economy is also at stake. Agriculture contributes approximately 25% to the nation’s GDP, and Benue plays a pivotal role in this ecosystem. When a key food-producing region becomes destabilised, it is not just a local loss; it becomes a national vulnerability.

    What We Must Do, Together

    Securing Nigeria’s food future and rural stability requires coordinated action. Strengthening security in farming areas through better-trained personnel, local intelligence, and modern tools will help restore confidence and allow displaced communities to return to their land. Enforcing existing laws, such as the 2017 Benue Open Grazing Prohibition Law, alongside inclusive policies that support sustainable grazing practices, can help ease tensions and clarify land use expectations.

    Equally, investing in modern ranching systems, including infrastructure, education, and cattle tracking, benefits both herders and farmers. These steps will reduce the crisis, improve agricultural output, and stabilise food prices. By acting now, the government has the opportunity to restore peace, trust and drive long-term food security and economic growth for the entire nation. And as citizens, we all have a role to play. Start by raising awareness; share the stories, facts, and human impact of this crisis. Support trusted NGOs helping displaced families, get involved in agriculture in any way you can, whether through home gardening/livestock rearing, investing in farms, or participating in community initiatives that boost agriculture. And most importantly, stay engaged. Support leaders who prioritise rural development, food security, and lasting peace. The future of Nigeria’s food depends on all of us.

    A Final Word: Nigeria’s Future Is on the Line

    If Nigeria is to survive and thrive, we must urgently protect our food-producing regions. When farmers are unable to access their land, the consequences go far beyond rural communities; they threaten our national food supply and economy. In parts of the Northwest, there have been disturbing reports of farmers being forced to pay levies to access their farms during harvest. Although such events may not dominate national headlines, they reflect a growing trend of insecurity that, if unchecked, could spiral into a full-scale crisis much like the one we now see in Benue State.

    When farmers are unable to farm, the result is food scarcity, price hikes, and empty shelves in urban markets. If you’re fortunate to earn a steady salary, you may not feel the weight of this crisis yet. But your neighbour, staff, or community member who continually begs for alms, struggling with rising costs and shrinking options, may one day be pushed to the brink. Hunger breeds desperation, and desperation, if unchecked, fuels rising crime and social unrest. We saw this unfold in parts of Lagos, Ogun, and Kano in 2024, as reported by the BBC.

    We cannot let Benue, the heartland of our food systems, bleed in silence. We also cannot afford to ignore early warning signs in other regions. Every day of delay costs lives, land, and opportunities for national growth.

    As someone who knows this land, who grew from it, and owes everything to it, I say this with urgency: We must act for justice, survival, food security, and peace.

    Uka Eje

    CEO, Thrive Agric

  • Revitalising the economy through real estate investment

    Revitalising the economy through real estate investment

    • By Augustine Udoh

    Though rightly adjudged and generally acknowledged as the leading economy in Africa, Nigeria’s economy has at various times been challenged, slipping in and out of recession, but has remained resilient.

    The economy is highly dependent on crude oil, and according to the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), the product accounts for about 10% of the country’s GDP, 70% of government revenue and more than 83% of the country’s total export earnings.

    This over-dependence on crude oil, experts say, makes the economy vulnerable. At different points, production and exploration were challenged by the activities of militants in the South/south, which further compounded the situation, with adverse effects on the nation’s over 200 million population.

    A vast majority of the population is affected by the bold policies introduced by the President Tinubu-led administration to restructure and stabilize the nation’s economy, to reduce poverty, to lay a solid foundation for economic growth and sustainable development, and to secure the future of the country.

    Despite the president’s efforts at revamping the economy, the country is still being troubled by a combination of several other challenges, such as epileptic energy supply, deficient public infrastructures and human development, widespread corruption and poor governance, instability of government policies and initiatives, brain drain, insecurity, high inflation, rising unemployment and high cost of living. All of these have pushed the country into great distress and the citizens stuck in untold hardship and a general anomie of despondency.

    A World Bank report released in October 2024 states that over 56% of Nigerians live below the national poverty line. Economic situation in Nigeria has deteriorated significantly, with the country’s purchasing and selling situation seriously depressing, annual profits decreasing, significantly affecting the country’s population.

    Though economic challenges might be huge and overwhelming, Nigeria remains a country of great potentials. The economy only needs re invigoration and concerted efforts of all stakeholders to place it on a sound footing for sustainable development. Fortunately, that is what the current administration is doing,  carrying out series of reforms notably in the oil and gas sector with the deregulation of the downstream sector, and floating of the naira. It is expected that these steps will enhance efficiency in the economy, with the government becoming less bogus, less bloated and less corrupt. Government has also channelled several billions of oil revenues into other sectors of the economy such as, agriculture, technology, infrastructure, especially oil sector infrastructure and power in an effort to boost the diversification of the economy.

    Read Also: Kaduna has no reason to vote against Tinubu in 2027 – Speaker Abbas

    These are commendable initiatives, but the government needs to pay more attention to infrastructure, real estate and construction either by direct investment, or by partnering with the private sector, but most importantly by creating a more conducive environment for sustainable investment in these critical areas via clearly laid out and workable policies.

    It might be a bit tough and painful now, but the encouraging signs of economic progress, stabilized exchange rates, GDP growth, increased government earnings, and increased allocation to the federating states are enough to douse the pains of the moment, and to give us assurances that Nigeria is undergoing a significant economic transformation.

    As it’s the case in most developed economies, any initiative aimed at revitalizing the economy must be done through heavy and steady investment in real estate and infrastructure.

    The federal government must be ready to make large budgetary allocations to infrastructure and pursue aggressive intervention in housing development and supply, and come up with helpful policies to stimulate and deepen private sector participation in housing delivery if we really want to reflate and lift the economy out of the doldrums, lift millions of Nigerians out of poverty, and promote the much desired social order.

    It is the way the economy is patterned that real estate latches on. There are prospects for the industry to thrive; the sector is heavily underdeveloped at the moment. There are still a lot of opportunities for development within the real estate sector, but those opportunities can only be realized by conscious efforts of government and private sector commitment to realizing them.

     About 30% of Nigeria’s population of about 200 million is still struggling to have quality and affordable housing. This translates to about 28 million housing deficit which implies that the country’s housing sector needs urgent investment.

    But the truth of the matter is that housing shortage provides incentives for development, as there are huge opportunities there in the real sense of it. Real estate sector in other climes contribute hugely to Gross Domestic Product. In Nigeria, the statistics we have indicates that housing contributes about 5.4%, which is grossly inadequate. In the United States of America and United Kingdom, you have contributions of 18%-20% to GDP.

    I think it is time to appreciate the fact that no other investment is comparable to real estate investment. I recollect the losses some investors incurred in the capital market as a result of the global economic meltdown or the global financial crisis some years ago, the consequences were legion and many investors lost heavily. Some never recovered from the shock and the losses. This would not happen to real estate investment. Real estate is secured and more reliable. It is not only a reliable investment alternative, but a viable and enduring one. It is an investment you can fall back on aftermath a crisis, it is the only investment that hedges against inflation, and it appreciates with time.

    The real estate market in Nigeria is filled with lots of opportunities for profitability and the fact that real estate appreciates in value over time suggests that real estate is a better alternative to other investments, and a reliable route to revamp the economy.

    Let us face the reality, real estate has a great multiplier effects positively. Real estate, infrastructure and construction absorb a lot of people, the engineers, builders, artisans, technicians and the end-users. We need to realize that we are dealing with labour and materials in the construction industry. Government should recognize and invest in the critical variables in the housing sector; otherwise the problems will remain largely unresolved.

    For instance, when government or private developers acquire land for housing development, government needs to provide infrastructure, which is access road, water, electricity and other facilities that will make the place habitable. This is because once the cost of infrastructure is removed; the remaining cost of the project is negligible.

    What is required is a leadership with the understanding and capability to set the tone and direction for national growth and development which must incorporate all citizens, irrespective of ethnic or geopolitical affiliation in a grand vision of collective dynamic growth.

    Inevitably, a growing economy represents the best pathway toward addressing many of the social and economic challenges Nigeria now faces in its 62nd year of independence, and the most viable way to drive this is through investment in real estate and infrastructure.

    •Udoh is an Estate Surveyor and Valuer based in Lagos

  • Uncle Sam: Silent crusader for press freedom

    Uncle Sam: Silent crusader for press freedom

    • By Adebayo Bodunrin

    I am sure there will be no objection that Prince Samson Oruru Amuka Pemu, otherwise cherished as Uncle Sam Amuka or who his numerous admirers lovingly call Uncle Sam, the publisher of Vanguard newspapers and co-founder of Punch, is a respectable father of journalism. He is certainly the oldest Nigerian still plying his trade as a journalist.

    Media entrepreneur, Nduka Obaigbena describes him as an icon and leading light in Nigerian journalism. Ten years ago, ex – President Muhammadu Buhari described him as a “Gentleman of the Press” because of his simplicity, humility, modesty, generosity and friendliness on his 80th birthday.

    But make no mistake about his professional standing. He is a stickler for principles and unbendingly passionate about ethical conduct, discipline, decency and hard work.

    As a journalist, Uncle Sam has bestrode the Nigerian media and emerged admirably as an outstanding reporter, gifted features writer, first rate features editor, consummate title editor and exceptional manager of men, women, materials and resources, media entrepreneur and most importantly as a star columnist.

    There are many engagements in the print media. One of the most tasking and really creative endeavours is column writing. Not all editors or journalists dare to venture into it. Don’t blame them. Column writing is usually missing in the “intellectual menu” lists in journalism schools.

    Uncle Sam courageously dared into column writing. He is comparable to William Connor who wrote a regular column under the pen name, Cassandra, for 32 uninterrupted years between 1935 and 1967 in the London Daily Mirror. Uncle Sam wrote dazzling columns, sometimes twice weekly, under different pen names (pseudo) Sad Sam and Off Beat Sam bursting with satire, wit and humour depicting him as an informed people’s writer who unpretentiously exhibited nationalistic passion during his years at the old Daily Times.

    I do not intend to write on Uncle Sam’s journalistic odyssey. This is purely a piece on what many may not know about this inimitable and versatile journalist as he joins the nonagenarian club. He was born on June 13, 1935.

    The date was Sunday, April 22, 1990. Dawn broke with the bewildering news of a bloody coup attempt in Nigeria. It was led by Gideon Orkar, a Major in the Nigerian Army. It was an abortive coup to overthrow the administration of military president, Ibrahim Babangida who himself took power after a coup d’etat on August 27, 1985.

    Read Also: Ibas defends N1.85trn Rivers 2025 budget in closed session

    The identified 42 coupists who killed Babangida’s aide de- camp, Lt. Colonel U.K. Bello were apprehended. In one fell swoop 13  journalists and media workers were similarly arrested and detained. The detained journalists’ family members, professional colleagues and sympathizers were in the throes of agony, pain, apprehension, anxiety and outright anger. The veiled threat to try them along with the coupists was hair raising and mind boggling. How can professional journalists who do not usually carry arms be thrown into the gulag, presumably for coup plotting?

    For days there was great apprehension. This was informed by the unpredictability of dictatorship under military juntas. Over 14 years earlier, February 13, 1976, to be precise, a media worker, Abdulkarim Zakari of the Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria (FRCN), Radio Nigeria, was convicted of treason and executed by firing squad along with 36 soldiers and two police men for a similar abortive coup which claimed the lives of the then Head of State, Murtala Ramat Mohammed, his aide de-camp, Lieutenant Akintunde Akinsehinwa and the then Kwara state governor, Ibrahim Taiwo.

    In the instance of the 1990 coup, the great apprehension in the media community was not wearing the alluring garments of guiltlessness. The feeling of uneasiness that they could be put on trial was not taken lightly. The umbrella organisation of all practicing journalists, the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ), not only raised an alarm but equally demanded their immediate and unconditional release.

    The effort by the NUJ leaders received a boost when the Newspaper Proprietors Association of Nigeria, NPAN, collaborated with the journalists’ body to demand and succeeded in holding a meeting with top security operatives. It was unpublicised. It was hosted by Uncle Sam. The venue was the great canal canteen at Vanguard headquarters at Kirikiri Canal, Apapa, Lagos.

    The meeting yielded fruits immediately. The initial figure of 19 detainees was reduced to four. They were the Deputy General Manager of News Agency of Nigeria, NAN, Willie Bozimo, who was accused of having a close link with the financier of the failed coup, Great Ogboru, the late Deputy President of NUJ, Bassey Ekpo Bassey alleged to be sympathetic to the coup plotters, the former Deputy Editor of The PUNCH, Chris Mammah who was accused of writing the coup speech and a reporter with the defunct National Concord, Onoise Osunbor accused of attending meetings with the coup plotters.

    Negotiations with the top security operatives drawn from State Security Service, SSS, Directorate of Military Intelligence, DMI and allied agencies led by the Chief Intelligence Officer of the Babangida regime, General Haliru Akilu did not end with the first meeting. The heart-warming outcome of the negotiations by the NUJ team was that all the allegations have no basis. In fact, all the allegations turned out to be falsehood dressed in inelegant robes as truth. The detained journalists emerged from the shadows of incarceration or was it death, into the warm embrace of freedom. If they had not regained freedom, perhaps, they would have been tried along with the leader of the coup, Gideon Orkar and 41 others who were executed on July 27 1990, in what has been described as the bloodiest coup d’état in Nigeria’s history.

    Perhaps, the role played by Uncle Sam in securing peaceful resolution of the issue and eventual freedom of the four journalists is one of the several things yet unsaid about him. The NUJ President Mohammed Sani Zorro, during the coup crisis said in an interview that unknown to many, Uncle Sam is a strong voice and one of the distinguished figures in the profession of journalism in Nigeria.

    It is incontestable that on several occasions, Uncle Sam waded into feuds between media houses and government. For instance, in June 2019, when it mattered most, Uncle Sam with support from two other publishers, the late Isa Funtua and Nduka Obaigbena resolved the “face-off” between the National Broadcasting Commission, NBC and Daar Communications Plc when the regulator withdrew the operating license of the latter.

    Every passing year, since 1994, May 3, is celebrated globally to appreciate the important work of journalists and to highlight the basic principles of press freedom. It is World Press Freedom Day.

    There are chances that many people haven’t got the faintest idea about the role of Uncle Sam in the proclamation of the day for this yearly global event. He had chosen the ennobling path of quietude.

    The World Press Freedom Day is traceable to inclement environment under which journalists plied their trade in Africa in the 1980s and 1990s, even though it was a season that the wave of democracy was sweeping across the continent but journalists were gagged. The media was muzzled. The journalists’ right to know was abhorred. The watchdog of the society was chained.

    It was an agonizing era in Nigeria. The democratic transitions had become lengthy and uncertain. Journalists witnessed repression, persecution, oppression, unjust imprisonment, abduction, detention, physical elimination, and arrests in gestapo style. There were forced closure of media houses, seizure of market ready publications, disruption of printing and distribution of tabloids etc.  In some extreme cases, journalists paid supreme price and suffered deprivations including means of livelihood.

    This deluge of despicable acts prompted a conference of African journalists under the aegis of United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation, UNESCO, in Windhoek, Namibia between April 29 and May 3, 1991. A remarkable outcome of the conference was a Windhoek Declaration for the development of a free, independent and pluralistic media.

    The Windhoek Declaration was a profound statement by African journalists that Press Freedom is the rotor that drives all fundamental human rights, good governance, justice, fairness and equity.

    By a programme drawn up for the conference, the UNESCO secretariat insisted that two top media executives should be in the delegation of the Union of Journalists from Nigeria. The NUJ settled for the publisher of Vanguard, Sam Amuka Pemu aka Uncle Sam and the managing director of defunct African Concord, Lewis Obi. In fact, Uncle Sam was nominated by UNESCO on the recommendation of one of its officials, late Akintola Fatoyinbo in recognition of his professional career as a notable reporter, editor and publisher.

    A year after the conference in Windhoek, there was a follow up review in the capital of Benin Republic, Cotonou. Uncle Sam and my humble self, represented Nigeria.

    A cheerful news was broken in Cotonou that the General Assembly of the United Nations will hold a special session to proclaim a day for a global event to mark Press Freedom.

    Two years after the Windhoek Declaration, the United Nations General Assembly held a special session and proclaimed the date of its adoption, May 3, as World Pres Freedom Day. That was in 1993. The first World Press Freedom Day was celebrated on May 3, 1994.

    •Bodunrin is journalist with Africa Independent Television and RayPower FM

  • A new dawn for Rivers State

    A new dawn for Rivers State

    • By Steve Azaiki

    The political landscape of Rivers State, long marred by tension and uncertainty, is witnessing a promising turn. The ongoing reconciliation efforts between Governor Siminalayi Fubara and the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, signal a hopeful path toward stability, unity, and progress. As these two pivotal figures take tentative steps to mend their rift, there is growing optimism that Fubara may return from his suspension, speculatively between June and July, heralding a new chapter for the state.

    First, let me felicitate with Fubara on reaching the significant milestone of two years in office. In his address on May 29, marking this occasion, he reflected: “Today marks exactly two years since I took the oath of office as your 7th democratically-elected governor. … Despite the turbulence, I have remained steadfast and focused, guided by the oath I took and the solemn promise I made to always put Rivers State first.”

    Despite the turbulence that has defined much of his tenure, his peaceful demeanour shines as a beacon of hope. At the Night of Tributes for the late Chief Edwin Kiagbodo Clark on May 11, at the Royal House of Grace Church in Port Harcourt, Fubara urged restraint, stating, “Some of the remarks and actions of my supporters were unnecessary and contrary to my personal beliefs and principles of pursuing peace in the midst of the political crisis in the state.” He added, “The moment calls for wisdom, tact,” emphasizing his commitment to calm and reconciliation even in the face of immense challenges. His grace under pressure is commendable and a testament to his dedication to the state’s progress.

    Equally praiseworthy is Minister Wike’s willingness to engage in this reconciliatory process, as directed by President Tinubu. Wike, a political titan and former governor who played a monumental role in Fubara’s rise, has shown statesmanship by agreeing to set aside differences for the greater good. His acknowledgment of the need for peace, as evidenced by his hosting of Fubara alongside governors and statesmen at his residence on April 18, reflects a maturity that Rivers State desperately needs. This gesture, rooted in the president’s call for unity, is a commendable step toward healing the fractures of the past.

    The recent closed-door meeting between Governor Fubara and President Tinubu in Lagos on June 3, is a heart-warming indicator of progress. This engagement, coming amidst behind-the-scenes efforts to restore democracy in Rivers State, underscores a shared commitment to stability. Both Fubara and Wike deserve appreciation for prioritizing the interests of Rivers people above personal or partisan agendas. Reconciliation often demands uneasy compromises, yet their willingness to work together again for the common good speaks volumes about their dedication to the state’s future.

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    Peace is the cornerstone of development and democracy. Without it, Rivers State—a vital hub of Nigeria’s oil and gas production, infrastructure, and economic potential—cannot thrive. The protracted conflict between Fubara and Wike, which spiralled from a personal rift into legislative chaos, security threats, and a governance vacuum, threatened to derail progress. However, the current trajectory of dialogue and understanding offers hope. A stable Rivers State is not just a local imperative; it is a national necessity, given the state’s role in connecting the Niger Delta and powering Nigeria’s economy. As Fubara noted in his anniversary speech, “Your support has emboldened me to press on and not to retreat, but to work harder to foster peace, reconciliation and forgiveness. These are essential to restoring normalcy and delivering transformational infrastructure, impactful programmes and life-changing services across the state.”

    Speculation is rife that Governor Fubara may join the All Progressives Congress (APC) as part of this reconciliation process. If this move proves to be a key factor in bringing lasting peace and the dividends of democracy to Rivers State, the governor is at liberty to make such a choice. The objective must remain the welfare of the good people of Rivers State. Political affiliations, while significant, are secondary to the urgent need for unity, effective governance, and development. If crossing party lines facilitates stability and progress, it is a pragmatic step worth considering. In his anniversary address, Fubara affirmed, “We are at a crucial point in our journey, where difficult decisions must be made. Be assured that every step we take will be guided by your best interests and the enduring good of Rivers State.”

    This approach aligns with the vision I articulated in two prior articles. In “Need for Calm in Navigating the Rivers Maelstrom,” published in The Nation newspaper on Tuesday, April 29, I called for restraint, trust, and a focus on mediation to pull Rivers State back from the brink. Subsequently, in “Political Prodigality and the Path to Peace in Rivers State,” published in The Guardian on Monday, May 12, I reframed the conflict as a familial misunderstanding, urging dialogue and humility to restore unity. Today, as reconciliation gains momentum, these pleas for peace and collaboration are bearing fruit.

     The road ahead is not without challenges, but the signs are encouraging. The people of Rivers State yearn for a return to democratic governance, where elected officials can serve without the shadow of conflict or administrative overreach. As Fubara and Wike bridge their divide, and with President Tinubu’s guiding hand, let us remain hopeful. A peaceful, prosperous Rivers State is within reach—a testament to the power of dialogue, compromise, and a shared commitment to the common good.

    •Prof. Azaiki OON, sent in this piece from Toronto, Canada