The Nation Newspaper

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  • Rufai: Legend between the sticks

    Rufai: Legend between the sticks

    Peter Rufai, Super Eagles famous goalkeeper who gave infinite frustration to strikers of opposing teams has been given a red card. There is no need for confirmation by a Video Assistant Referee (VAR) because he has already been sent off the field of play for ever and out of the world for ever. He is dead, dead at 61 years of age. A pity!

    Rufai also known by the lyrical name of Dodo Mayana died on July 3, this year leaving hordes of his admirers in tears. Rufai, with an impressive height of 6’2” began his football career with the sensational Stationery Stores in Lagos recording four years of active goalkeeping for the club before he went abroad to play professionally. He kept watch of the goalmouth for clubs in Belgium, Netherlands, Portugal and Spain. He also earned 65 caps for Nigeria, representing Nigeria in two world cups (1994, 1998) and two African Cup of Nations tournaments. He won the 1994 African Cup of Nations with Nigeria. In that same year Super Eagles made their debut appearance at the World Cup in the United States and Rufai was instrumental, along with his colleagues, to Nigeria reaching the last 16 in that tournament. It has not happened again since then.

    Goalkeepers do not score goals. They are only expected to prevent goals from being scored against their teams by making scintillating saves. But in July 24, 1993 Rufai did the unexpected. In a CAN qualifying match against Ethiopia, Rufai the goalkeeper became Rufai the goal scorer. He scored a penalty in a 6-0 home win against Ethiopia and the stadium erupted with an uproar.

    Rufai who had a Masters degree in Business Administration was not satisfied with just being a retired footballer. He wanted to give something back to the game that made him famous. He returned to Spain in 2003 and opened a goalkeeper’s training school so that young people who wanted to follow his footpath might be trained on how to stop the shots. That was a school founded by an expert in his field who wanted to pass on to younger goalkeepers the experience he had acquired for many years. That is called giving back to society, a society that had given you the opportunity to excel. That is humanitarianism. That is Good Samaritanism.

    On the football field, goalkeeping is the toughest job. Strikers may miss scoring chances but they are often not crucified because they may have been scoring goals in the past. And they are also expected to score again in the future. Besides, strikers are respected for the number of goals that they score and for the assists that are recorded for them. But a goalkeeper is rated not on the number of saves he makes but on whether he kept a clean sheet or not. When opponents score, it counts against the goalkeeper for allowing them to score whether it was his fault or not. When the goalkeepers’ mate makes a mistake and scores an own goal, it is the goalkeeper’s record that is being messed up even if the goalkeeper was not at fault. In a football match every effort made by the footballers is targeted at the goal mouth of the opposing team. So no goalkeeper can afford to be absentminded even for a few seconds. If he loses concentration, that may result in an unexpected drive into his net. Goalkeepers hardly win omnibus awards or Most Valuable Player awards because they are judged with the wrong statistics. They are judged by the number of goals they concede or alternatively by the number of clean sheets that they keep. Shouldn’t they be judged largely by the number of saves that they make? That would be a fairer way of assessing goalkeepers. That is my recommendation because while strikers are expected to score goals, goalkeepers are expected to make saves. And in every match, goalkeepers make more saves than strikers score goals. Yet when a team wins a match it is largely the goal-scorers not the goal-savers that are celebrated. That is why goalkeepers do not win major awards. Will the football authorities review how goalkeepers are assessed by looking at the saves and not the scores? I know they will not because goals are the gems of the game. Scoring goals is more important than saving them. That is why when a goal is scored a volcanic eruption occurs on the field and outside the field. Sometimes the goal-scorer removes his jersey and throws away not minding the fact that he will be punished with a yellow card for that misbehaviour. However, it is some kind of consolation that goalkeepers are now given awards for excellent goalkeeping.

    However, Vincent Enyeama is widely regarded as Nigeria’s best goalkeeper. In 2023 the International Federation of Football History & Statistics (IFFHS) recognised Enyeama as the best African Goalkeeper of all time. Even though I have enormous respect for Enyeama’s achievements, I do not believe in anybody being named as the “best for all time” since we are yet to reach the end of time. If we haven’t yet reached the end of time, how do we know who might beat all previous records in future?

    Read Also: Tinubu, NFF, others lead tributes for Peter Rufai

    Rufai is one of the Super Eagles players who made the country proud both in the World Cup and the African Cup of Nations. Five of them have died so far without getting appropriate support from our football decision makers. They are Stephen Keshi, Rashidi Yekini, Wilfred Agbonavbare, Thompson Oliha and Uche Okafor. Rufai is reported to have been sick for a long time. If the football bosses knew about his ill health and did nothing about it, then it would be a shame, a big shame. It would be a disincentive to people who would like to wear the Nigerian jersey and risk their lives on the field of play. The football authorities may argue that most of the people who played football for Nigeria also played for big clubs who paid them fabulous salaries. By that line of argument these players do not need the support of the football managers when they are in distress. That reasoning is faulty. Even if those players do not need money from the football managers, they need compassion, they need love. Compassion and love may even be more important to them than money. Nigerian football managers are notorious for using and dumping, kissing and kicking away which is why they find it difficult to convince Nigerians who are playing age grade football for countries of their birth but whose parents are Nigerian to change their allegiance to Nigeria. In other sports there is a long list of Nigerians who have changed their allegiance and are winning honours for other countries. They are doing so because Nigeria’s sports managers treat our sportsmen and women condescendingly, absentmindedly, unfairly and unjustly. We can’t hope to win honours without pampering those who bring or are in a position to bring us those honours.

    Peter Rufai, our legendary stand-out goalkeeper, who was also very amiable and funny, is gone but there are many others alive who put Nigeria on the podium of success. Let us find out where they are and what is happening to them. Flowery condolence messages at the death of our heroes are good but not enough. Showing them love and compassion while they are alive will make the difference, a significant difference, a positive difference, to them and their families. Will our sports managers turn a new leaf?

    Let’s hope so. 

  • ADC circus: When power mongers regroup

    ADC circus: When power mongers regroup

    • By Temitope Ajayi

    What was widely touted as a potential seismic shift in Nigeria’s political terrain turned out to be a mere political puff of smoke.

    For weeks, a band of aggrieved and wandering politicians had been climbing every available rooftop, megaphone in hand, vowing to dethrone President Bola Tinubu come 2027. Not because the man is doing a terrible job on the saddle. Not because the economy has worsened or security has completely collapsed. No. Just because they missed out on the appurtenances of power and cannot seem to function without the title “Your Excellency.”

    Two years into his presidency, Bola Tinubu is tackling Nigeria’s multi-headed problems like a man cutting down a mountainous terrain with a pickaxe, painfully slow, yes, but certainly purposeful. Yet, the self-styled redeemers, who gathered under the banner of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) in Abuja on Wednesday, chief among them Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi, have not proposed a single fresh idea.

    Their only strategy appears to be crying louder than the bereaved, recycling worn-out clichés, and weaponising poverty they themselves helped fertilise over the past 25 years. This is not a political rebirth. It is more like a poorly-scripted sequel that is ill-fated. These opposition actors, having deflated their original parties and lost the plot as credible voices, are merely using the ADC as a special purpose vehicle for power-hunting. It is a political Uber for those stranded without relevance.

    Read Also: Niger Delta ex-agitators applaud Tinubu for backing NDDC boss amid smear campaigns

    Nigerians have seen this movie before. In 2018, former President Olusegun Obasanjo, after penning a series of acidic letters to President Muhammadu Buhari, rallied his own coalition of the wounded under the same ADC flag. That effort collapsed faster than a soufflé in a thunderstorm. If history is any guide, the new ADC revival is another expedition in political self-harm.

    The truth is the ADC gathering is never a policy-driven renaissance. It is more like a reunion of political exes with bruised egos. Jealousy, personal bitterness, inflated ambition, and expired influence are the glue binding this coalition. They are not out to rescue anyone; they only want to rescue themselves from political oblivion.

    To further understand the theatrical quality of this attempted comeback, let us meet the cast.

    Atiku Abubakar: A walking case study in political promiscuity. He has changed parties more times than a chameleon in a rainbow factory. Six failed presidential bids in 30 years, and he is still convinced he has a divine appointment with Aso Rock. By 2027, Atiku will be 80 years old. One wonders if he sees the ADC as a retirement plan or a midlife crisis project stretched into old age.

    Peter Obi: Running on the altar of religion and ethnicity, our fault lines, he came third in the 2023 presidential election. He has not stopped lamenting with his dark view of a country he seeks to govern. From every pulpit to podcast, he hammers out statistics like a broken calculator stuck on pessimism. The same man who vilified the “structure of criminality” has now joined forces with it, convinced that recycled alliances will take him to the Promised Land. For a man who loves to chant “competence, capacity, and compassion,” his own time as governor left more questions than legacy projects.

    Senator David Mark: The new “Protem Chairman” of ADC is our new-found democrat who wants to save our hard-won civil rule. How democratic! This is the same man who played a key role in the annulment of the June 12, 1993 election. He spent 20 years in the Senate, out of which he spent eight years as Senate President. He left Otukpo, his hometown, looking like it missed every development memo sent since the 1980s. A man with this track record should not be talking about saving democracy. He helped bury it once.

    Nasir el-Rufai: The diminutive former governor of Kaduna suffers from the well-documented “short man syndrome” and an even shorter loyalty span. Denied a ministerial position, he is now leading a political tantrum. Both former Presidents Buhari and Obasanjo reportedly said El-Rufai cannot be trusted with a vending machine, let alone national leadership. Despite his knack for media drama, his electoral influence is skeletally thin he would struggle to win a ward in Kaduna today.

    Rotimi Amaechi: Spoilt silly by the system. He is the dictionary definition of entitlement. From being the Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly to being governor to minister, without ever holding a real life job like an average Nigerian, he thinks Nigeria owes him a crown and garlands. Despite being Director-General of Buhari’s campaigns in 2015 and 2019, he failed spectacularly to deliver Rivers State to APC in three elections. Each time, he got beaten by Nyesom Wike with a stick, a smile, and a landslide. Amaechi is a synonym for failure in matters of elections.

    Rauf Aregbesola: As governor of Osun, he engaged in bizarre governance experiments that left the state more broke than Greece in 2008 and left civil servants unpaid. As Minister of Interior, his biggest achievements were announcing public holidays and turning passport collection into an Olympic sport. He once swore President Tinubu was second only to God in his life. Now, he wants to save Nigeria with Atiku in a gang up against the man God used to elevate him to positions of national prominence.

    Bolaji Abdullahi: He is the master of fine talk and zero conviction. One moment, he is with the PDP. Next, he is with the APC, then back to the PDP. Now, he is the mouthpiece of ADC. When Arise TV’s Rufai Oseni asked if he was keeping Saraki’s seat warm, it was not a dig but a clinical diagnosis.

    To be clear, this ADC crowd is not on a mission to reinvent Nigeria. They are merely trying to reinvent themselves. No ideology, no credible blueprint, just a collection of power retirees seeking roles and relevance like actors auditioning for a remake of a show nobody watched the first time.

    And as if their credibility deficit was not enough, their leadership structure itself is illegal. According to the 2022 Electoral Act, any appointment of party officials must be done through a properly convened party convention or National Executive Council meeting, supervised by INEC. What happened in Abuja was not a lawful convention or NEC meeting of ADC. It was a political comedy skit without a script.

    In the end, the so-called coalition is nothing but a choir of has-beens and never-weres singing off-key. They lack the fire, the discipline, the ideological clarity and the mass movement element that propelled APC to power in 2015.

    Rather than waste everyone’s time parading tired slogans, the ADC gang should just say what they really mean: “We want power because we miss the perks.”

    Unfortunately for them, Nigeria has changed. And Nigerians are watching and will laugh out loud at the appropriate time.

    •Ajayi is Senior Special Assistant to President Bola Tinubu on Media and Publicity.

  • Energy security: Powering Nigeria’s future

    Energy security: Powering Nigeria’s future

    • By Awaal Gata

    There are moments in a nation’s history when a single bold decision rewires the entire system and restores sanity to an industry long ruled by chaos. For Nigeria, that moment arrived in May 2023, when President Bola Ahmed Tinubu made the daring choice to remove the petrol subsidy. That decision, painful as it was for many, did not just free up fiscal resources. It catalysed the most transformative era in Nigeria’s energy sector since independence.

    But while the headlines focused on the end of fuel queues and rising pump prices, a quieter revolution was unfolding, with the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA) at the centre of it. The authority has become one of the most effective regulatory institutions in post-PIA Nigeria. Together, the president’s political will and Farouk Ahmed’s technocratic clarity have redefined what energy security means for Nigeria.

    When the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) was signed into law in 2021, it was widely celebrated as a legislative landmark. But laws are only as powerful as the hands that enforce them. The PIA merged three erstwhile regulatory bodies—the Department of Petroleum Resources’ downstream division, the Petroleum Equalisation Fund, and the Petroleum Products Pricing Regulatory Agency—into a single streamlined agency: the NMDPRA. It was a necessary consolidation to untangle decades of bureaucratic overlap, but its success hinged on leadership. This paved the way for the emergence of Engr. Farouk Ahmed.

    Armed with over three decades of industry experience, Farouk didn’t just inherit a new regulatory agency; he repositioned one. From licensing to market surveillance, every touchpoint has been automated. This is not the old petroleum regulatory playbook of backroom deals and selective approvals. This is the rule of law, encoded in software and policy.

    Yet perhaps the authority’s most significant achievement has been restoring credibility to Nigeria’s energy market. Under the subsidy regime, energy security was a myth—a politically convenient mirage. Products were hoarded, smuggled, or subsidised into oblivion. Refineries were inactive. Marketers were cartelised. And the average Nigerian bore the brunt of an inefficient and manipulated system.

    President Tinubu’s removal of the subsidy did more than unshackle the budget. It provided NMDPRA with the space to do what institutions dream of: reform without interference. And to the president’s enduring credit, he gave Farouk Ahmed the autonomy—and the political cover—to act without fear or favour. That autonomy is paying off.

    Read Also: Niger Delta ex-agitators applaud Tinubu for backing NDDC boss amid smear campaigns

    Since deregulation, Nigeria’s downstream sector has blossomed into a competitive, liberalised marketplace. The number of marketers sourcing and distributing petroleum products has risen, and monopolies once entrenched by opaque practices are being dismantled. New refineries—from the 650,000 BPSD Dangote facility to smaller modular plants—are coming online, with the NMDPRA ensuring rapid licensing and compliance oversight.

    But perhaps most crucial is how this revolution touches the lifeblood of every industrial society: energy security. Energy security isn’t a buzzword; it’s the foundation on which nations rise or fall. No economy can function—let alone industrialise—without reliable access to petroleum products, gas, and electricity. The NMDPRA understands this. That’s why it developed the National Strategic Stock framework, a forward-looking buffer to prevent future supply disruptions. It’s why the authority has invested heavily in gas infrastructure, issuing distribution licences, boosting CNG conversion centres, and commissioning processing plants that collectively add over three billion standard cubic feet of gas per day.

    For Nigeria, gas is no longer the fuel of the future—it is the fuel of the present. Through initiatives like the Decade of Gas, PiCNG, and the Midstream and Downstream Infrastructure Fund (MDGIF), the NMDPRA is driving Nigeria’s transition to a gas-powered economy. Whether for vehicles, industries, or households, natural gas now represents Nigeria’s best shot at clean, affordable, and abundant energy.

    And while the old cartel may have hoped to frustrate this shift—launching lawsuits, sponsoring malign media attacks, and pulling familiar strings—the authority has remained undeterred. Engr. Farouk Ahmed, with the full support of President Tinubu, has stood his ground. Regulatory frameworks are now enforced without bias. Market pricing is transparent. And no company, no matter how powerful, can hold the nation to ransom.

    This is what happens when visionary reform meets fearless execution. When a president refuses to be held hostage by vested interests, and a regulator is protected from interference. Nigeria’s energy sector is not only stable—it is now investable. And the benefits are already rippling across the economy, from jobs in refining and pipeline construction to lower emissions from CNG vehicles.

    Of course, challenges remain. Energy poverty is still widespread. Infrastructure deficits linger. And the global transition to renewables looms large. But for the first time in decades, Nigeria has built a credible foundation for progress. That foundation is anchored in energy security, regulatory certainty, and the courage to do what is hard.

    It is tempting to measure leadership in speeches and slogans. But true reform is quiet. It happens in boardrooms, in data centres, in policy drafts, and enforcement notices. It happens when a president backs his technocrats. And when technocrats, in turn, rise to the moment.

    With NMDPRA, Nigeria has found that rare thing: a regulator that regulates. The result? A sector once defined by dysfunction is now humming with activity. That, more than anything else, is how nations rise. One policy, one agency, one free hand at a time.

     •Gata is a media practitioner and public affairs analyst, and writes from Abuja.

  • Climate Change: The hidden positive side

    Climate Change: The hidden positive side

    • Adebayo Adeleye

    As the world grapples with the challenges of climate change, a growing body of evidence suggests that taking bold action to reduce greenhouse gas emissions can have significant economic benefits. In fact, a report by the Global Commission on the Economy and Climate finds that climate action could deliver at least $26 trillion in economic benefits through 2030.

    So, what are the key economic benefits of climate action. For starters, reduction in energy costs is a major advantage. Investing in energy efficiency and renewable energy can help businesses and households save money on their energy bills. Additionally, creating new job opportunities is another significant benefit. The clean energy sector is already supporting millions of jobs worldwide, and this number is expected to grow as the demand for renewable energy increases. Improvement of public health is another important economic benefit of climate action. By reducing air pollution from fossil fuels, we can prevent millions of premature deaths and reduce the economic burden of healthcare costs. In fact, a study by the World Health Organization finds that the economic benefits of reducing air pollution can be as high as $1 trillion per year. Furthermore, stimulating innovation and growth is a critical economic benefit of climate action. Investing in clean energy and green technologies can drive innovation, entrepreneurship, and economic growth. The report by the Global Commission on the Economy and Climate finds that climate action can generate over 65 million new low-carbon jobs in 2030, equivalent to the entire workforce of the UK and Egypt combined. The economic benefits of climate action are clear. By taking bold action to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, we can unlock significant economic benefits, from reducing energy costs to creating new job opportunities, improving public health, and stimulating innovation and growth. As the world continues to grapple with the challenges of climate change, it’s time to recognize the economic benefits of climate action and work towards a more sustainable and prosperous future.

    For the purpose of clarity and emphasis, listed below are five major economic benefits of climate action:

    Job Creation and Employment Opportunities: Climate action can create new job opportunities in various sectors, including the following;

    Renewable energy: The renewable energy sector is creating new job opportunities in manufacturing, installation, and maintenance.

    Energy efficiency: Improving energy efficiency in buildings and industries can create jobs in retrofitting, insulation, and other related services.

    Sustainable infrastructure: Investing in sustainable infrastructure, such as green buildings, can create jobs in construction, architecture, and engineering.

    Climate resilience and adaptation: Climate resilience and adaptation measures, such as sea walls, levees, and green roofs, can create jobs in construction, engineering, and environmental management.

    According to the International Renewable Energy Agency (IRENA), the renewable energy sector employed 11 million people worldwide in 2020, and this number is expected to triple by 2050.

    Read Also: Bingham varsity plants trees to tackle climate change

    Increased Economic Productivity: Climate action can increase economic productivity by:

    Improving energy efficiency: Energy-efficient technologies and practices can reduce energy consumption, lower energy bills, and increase productivity.

    Enhancing resource efficiency: Climate action can promote the efficient use of resources, such as water and raw materials, which can lead to cost savings and increased productivity.

    Reducing climate-related disruptions: Climate action can reduce the risk of climate-related disruptions, such as heatwaves, droughts, and floods, which can impact economic productivity.

    Promoting sustainable agriculture: Climate action can promote sustainable agriculture practices, which can increase crop yields, improve food security, and enhance economic productivity.

    According to a study by the International Energy Agency (IEA), energy efficiency measures can increase economic productivity by up to 2% annually.

    Reduced Healthcare Costs: Climate action can reduce healthcare costs by:

    Improving air quality: Reducing greenhouse gas emissions can improve air quality, which can reduce the incidence of respiratory diseases and other health problems.

    Reducing heat-related illnesses: Climate action can reduce the risk of heat-related illnesses, such as heat exhaustion and heat stroke.

    Reducing water-borne diseases: Climate action can reduce the risk of water-borne diseases, such as cholera and typhoid fever.

    Promoting physical activity: Climate action can promote physical activity, such as walking and cycling, which can reduce the risk of chronic diseases.

    According to a study by the World Health Organization (WHO), the economic benefits of reducing air pollution can be up to 10 times higher than the costs of implementing pollution control measures.

    Reducing climate-related uncertainty: Climate action can reduce climate-related uncertainty by promoting the use of climate models and scenario planning.

    Supporting climate risk management: Climate action can support climate risk management by promoting the use of climate risk assessments and climate risk management frameworks.

    According to a study by the Economist Intelligence Unit, climate change can reduce global economic output by up to 11% by 2100 if left unchecked.

    • Dr. Adeleye (Ph.D., Ibadan), Researcher on Environmental Pollution and Control, badeleye@gmail.com  +234 803 525 6450
  • Black Africa and her triple heritage

    Black Africa and her triple heritage

    • By Tunde Kolawole

    It was meant to be a night of fun garnished with roasted meat; suffused with vintage wine and laced with old school blue and pop music which later turned out to be a night of intense debate and controversy on African beliefs. The course of events changed dramatically when the host strayed into discussions about religious beliefs and the African world view. In the opinion of the host; most of the guests at the gathering were polytheistic in their private religious practices but monotheistic in open religions activities, like most other Africans.

    Incidentally, this debate and controversy, took place at a time the writer’s mind was in turmoil that had been provoked by the annual lectures of the Fountain of Life Church (appropriately tagged “Word Explosion Conference”) which he had attended. The lectures; to say the least; re-ignited in the writer, the very old debates as to whether African traditional religions qualify to be described and called religions or religious beliefs in the real sense of the word? To put the question otherwise; as was once done by a Western philosopher: whether Africans that have been categorized as savages have the cognitive ability to comprehend the phenomenon and philosophical concept said to be “God”?

    Why was African traditional religions not codified from inception? It’s simply because the written word and formalized system of education did not develop in most African societies until the intrusion of the West into Africa. As a result or consequences; the practices; rituals and nuances, of most African religions, were not codified or put in written form but merely passed by words of mouth from generations to generations; just like their literatures, such that a great deal may have been lost in the process.

    And it could be said that it was the refusal or failure of Western thinkers, to look beyond the surface on the issue of invention; evolution and development of the written word and codification of practices that made some western thinkers to jump into the conclusions that black Africans had no religions. That the deity was in fact a philosophical concept; that savages like Africans, lacked the mental acumen to comprehend.

    Read Also: Fed Govt, others sign MoU on poverty reduction, job creation through digital platforms

    The question now is: how has black Africa fared in the codifications of their traditional religious worships or practices since some of these Western thinkers made their judgments?

    Most unfortunately, it could be said, that not much has been done for so many reasons. First is the onslaught of Islam and Christianity on African societies in terms of their widespread embrace; renunciations of African religions by Africans due to mass evangelism by the West; crucifixion of traditional African religions and the open destructions (such as stealing and burning of religious objects and shrines) and wars that were waged and are still being waged by the two most popular religions and their adherents on African traditional religion.

    What is therefore to be done if these religions were not to be lost just as African languages are rapidly being lost and predicted to go into extinction within another 50 years or so? Since it is difficult to speak for the whole of Africa given the diverse religions being practiced in very vast Africa, it may only be save to hazard some suggestions for a people one belongs to and who one is most familiar with: the Yoruba race.

    The Obas, traditional religious institutions and schools, etc., would have a massive role to play in the revival and if you like, renaissance of traditional African religions. The Obas like Ooni of Ife, Alafin of Oyo, Orangun of Ila and Alaketu of Ketu and Onisabe of Isabe, will do well, to gather together, people who are knowledgeable in African traditional religions; medicine; magic; culture and saddle them with the responsibilities of gathering and codifying the different Yoruba religious practices. Since the Yoruba language comes with different dialects and varieties, there will also be the need not only to codify in the main stream Yoruba that is spoken but also the different varieties in which the language is spoken. The codification should also aim to come up with a standardized book that can be used by all Yorubas (no matter what dialects they speak) as well as those who may be interested in their religion.

    In this respect, any Yoruba person who is not ready to practice only the Yoruba religion should no longer be made a Bale or Oba in Yoruba land as having one leg in and one leg out does not help the cause of the race. 

    With respect to the schools, the work will be on different levels: research, invention and development. The children in the schools at the different levels and who may be interested, as matter of urgency and importance, should be allowed to say their prayers and do their worships in the traditional ways without let or hindrance just like Muslims and Christians are allowed to do. Places of worship should equally be made available or built for them, within the school premises, for the school children to practice their traditional religion.

    It will equally be necessary for the local government chairmen, Obas and Bales to facilitate the building of monasteries, seminaries, shrines, Ogboni conclaves, schools and other centres where traditional Yoruba religions will be taught and practiced. If the practices of traditional religion in Japan, South Korea, China, India, etc., have not retarded their scientific development and growth, there should be no fear this could affect the Yoruabs.

    And even more importantly and where heaven and hell is real, what will be the fate of billions of people, who practice alternate religions to Islam and Christianity? Further, if it is agreed, that most the pillars common to Islam and Christianity are also to be found in traditional African religions, it would mean that no religion is superior to the other. In fact, humanity may be better-off if it would adopt the best practices in the different religions and practice them for man to be able to save man.     

    Where all these or some of these things are done African culture, religion, values and mores, will be on the path to revival and renaissance. A people without a distinct culture are on the road to extinction.             

    • Kolawole, Esq. is a Lagos based legal practitioner and a public affairs analyst.

  • Barau, APC and 2027

    Barau, APC and 2027

    • By Tayo Williams

    Unlike his peers, Senator Jibrin Barau, Deputy Senate President, who turned 66 on June 19, covets no vanities and demands no gaudy celebration for his birthday or to glorify his exploits as a man and leader of men. Despite his towering achievements, the soft-spoken senator remains an epitome of modesty, resilience, and transformative leadership.

    Though not a landmark birthday that would have occasioned a rousing celebration, it is, however, for Jibrin a resounding testament and poignant reminder of Allah’s (SWT) profound love and abiding grace over his life.

    Friends and political associates say that Senator Jibrin is so unassuming because he realised early in life that fate had thrust upon him a huge task of unifying the different interests in the political power play of the Northwest while ensuring that no human was left to suffer any deprivation.

    Hence, he takes nothing for granted, and he is a walking embodiment of gratitude to God for the grace and good health to wake up daily without any aches and anxieties.

    Blessed with cutting-edge political intelligence and an incredibly fecund mind that is only tempered by unpretentious compassion, Jibrin’s philanthropy is intrinsic and deep-rooted, not contrived or cosmetic.

    Despite the widespread impact of his philanthropic activities, the wide-ranging social welfare programs with the objective of being the voice of those who desperately need help, he doesn’t make a song and a dance of them. That is why noiseless but far-reaching philanthropy is his watchword. Senator Jibrin shares in the angst of his people and tries as much as possible to brighten their year with numerous gifts and food items. He is proof positive that the line between politics and philanthropy is thin.

    Through the Barau I Jibrin Foundation (BIJF), founded many years ago to provide humanitarian assistance, empower youths, promote academic excellence, and provide educational opportunities, particularly for graduates from the Kano North Senatorial District, Senator Jibrin has touched thousands of lives.

    In recognition of the fundamental role education plays in shaping society, the foundation’s scholarship programme is expanding educational access for young Nigerians through fully funded scholarship programs, both domestic and foreign, focusing especially on fields like artificial intelligence, robotics, cybersecurity, and forensic science, among others.

    Read Also: ADC coalition a desperate alliance of failed politicians – Tinubu Media Force

    Recently, the foundation awarded postgraduate scholarships to 300 students within Nigeria, while postgraduate foreign scholarships in M. Tech. (Information Security & Cyber Forensics), M. Tech. (Artificial Intelligence & Machine Learning), and M. Tech. (Robotics Sciences) have been awarded to successful applicants as part of efforts to contribute to the country’s technological advancement.

    In furtherance of this, Senator Jibrin sponsored the bill to upgrade the Federal Polytechnic, Kabo, in Kano State into the Federal University of Science and Technology, Kabo, which President Bola Ahmed Tinubu recently approved. Upon the transmutation, the polytechnic, established in 2022, now becomes the third federal university in the state, joining Bayero University Kano and the recently upgraded Federal University of Education, now named after the late Yusuf Maitama Sule.

    “The establishment of the Federal University of Science and Technology, Kabo, reflects the President’s commitment to equipping Nigerian youths with essential skills in fields such as artificial intelligence, robotics, and cybersecurity,” he said.

    Indeed, Senator Jibrin is one of Nigeria’s most prodigious senators with a robust catalogue of people-centric bills addressing critical areas of our national life, including infrastructure, education, youth and human development, healthcare, etc. The fact that he doesn’t joke with these essential areas of life and the passion and resources he channels into addressing them in Kano and everywhere in between have placed him on a pedestal above his colleagues.

    He continually harnesses his political influence and resources to better his people’s lot while evolving into a centripetal force for Nigeria’s most populous geopolitical zone, the Northwest. Beyond that, he has facilitated several projects like the construction of rural roads to enhance connectivity and the installation of solar-powered boreholes for access to clean water in Kano North. His health initiatives include the building or renovation of medical facilities, maternal and child health programs, the distribution of medical supplies, and the equipping of health centres to improve access to essential health services.

    Born in Kabo, Kano State, the erudite Senator Jibrin holds a bachelor’s degree in accounting, a master’s degree in financial management and pricing, another master’s degree in management, and a Master of Business Administration (MBA). He also holds a degree in Financial Management for Business Decisions from Cornell University, United States. His foray into politics started with his election as a member of the House of Representatives for the Tarauni Federal Constituency in 1999.

    His peerless fiscal expertise and experience saw him chair the House Committee on Appropriations. He was also a member of the House Committee on Power. A former chairman of the Kano State Investment and Properties Ltd. and commissioner of science and technology in the state, Jibrin was first elected into the Senate in 2015 and won re-election in 2019 and 2023, respectively. He also served as the chairman of the Senate Committee on Appropriations for the 9th Senate.

    Though he was the front-runner for the senate presidency in the 10th Assembly, he respected the party’s zoning arrangement and agreed to be deputy senate president. However, that does not in any way detract from the unparalleled wealth of experience that he has acquired as a third-term senator and the highest-ranking senator from the Northwest. Those who should know reckon that for the APC to make any meaningful progress in the Northwest in the 2027 elections, this ‘Birthday Boy’ has a huge role to play.

    So pervasive is the impact and influence of Senator Jibrin that he is being touted by some as the presumptive running mate to President Bola Tinubu in the 2027 election. While acknowledging that the political groups urging the president to adopt him as his running mate mean well, Jibrin advised them to focus on supporting the Tinubu administration instead of engaging in premature politicking.

    “Mr President has been working hard to reposition Nigeria and tackle the problems he inherited. He is a kind-hearted and open-minded leader who stood by me when I faced challenges in Kano. When the time comes, we will talk politics. For now, let us face governance and support Mr President to succeed. When he succeeds, we all succeed,” he said.

    He added a caveat, though: “Whatever the President asks me to do, I will do it — 100 per cent. He is my political father. If he calls on me to work with him, I will simply say, ‘Thank you, sir,’ and I will do it.”

    Of course, for the development of Kano State and Nigeria, Senator Jibrin turns nothing progressive down, except the collar of his shirt.

    •Williams is a Lagos-based media executive.

  • Economy: Between green numbers and red realities

    Economy: Between green numbers and red realities

    • By Oladoja M.O

    The Tinubu administration has unarguably embarked on a bold and unapologetic mission to retool Nigeria’s economy. From the abrupt removal of petrol subsidies to the floating of the naira, the unification of multiple forex windows, and most recently, the signing of the landmark tax reform and fiscal policy bill into law, there is no denying that the government has chosen a macro-to-micro economic approach. That is, fix the big picture first and then let the gains gradually filter to the people.

    And indeed, the “green lights” are beginning to blink. Global credit rating agencies such as Fitch and Moody’s have upgraded Nigeria’s outlook. Foreign investors are expressing renewed interest. Oil production is improving, forex liquidity is easing, and fiscal buffers are being rebuilt. From a purely macroeconomic standpoint, Nigeria appears to be reclaiming its place as a serious economy with a reform-minded leadership.

    But there’s a contradiction that cannot be ignored: on the streets of Agege, Aba, Makurdi, and beyond, the economy is still red; red markets, red household budgets, red transport fares, and red faces of frustration. Prices have tripled in some cases. Wages have barely moved. Many are struggling to pay their children’s school fees. Traders are losing capital to inflation. Food is fast becoming a luxury. Amid this hardship, Nigerians are asking the most honest, piercing question of the moment:

    “If the economy is growing, why am I still shrinking?” “If the economy is growing, where is the growth in my pocket?”

    This is not a question borne out of ignorance. It is a legitimate cry that speaks to the disconnect between macroeconomic progress and microeconomic relief. Yes, the big numbers are looking better, but the lived realities of the majority are not funny at all. To understand this discrepancy, we must first understand the difference between macroeconomics and microeconomics.

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    Macroeconomics concerns itself with the national economy, things like GDP growth, inflation rates, budget deficits, and foreign exchange reserves. These are the indicators investors, multilateral organizations, and economic analysts watch. Microeconomics, on the other hand, deals with everyday realities; how much you earn, what you can buy with that income, whether your small business can survive, and whether prices of food, fuel, and medicine are manageable. In theory, macroeconomic stability should, over time, trickle down and improve microeconomic conditions. But in practice, especially in a country like Nigeria, that process is rarely smooth or automatic.

    The truth is that reforms, especially big, structural reforms create what economists call a “lag effect.” That is, the pain comes first; the relief comes much later. Floating the naira made the exchange rate more transparent and investor-friendly, but it also instantly raised the price of imported goods. Removing fuel subsidy fixed a long-standing fiscal leak, but it also sent transport and food prices soaring. And because Nigeria imports a significant share of its consumption, inflation spiked, with devastating effects on the poor. Salaries have not caught up. Social safety nets are thin. Informal workers who make up over 60% of Nigeria’s labour force are largely left to fend for themselves.

    Yet, this is the path the government has chosen. And it is important to say this clearly: choosing a macro-first approach is not inherently wrong. In fact, for a country like Nigeria, plagued by decades of financial mismanagement, it is even necessary. Fixing subsidies, unifying the exchange rate, and rebuilding fiscal credibility are long overdue. Every administration must work with the strategy it believes in, and this government has opted to “stabilize the roof before fixing the foundation.” That, in itself, is a policy choice one with clear upsides.

    However, macroeconomic success without visible microeconomic impact is a hard sell to a hungry population. People don’t live in GDP. They live in garri, transport fares, and electricity bills. While international investors applaud the courage of reforms, local citizens are asking: where is the evidence that my own life is getting better?

    To be fair, the administration is not blind to this concern. The recently signed Tax Reform and Fiscal Policy Bill is part of a broader effort to expand the tax net and capture the informal sector, both to raise revenue and bring more economic players into visibility. But again, for the everyday Nigerian, these reforms are abstract. What matters is how they translate into food on the table, money in the pocket, and hope in the future.

    So, how do we build a bridge between this macro-level retooling and the micro-level reality of the people?

    First, we must move beyond tokenistic interventions like cash transfers and instead design smart relief tools that tie micro-support to long-term productivity. For example, introducing community-based digital vouchers that support food or fuel purchases, but are redeemable only when tied to school attendance, digital payments, or participation in a training program, would ease the current pressure while also boosting the long-term human capital of the country.

    Second, the government must decentralize economic adaptation. Nigeria is too diverse for a one-size-fits-all economic playbook. Establishing “Local Reform Chambers” committees made up of state governments, market leaders, and community associations can help interpret macro policies at a local level and propose area-specific interventions. If subsidy removal causes a shock in Zaria or Owerri, let those communities co-design their own response, be it cooperative transport schemes or communal food banks, funded partially by the government and partially by local actors.

    Thirdly, data must become a feedback tool, not just a planning tool. The government should publish a monthly Macro-to-Micro Progress Report showing in clear terms how reforms are improving incomes, lowering costs, or reaching underserved communities. Let people see the path of change, even if it’s still under construction.

    Finally, the government must actively invest in skills, tools, and local infrastructure. Don’t just train youths to code, train them to fix machines, install solar panels, manage cooperatives, and build homes. Make markets more productive with solar lighting, shared storage, and water access. These are the enablers that convert national growth into grassroots empowerment.

    It is fair to acknowledge that the current administration is taking steps previous governments only danced around. The reforms are not without merit and frankly, not without courage. But reforms are not complete until they reach the people.

    The Nigerian people are not impatient; they are simply in pain. And when they ask, “If the economy is growing, why is my pocket not?” they are not being unreasonable. They are asking for what every citizen deserves: a place in the progress. Now is the time to move beyond balancing spreadsheets and begin balancing lives. Because growth is only real when it is felt.

    And no reform is complete until the people rise with the numbers.

    •Oladoja writes from Abuja.

  • Africa, China and the challenge of multipolar order

    Africa, China and the challenge of multipolar order

    • By Charles Onunaiju

    It has been more than one year now since the historic document of the “China-Africa Dar-es Salaam Consensus” was adopted and released in the Tanzanian city of Dar-es-Salam. It was the culmination of the scholarly endeavours of China-Africa think tanks to offer clarifications, promote innovative paradigms and generate fresh momentum in the trajectories of China-Africa co-operation.

    For its unique and strategic roles , the China-Africa Think Tank Forum (CATTF), have been integrated in the follow-up mechanism of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation, (FOCAC), the multilateral framework that have driven relations between China and Africa, founded since the turn of this century in 2000.

    Multipolarity as the emerging structure of contemporary international relationships is shaped by the objective historical course from which emerging economies and countries in the global South are translating their sovereignty to independent course of action and seeking inclusion and participation in devising and shaping global agenda. The growth in the national aggregates of the countries in the global South are giving impetus to the emerging trend of multilateralism as the central theme in global governance and consequently, institutionalizing the structural framework of multipolarity as the compelling praxis in contemporary global affairs.

    Historically, calls for global equity and fairness have been on the demand lists of the global South and the promotion of the idea of New International Economic Order (NIEO) articulated by the Group of 77 within the United Nations framework in the 1980s constitute the early challenge to the structural imbalance of the then existing international order.

    In contemporary times and even with the emerging trends of multipolarity, there is still, the need for emerging economies and countries of the global South to deliberately construct and promote the requisite guard rails to enhance and support the trends towards multipolarity and multilateralism.

    The break-out of China and her meteoric development have had a decisive impact on the global stage and created a wave of unprecedented confidence among the countries of the global south to the fact that development and modernization is possible within the framework of their autonomous national initiatives and endeavours. Prior to the emergence of China, modernization and development were mostly seen as the prerogatives of advanced western capitalist economies along with Japan, and therefore, any search for it must proceed from taking the path already travelled by the West or at best guided by them. Consequently, most national efforts by countries in Africa were largely limited to experimentation with western models, to be guided by institutions and personnel of the Western establishments.

    However, the compelling failure of the economic package of the “Washington Consensus” created doubts among many countries of the global South. The meteoric development of a non-western power and the peaceful and stable trajectory of the rise of China created and supported the groundswell of perspectives that development and modernization within the context of autonomous and local initiatives and efforts are not only possible but  guarantee for inclusive and sustainable development .

     As this tendency has solidified and emerged as confident path to development and modernization, the integrity and credibility of the process deserved to be sustained. China, having blazed the trail in a non-western development and modernization paradigm that is original has placed her experience in the public domain.

    Not only has China demonstrated the responsibility of a major power to share her experience through diverse international platforms but has made tangible contributions to creating public goods. Since the past 10 years, the Belt and Road Initiative, a framework of international cooperation spanning infrastructure connectivity, financial integration, policy alignment, and people-to-people communication is reckoned as mankind greatest international public goods. The connectivity of infrastructures, within countries and across countries and spanning across several regions of the world are up and running, offering reductions in cost and time of doing business and facilitating trade.

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    In Africa, the Belt and Road Initiative have supported the closing of the gaps in connectivity deficit within the region and provided impetus for the construction of the economies of scale through the current framework of the African Continental Free Trade Area, ACFTA, the world second largest free trade area.

    Other China’s important initiatives, spanning Development, Security and Civilizational dialogues have resonated strongly across the global south, aligning, seamlessly with the aspirations for an inclusive, multipolar global order, where experience sharing, extensive consultations, joint contributions and broadly shared benefits are giving concrete effects to international cooperation. The inclusive security framework against the inward looking Alliances and Blocs, practiced by the West, has brought the reality home, that humanity is aboard the same ship and have a common responsibility to paddle together to safety.

    With a solid cooperation framework that have with-stood the test of time, Africa, whose continental organization, the African Union (AU) has been admitted to the elite global economic forum, the G20 and China can play more decisive roles in safeguarding multilateral system and preserve multipolarism, especially with the rise of extreme right wing nationalisms in major countries of the global north, especially the US and Western Europe.

     With the acknowledgement and also a solid experience that trade and investments are credible engine for development and even the oxygen to sustain it, China and Africa must play constructive roles to preserve international trade and contribute significantly to the push back against the politically motivated use and abuse of tariffs especially by the US administration.

    Expanding trade through the use of local currencies and other innovative methods, including barter, would take off the steam of the US-initiated tariff wars and expose it for its historical absurdity and the futility of its attempts to obstruct the wheel of history.

    Strengthening emerging international institutions like the New Development Bank (NDB), Asia Investment and Infrastructure Bank (AIIB) that seek to compliment the older institutions like the World Bank and IMF should be vigorously pursued as crucial guardrails to safeguard multipolarism and guarantee the multilateral system, featuring open and constructive dialogue.

    China and Africa’s considerable international profile as All-weather and Comprehensive Strategic Partner are uniquely positioned to carry their cooperation model as an example of international cooperation characterised by the outcomes of tangible benefit, real results and mutual respect.

    The effective mechanism of follow-up process in China -Africa cooperation which has left no room for complacency are vital tools to preserve , sustain and energize the multilateral system of the emerging multipolar global order.

    The framework of sustainable dialogue and mutual respect in China and Africa cooperation are essential prerequisite to institutionalize multipolarism and advance it. The basic understanding of the global South of the centrality of the United Nations system and international law as the foundation of civilized international intercourse, should be boldly canvassed and further strengthened, especially as countries in the global North make revisionist retreats from these core pillars of the international system.

    The whole range of issues that mankind would have to grapple with, ranging from climate issues to disruptive technologies like artificial intelligence, quantum computing, need a lot of exertions to minimize their risk and broadly share their benefits. An insular global order riddled with inward looking nationalisms has the dangerous prospects to instigate clashes among civilizations and derail the benefits from the advances in science and technology. China and Africa as old civilizations who have had their fair shares of historical traumas, and are currently on the cusp of rejuvenation and renaissance must play pivotal roles in ensuring that the pillars of multipolarism are not only firm but strong enough to withstand the shock of emerging revisionism and atavistic nostalgia, now on display in most of the Global North.

    • Onunaiju is director of Abuja based think tank.
  • Pan-Africanism must wear a digital cloak

    Pan-Africanism must wear a digital cloak

    SIR: The soul of Pan-Africanism was never just about colours on flags or handshakes at summits. It was a war cry against imperial strangulation; a call to unity, self-determination, and mental emancipation. But the drums of old revolutions now sound too analogue in a world that runs on data speeds. Our problem isn’t that Pan-Africanism is obsolete. To be honest, it really is not. It is just that Africa is trying to fly a Boeing 777 with a Wright brothers’ manual. Sadly, the battlefields have changed from trenches to terminals and from machetes to microchips.

    We live in a world where who owns the model owns the mind. Google probably knows your child more than your mother does. Meta dictates how you mourn. Amazon shapes what you consume before your cravings even wake. And while these technological giants mine data from African youth, their profits rest in tax havens. We have become digital farmers without a market share. The colonialism we fought with bullets is now back, but this time wearing a hoodie and coding Python.

    And now, this mind-troubling question: what is digital independence when your entire cyberspace is built on rented infrastructure? What is sovereignty when your citizens’ biometrics are processed abroad? What is unity when 54 African nations have 54 data policies? To be honest, it’s like expecting a school of fish to fight a shark while swimming in opposite directions. In the age of AI, Africa’s disunity is not just a weakness; it is a death sentence.

    Pan-Africanism must now wear a digital cloak. It must walk into the cloud and not just into conferences. The African Union should no longer be a chamber of sleepy speeches and recycled communiqués. It should become the Digital Defence Ministry of Africa, a firewall against data plunder and algorithmic apartheid. Our universities should not just teach literature and law, but teach our youths how to code the culture and engineer their liberation.

    The other day I was engaging myself in a loud silent question: where is the AI model that understands the Nigerian pidgin or Jamaican patois? Where is the chatbot that speaks Fulfulde? Where is the search engine that recognises the Zulu local dialect or Owe Yoruba? Instead of being served by Afrocentric tech, Africans are being surveilled by it. While we binge on imported software, our own languages are treated like footnotes on the internet. How long shall we remain digital tenants in a house built on African data?

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    And what is our defence? Our youth despite being bright as they are still struggle to scale because we’ve built border walls around bandwidth. A Nigerian start-up founder cannot even expand into Ghana without wading through regulatory mud. An app born in Kenya dies before it breathes in Togo. Yet we claim unity. And look, unity without interoperability is hypocrisy in WiFi form. Pan-Africanism without digital consolidation is a masked funeral for African innovation.

    We must prioritize a special ministry for digital economy like the Nigerian government does, and fund continental EdTech projects, where African children learn robotics and AI in Swahili, debate machine ethics in Zulu, and build apps that address Lagos traffic or Sudanese irrigation with native insight. We must build data centres in Accra, Nairobi and Kigali that do not bow to foreign firewalls. We must create African operating systems that recognise not just our fingerprints, but our philosophies.

    This digital revolution cannot be imported. The moment we outsource our intelligence to foreign bots, we become less human and more user. Our cultures become datasets and our stories become content. Our futures become disposable. And the digital map, just like the colonial one, leaves Africa as a footnote in the margins of global power. The call is loud: let Africa not only unite, but unite online. Let us not just decolonise minds, but also machines.

    In the age of AI, Pan-Africanism must mutate into Pan-Digitalism. From Accra to Addis, from Oluyole Ibadan to Kigali, the creed must change: “No African left offline. No idea coded in isolation. No data mined without consent.” For if we fail, the ghost of colonisation won’t return on ships, it will arrive via software updates. And this time, it won’t ask for gold or palm oil. It’ll take your soul and rename it metadata.

    • Hashim Yussuf Amao, Oluyole Ibadan.
  • Lesson in civic honour from Japan

    Lesson in civic honour from Japan

    SIR: In April, a major system failure disrupted Japan’s sophisticated Electronic Toll Collection (ETC) network for nearly 38 hours. During this period, toll gates were opened and motorists allowed to pass freely. But the story did not end there.

    What followed was a quiet moral revolution: over 24,000 Japanese drivers—without police compulsion, cameras, or threats—voluntarily paid their tolls afterwards. There were no viral shaming campaigns. No enforcement crackdowns; Just citizens honouring an obligation even when they could have gotten away with not doing so.

    For Nigerians, where trust in systems is frail and cynicism towards government institutions often justified, this is a teachable moment of profound proportions.

    In Nigeria, traffic laws are often obeyed only when a uniformed officer is nearby. Our roads are littered with daily infractions: one-way driving, dangerous overtaking, disregard for traffic lights and the near-total absence of lane discipline and regard for fellow road users. Too often, enforcement—rather than conscience—drives compliance.

    The Japanese drivers paid not because they were tracked or compelled, but because they believed honesty matters even when it won’t be rewarded or noticed. That’s integrity—something we desperately need to revive in Nigeria’s civic life.

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    Many Nigerians see government infrastructure—toll gates, highways, public hospitals, public bridges, railroads—as things they can exploit, vandalize, or evade payment for. “After all, it’s our money,” they argue. But Japanese citizens remind us that use of public goods carries a private duty.

    Their example teaches that responsible citizenship means contributing your quota—paying tolls, taxes, obeying traffic rules—not because government is perfect, but because your duty isn’t cancelled by government failure.

    In Japan, culture enforces what police rarely need to. Japanese don’t carry stale religion on their shoulders, but they value character, integrity, and learning, not opulence or the display of it. What norms and values dominate Nigerian roads, for instance? Unfortunately, many see clever evasion of law as a sign of intelligence, rather than a mark of decay.

    The 24,000 drivers who paid later represent the strength of societal values. Where character is cultural, you won’t need 100 checkpoints on a public road! Nigerians must start asking: What values do we teach our children by how we drive or how we treat systems when they break down?

    Governments and citizens are locked in mutual distrust in Nigeria. Citizens see the government as predatory; the government treats citizens as likely cheats. But a trustworthy nation is not built by one party alone.

    The Japanese post-outage example shows that civic trust is a two-way street. Citizens who act honourably encourage governments to govern better. Nigerians must begin to take the initiative to build a culture where integrity inspires reform—not just revolution.

    Most remarkable is that the Japanese drivers sought no compensation or recognition. They didn’t demand “motivation” for doing what was right. They simply paid. No hashtags. No applause. Just a sense of duty.

    In Nigeria, the idea of doing what is right “just because it is right” seems foreign. But that is the higher path of nation-building. It is the path of honour, and it begins with you and me—one junction, one lane, one toll gate at a time.

    When the systems fail in Nigeria, we often see it as a chance to exploit the loopholes. But Japan has shown us that even in failure, a people can uphold justice, honour, and responsibility. They’ve shown us that national character is forged not only in moments of crisis but in how we respond to them.

    As we confront our own broken systems—from tolling to taxation, traffic to governance, health to educate, security to civil service—may we draw from this story a new national ethic: “Do what is right even when no one is watching.” It’s not just the government that needs reform. We do too. Ritualistic religion is not enough. Sacrifice, integrity, honesty, altruistic service, obedience, and love

    Our nation is dying, not from poor governance, but from poor values.

    • Prof. Leonard Karshima Shilgba, <shilgba@gmail.com>