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  • Climate Change: Unlocking the economic benefits of climate action

    Climate Change: Unlocking the economic benefits of climate action

    • By Adebayo Adeleye

    As the world grapples with the challenges of climate change, a growing body of evidence suggests that taking bold action to reduce greenhouse gas emissions can have significant economic benefits. In fact, a report by the Global Commission on the Economy and Climate finds that climate action could deliver at least $26 trillion in economic benefits through 2030.

    So, what are the key economic benefits of climate action. For starters, reduction in energy costs is a major advantage. Investing in energy efficiency and renewable energy can help businesses and households save money on their energy bills. Additionally, creating new job opportunities is another significant benefit. The clean energy sector is already supporting millions of jobs worldwide, and this number is expected to grow as the demand for renewable energy increases. Improvement of public health is another important economic benefit of climate action. By reducing air pollution from fossil fuels, we can prevent millions of premature deaths and reduce the economic burden of healthcare costs. In fact, a study by the World Health Organization finds that the economic benefits of reducing air pollution can be as high as $1 trillion per year. Furthermore, stimulating innovation and growth is a critical economic benefit of climate action. Investing in clean energy and green technologies can drive innovation, entrepreneurship, and economic growth. The report by the Global Commission on the Economy and Climate finds that climate action can generate over 65 million new low-carbon jobs in 2030, equivalent to the entire workforce of the UK and Egypt combined. The economic benefits of climate action are clear. By taking bold action to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, we can unlock significant economic benefits, from reducing energy costs to creating new job opportunities, improving public health, and stimulating innovation and growth. As the world continues to grapple with the challenges of climate change, it’s time to recognize the economic benefits of climate action and work towards a more sustainable and prosperous future.

    For the purpose of clarity and emphasis, listed below are five major economic benefits of climate action:

    Job Creation and Employment Opportunities: Climate action can create new job opportunities in various sectors, including the following;

    Renewable energy: The renewable energy sector is creating new job opportunities in manufacturing, installation, and maintenance.

    Read Also: Bingham varsity plants trees to tackle climate change

    Energy efficiency: Improving energy efficiency in buildings and industries can create jobs in retrofitting, insulation, and other related services.

    Sustainable infrastructure: Investing in sustainable infrastructure, such as green buildings, can create jobs in construction, architecture, and engineering.

    Climate resilience and adaptation: Climate resilience and adaptation measures, such as sea walls, levees, and green roofs, can create jobs in construction, engineering, and environmental management.

    According to the International Renewable Energy Agency (IRENA), the renewable energy sector employed 11 million people worldwide in 2020, and this number is expected to triple by 2050.

    Increased Economic Productivity: Climate action can increase economic productivity by:

    Improving energy efficiency: Energy-efficient technologies and practices can reduce energy consumption, lower energy bills, and increase productivity.

    Promoting sustainable agriculture: Climate action can promote sustainable agriculture practices, which can increase crop yields, improve food security, and enhance economic productivity.

    According to a study by the International Energy Agency (IEA), energy efficiency measures can increase economic productivity by up to 2% annually.

    Reduced Healthcare Costs: Climate action can reduce healthcare costs by:

    Improving air quality: Reducing greenhouse gas emissions can improve air quality, which can reduce the incidence of respiratory diseases and other health problems.

    Reducing water-borne diseases: Climate action can reduce the risk of water-borne diseases, such as cholera and typhoid fever.

    Promoting physical activity: Climate action can promote physical activity, such as walking and cycling, which can reduce the risk of chronic diseases.

    According to a study by the World Health Organization (WHO), the economic benefits of reducing air pollution can be up to 10 times higher than the costs of implementing pollution control measures.

    Increased Property Values and Reduced Infrastructure Costs: Climate action can increase property values and reduce infrastructure costs by:

    Reducing flood risk: Climate action can reduce the risk of flooding, which can increase property values and reduce infrastructure costs.

    Improving urban planning: Climate action can promote sustainable urban planning, which can increase property values and reduce infrastructure costs.

    Reducing heat island effect: Climate action can reduce the heat island effect, which can increase property values and reduce infrastructure costs.

    Promoting green infrastructure: Climate action can promote the use of green infrastructure, such as green roofs and green walls, which can increase property values and reduce infrastructure costs.

    According to a study by the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA), every dollar invested in flood resilience measures can save up to $4 in economic losses.

    Reduced Climate-Related Risks and Uncertainty

    Climate action can reduce climate-related risks and uncertainty by:

    Reducing greenhouse gas emissions: Climate action can reduce the risk of catastrophic climate change by reducing greenhouse gas emissions.

    Promoting climate resilience: Climate action can promote climate resilience by supporting the development of climate-resilient infrastructure and ecosystems.

    Supporting climate risk management: Climate action can support climate risk management by promoting the use of climate risk assessments and climate risk management frameworks.

    • Dr. Adebayo Matthew, Adeleye (Ph.D., Ibadan)
    • Researcher on Environmental Pollution and Control badeleye@gmail.com  +234 803 525 6450
  • The underdevelopment of Ijebu-Jesa, my Native Nazareth (1)

    The underdevelopment of Ijebu-Jesa, my Native Nazareth (1)

    I am an angry Nigerian! I am angry because Ijebu-Jesa, my hometown, is a town where the past and present intersect in a complex blend of tradition and modernity. The headquarters of Oriade Local Government in Osun State seems to be struggling to find its footing, and it is as if my Native Nazareth is stuck in a time warp where progress and stagnation coexist in an uneasy balance.

    The concept of ‘home’ in Ijebu-Jesa is a complex one. It’s a place of belonging, but also a site of struggle. The rich cultural heritage is still palpable, but the lack of development is a harsh reality. It’s a treasure trove of traditions and customs, but it’s also a reminder of the challenges of preserving the past while embracing the future. Perhaps, it’s time for the people to take matters into their own hands and demand real change.

    Ijebu-Jesa is another symptom of underdevelopment. Go to the city centre, famously known as ‘Inu Oja’, remove the ‘Iroko Oja’ that was removed in 1974 and you’ll have no cause not to support my position. The Central Mosque of that time remains where it was, almost becoming something else, and the narrow road, said to have been tarred, also remains practically impassable.

    One major issue is the lack of infrastructure investment in my Native Nazareth. Roads, constant power and water supply remain elusive, making life a daily struggle for residents. Agricultural development, despite my hometown’s fertile land, seems to take a backseat, with little support for farmers. Healthcare and education facilities are subpar, leaving residents to fend for themselves.

    Ijebu-Jesa has one healthcare centre, formerly known as Dispensary while the General Hospital, the state-owned healthcare initiative, is nothing to write home about. There is one commercial bank, and one community bank. There are only two secondary schools, Ijebu-Jesa Grammar School, IJGS, (established on January 18, 1955) and Urban Day Grammar School (founded on September 11, 1978) catering for the public secondary education needs of the whole town.

    The then Divisional Teacher Training College (DTTC), once the pride of Ijebu-Jesa, has fallen far from its former glory. But for the efforts of the late Kanmi Alo, who founded Interlink Polytechnic, my hometown would have lacked a tertiary institution. There’s also a ‘mini stadium’, but its condition is laughable. To add insult to injury, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) proudly asserts that my Native Nazareth, with over 180,000 residents, deserves only one ward, a claim that defies logic.

    The politics of Ijebu-Jesa is a never-ending cycle of promises and disappointments. It is based, not on ideology but on cultural hegemony. It is designed to perpetuate mediocrity and maintain the status quo. The politicians come and go, promising change, but delivering nothing but empty rhetoric. Leaders emerge, touting grandiose plans, but ultimately, it’s all just hot air. After they might have used us to get what they want, they turn around to use us to get us! As a result, the people suffer, the town stagnates, and the politicians reap the benefits. Are we surprised that there’s no focus on development?

    Read Also: Nazareth High School alumni honours GNI, others

    “Omo ńlá ló wà, kò sí ìlú ńlá” (We have great children but no great town). I vividly recall the outpouring of support when Messrs S.A. Fatiregun and D.B. Aloba, two of the founding fathers of the Ijebu-Jesa Union Conference (IJUC), died in the 1980s. As a student at IJGS, I was among those who lined the streets to bid farewell to these community leaders. Fast-forward to 2025, an era of social media and artificial intelligence, and it’s striking how few can recall the name of the current IJUC Global President. It is a reflection of how far development has fallen in my hometown.

    The current administration’s contribution to Ijebu-Jesa’s development seems to follow a familiar pattern. For instance, promises of change made by the government remain unfulfilled, and the cycle of under-development continues. Tokenistic development initiatives, characterized by flashy announcements but little tangible impact, only add to the frustration.

    For some of us, our love for Ijebu-Jesa knows no bounds. As a matter of fact, some of us wouldn’t have left home in search of greener pastures elsewhere if only there were jobs to anchor our dreams. Now, with ‘orí adé kìí sùn’ta’ (the crowned head never sleeps outside) echoing in our minds, we’re definitely drawn back home.

    Our children also love their hometown. They are educated and just as capable, if not more than others in other places. Unfortunately, they are unemployed and they are not getting any younger. What steps are we taking to stem this tide?

    Again, this is where the Igbo community’s town unions have set a remarkable example. Since the 1930s, they’ve made significant strides, leveraging collective efforts to raise long-term capital and drive development. Their ability to work together and support their people is truly commendable. What have we learnt from their approach? Specifically, what cooperative frameworks do town unions in Ijebu-Jesa have in place to drive progress and support our community?

    Look at the Igbo economy; they’re dominant in many sectors. But honestly, the Yoruba community has struggled to achieve similar success, and it’s a missed opportunity. We played ludo with the Cooperative Bank and the bank died a ‘Soludo’ death, with no concrete plans in place to allow any conceived offspring to see the light of day. Look around you, and you’ll be surprised that Igbos own most of the houses in the South-West Region.

    The sad reality is that my hometown’s development is a patchwork quilt, with Oba Olufemi Agunsoye’s solo efforts stitching together the few modern amenities we see today – from the Federal Road Safety Commission (FRSC) building, to the ultramodern palace (still a work in progress). It’s even telling that over 50% of the palace’s development bears His Royal Majesty’s imprimatur. This speaks to individual brilliance, perhaps, but also a scathing indictment of our collective apathy.

    Kudos to pioneers like Rotimi Obeisun, who defied the odds to nurture growth in my beloved hometown. Maybe one or two others! But truth be told, their efforts seem like a lone trumpet in a forest of silence. If other visionary Egboroans had joined this worthy crusade, perhaps Ijebu-Jesa wouldn’t be languishing, almost five decades after the District Council was transformed into a Local Government headquarters.

    Like many other communities, Ijebu-Jesa harbours “bad critics who don’t speak on realistic issues”. This reportedly had a lasting impact on Gabriel Onibonoje, who was told an unexpected story that left a mark. He never returned to my hometown until his passing two years ago. Oba Oladele Olasore, the late Ajagbusi Ekun of Iloko-Ijesa, met a similar fate, never looking in the direction of my beloved hometown until his demise.

    On a day like this, I remember the late Ajayi Ige, who, despite not being wealthy, sacrificed everything he had for Ijebu-Jesa. He selflessly helped everyone who came his way. What did my hometown do to honour him while he was alive, and what’s it doing to honour his memory as a way of encouraging others?

    For God’s sake, where are the sons and daughters of my Native Nazareth in those high places and what are they doing to change the lyrics of the song? It’s even being said in some quarters that Aishat Alubankudi, the Programme Manager for the Grant for Vulnerable Groups under the Federal Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs, Disaster Management, and Social Development, has her roots in the famous Alubankudi family of Ijebu-Jesa. If this is true, then it’s doubtful if she’s been giving back to her hometown in terms of her political tithes. If she has, she definitely needs to up the ante.

    • To be concluded.
  • Jibril Aminu (1939- 2025): A star departs

    Jibril Aminu (1939- 2025): A star departs

    • By C. Don Adinuba

    With the death on Thursday, June 5, of Jibril Aminu, former Minister of Education, former Minister of Petroleum, former Nigerian Ambassador to the United States, former Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) President, former Executive Secretary of the National Universities Commission (NUC), former University of Maiduguri Vice Chancellor, former Professor of Medicine at Howard University in Washington, DC, and a former senator of the Federal Republic,  Nigeria has lost one of its brightest and most liberal citizens. I lost a friend and confidant.

    When former Vice President Alex Ekwueme, a versatile intellectual, was running to get the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) presidential ticket in the late 1990s, I strongly recommended Aminu to be his running mate because of his intellectual acuity and moral integrity. People who write about Aminu being the best medical student in Ibadan in 1965 may not know that while a medical student he won a national essay competition dominated by arts students, many of whom later became distinguished academics in English and other disciplines in the humanities. Despite the high public offices he occupied for decades, his lifestyle was modest. In any case, Aminu was a prominent member of G-34 which Ekwueme led admirably and sat by his side at the All-Politicians Summit at Eko Hotel in Lagos which government security agents disrupted because Dr Ekwueme and his group were known to be fiercely opposed to Abacha’s plot to be a life president.

    Yet, for many years I almost loathed Aminu. When David Ogbodo, then his Special Assistant who was to become the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) Group General Manager, requested Okey Ndibe and myself in Orji Uzor Kalu’s office in Apapa, Lagos, in 1986 or 1987 to meet the Minister of Education with the flattering words of “he will certainly like you for your brilliance”, we were aghast. The press was projecting Aminu as a jihadist, a regional Troubadour, a Fulani irredentist, a dull minister, a hater of southern progress in modernity, etc. When we narrated to Goddy Nnadi, then The Guardian Education Correspondent, of our invite to meet the minister and he made a spirited effort to present different image of the minister, we were disillusioned. It was years before we realized we were casualties of conditioned imagination.

    It took Ogbodo’s persistent effort for me to change my mind and meet Aminu. The meeting was scheduled to last for not more than an hour in his Park View Estate residence in Ikoyi, Lagos, but it went on for over four hours as we discussed practically everything under the firmament, including international affairs. I queried him on all kinds of issues based on preconceived notions, and he was not just brilliant but also candid. I saw someone who thought little of Sani Abacha, then Nigeria’s military ruler. He spoke against the system in the North which was keeping millions of people in poverty and ignorance, saying he recognized the system the first time when he was a pupil and an attempt was made to deny him a scholarship at Barewa College, despite his stellar record, because he was from an unknown family. He railed against this system years later when we went to see a former Inspector General of Police (IGP), Mohammed Gambo Jimeta, who was also from Adamawa State, in his office in Abuja. He was in a hurry to see the North modernize and develop fast but met a lot of obstacles.

    Read Also: Jibril Aminu brought erudition, brilliance to statecraft – Tinubu

    Aminu, a medical professor, was distraught to see Dr Datti Ahmed, who was a year ahead of him at medical school in Ibadan, lead the false, dangerous but popular and effective propaganda in the North that polio immunization was a strategy by the West to depopulate the Muslim community. Aminu was alarmed that the future of a generation of Northerner children was being destroyed. He tasked me with a strategy to counter the anti-immunization campaign without hurting his political and social standing before the mass of the people who were being led by the nose by a self-serving elite. He jumped at my proposal when I submitted it, and people like Simon Kolawole, a patriotic, selfless Nigerian and sound professional who was then editing Thisday, The Saturday Newspaper, helped with the implementation. The strategy was effective, as immunization against the deadly six child diseases resumed in the Northwest and Northeast during the time of President Olusegun Obasanjo who spared no effort or resources to end polio and other diseases that paralyzed mostly children from poor homes.

    Aminu liked the Yoruba for their sense of justice and social activism, and admired the Nnewi people in Anambra State for their accomplishments, ranging from education to manufacturing to entrepreneurship to their sense of community and to their love of motherland. He cherished his traditional sobriquet of Oyimba Nnewi, Friend of the Nnewi People, perhaps more than any other. His knowledge of Nnewi’s history and even that of neighbouring towns was amazing.  At once humorous and profound, Aminu once turned to me, after a discussion on the Igbo and their strategy of self-development, and said: “You must help Ebonyi stop being the North of the Southeast!”

    He was distressed that even though Adamawa State at a point had so many sons in strategic positions like the Chief of the Air Staff, Chief of the Army Staff, the Chief of the Naval Staff and others during the military regime, it was not developing rapidly. The elite there liked to live in Kaduna and later Abuja; from there they would fight themselves viciously, thus leaving their home in a state of arrested development. Apart from Vice Admiral Murtala Nyako who built a humungous farm in the state, Aminu brought almost every other thing that made Adamawa State have some economic base in the 1990s.

    When he intimated me of his plans to sponsor Nyako to become the next Adamawa State governor, I encouraged him. In 1997 when Bart Nnaji, then holding a big professorial chair in engineering at the University of Pittsburgh in the United States, was receiving an honorary doctorate from the Federal University of Yola, he, General Ike Nwachukwu, a former Minister of Foreign Affairs, and myself drove in the same car from Abuja to Yola while Dr Okwesilieze Nwodo, the Enugu State immediate past governor, and Professor Julius Onah, the Enugu State University Vice Chancellor, drove in another to Yola where we were received by Nyako who the next day took us to his magnificent farm. We were awed.  We marvelled at his innovative abilities. So, when Aminu sought my opinion on his plans for the erstwhile naval chief, I didn’t hesitate to support them.

    Yet, no sooner he became a governor than Nyako, as Aminu lamented, began to behave like another Nigerian politician. Nyako’s deputy, Bala Ngalari, a bright Christian lawyer who used to practise in Maiduguri, became the governor when Nyako was impeached. Like most people from the Northeast, he has tremendous respect for Aminu. 

    Aminu’s political star was almost dimmed in 2007 for supporting former military ruler Ibrahim Babangida to succeed President Obasanjo. Vice President Atiku, a fellow Fulani from Adamawa who wanted to become the president, felt bad, and so began a recall process against him. Aminu tasked me with a counter strategy. The courts still had integrity, and I suggested a court action which Olisa Agbakoba, founder of the Civil Liberties Organization (CLO), would lead because of not just his professionalism but also visibility and political astuteness. The senator quickly ran to the judiciary which saved him the dubious distinction of being the first National Assembly member to be recalled if his traducers had succeeded. For some reason, Agbakoba did not handle the case.

    Aminu served with aplomb. That’s why he held numerous offices. As the NUC Executive Secretary, for instance, he was instrumental to the emergence and rapid rise of Nigeria’s second-generation universities at Benin, Port Harcourt, Jos, Calabar, Maiduguri, Kano and Sokoto. Under his leadership, the NUC grew from a one-room office to a major national institution. As the petroleum minister, he started the process of indigenizing the petroleum sector in a concrete way by awarding marginal field oil licences to Moshood Abiola, Mike Adenuga, Arthur Eze, and many others. Edoreh Agbah, who was to retire as an NNPC General Manager, summarized Aminu’s tenure with this understandable hyperbole: “Before Aminu, there was no Minister of Petroleum, and there has not been since he left the office”. He was the only former petroleum minister invited to speak at oil and gas meetings. A liberal Nigerian enamoured of talent, his closest confidant was David Ogbodo, a lawyer from Enugu State who stood with him to the very end, and even after death.

    May the Almighty grant mercy to Aminu, a most accomplished Nigerian who related with all and sundry with dignity regardless of their status, creed or place of birth.

    • Adinuba was the Anambra State Commissioner for Information and Public Enlightenment from 2018 to 2022.
  • Uba Sani versus Nasir El-Rufai

    Uba Sani versus Nasir El-Rufai

    By Dahiru Hassan Kera

    Kaduna State is currently witnessing a political storm of epic proportions. At the centre of it lies a dramatic conflict between Governor Uba Sani and his political benefactor-turned-adversary, former governor Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai. What began as hushed whispers of friction has now exploded into a full-blown confrontation, with corruption allegations, court injunctions, legislative indictments, and mounting public scrutiny threatening to redefine the legacies of both men.

    This rift—perhaps the most consequential in Kaduna’s political history since the days of Balarabe Musa—has brought the integrity of political mentorship, the sanctity of public service, and the limits of godfatherism into sharp focus. Sani’s transmogrification from El-Rufai’s political ally to bitter adversary is for Kaduna, and maybe Nigeria, an unfolding model of succession.

    To put things in clear perspective, it is pertinent to walk back the road to this ever-festering political divorce. Sani’s ascension to the governorship in 2023 came largely through El-Rufai’s political machinery. He was seen as a loyalist, a continuity candidate who would carry on the legacies of his predecessor. But less than a year into his administration, cracks began to show.

    Governor Sani, confronted with a staggering N587 billion inherited debt, publicly admitted that the financial condition of the state was “terrible,” a revelation that shook the foundations of El-Rufai’s so-called fiscal frugality. His claim opened the floodgates, prompting the Kaduna State House of Assembly to initiate a probe into the financial dealings of the previous administration.

    The Assembly’s findings were damning. In April 2024, the ad-hoc committee released a comprehensive report recommending the prosecution of El-Rufai and several key members of his cabinet for alleged abuse of office, contract fraud, money laundering, and diversion of public funds. The report exposed alleged opaque loan agreements, inflated contracts, and what it termed “deliberate plundering” of public resources. According to the committee, over N423 billion in loans taken during El-Rufai’s tenure could not be adequately accounted for.

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    Faced with the threat of arrest and prosecution, El-Rufai sought legal refuge. In May 2024, he secured a controversial court injunction barring the Kaduna State government from arresting or prosecuting him over the allegations. The irony is indeed very rich. I mean, this is the same El-Rufai who, as governor, routinely flouted court orders and brushed aside judicial verdicts that didn’t serve his interests.

    Trust Nigerians. They have made sure El-Rufai’s sudden reliance on the judiciary he once undermined has not gone unnoticed. Many Nigerians who have a platform have made sure to let him know they view his recent romance with the courts as a desperate attempt to escape justice.

    For Governor Sani, this legal manoeuvring is, perhaps, not just a hurdle—it’s a defining challenge. It tests his resolve, his independence, and his commitment to transparency. We all know that for too long, Nigerian leaders have cloaked themselves in immunity or relied on powerful networks to evade accountability. Breaking that tradition will require more than rhetoric; it demands sustained political courage. The question is: Is Sani courageous enough for the coming storm? Recent developments would suggest so.

    Now, the feud would appear to have escalated further. In May 2025, El-Rufai was noticeably absent at a crucial stakeholders’ meeting convened by the APC leadership in Kaduna. His camp, it appears, is gradually positioning him as a victim of political betrayal—a script perfected in the Nigerian political theatre. As it turned out, that event was to be El-Rufai’s expected final appearance as a member of the APC.

    In what many interpreted as a veiled attack, El-Rufai’s media allies began floating the narrative that the former governor is being persecuted for refusing to support certain “elements” in the Tinubu-led presidency. Some even suggested that Sani is being used as a pawn in a broader national political game. But the governor’s camp has denied any external influence, insisting that the probe is purely about state accountability.

    Meanwhile, loyalists of El-Rufai, including former commissioners and media aides, have launched an aggressive social media campaign aimed at discrediting the Assembly’s findings and the governor’s efforts. They argue that the probe is a witch-hunt and that the figures quoted are exaggerated. One of El-Rufai’s former aides went as far as calling the committee’s work “a script written in the Villa.”

    But Kaduna residents are increasingly unmoved by these counter-narratives. Civil society organisations like the Kaduna Transparency Network have thrown their weight behind the probe, urging Governor Sani not to bow to pressure.

    The unravelling relationship between Sani and El-Rufai mirrors similar political conflicts seen in other states—Lagos and Rivers states, the latter leading to the suspension of Governor Siminalayi Fubara. It’s the classic clash between a sitting governor eager to assert his independence and a godfather reluctant to loosen his grip on power, or so it seems. But unlike some of those states, the Kaduna saga is unique in its legal and financial implications.

    If Governor Sani succeeds in pushing forward with a full-blown investigation and possible prosecution, it could mark a turning point in Nigerian politics. It could signal the decline of unchecked godfatherism and the rise of accountable governance. On the flip side, if he falters, it may reinforce the dangerous precedent that political loyalty supersedes legal responsibility.

    Governor Sani’s administration is still in its early days, yet the stakes are already sky-high. The legal battles, the media war, and the potential political backlash all converge to make this a moment of reckoning. Should Uba Sani soldier on? But for who – his political future or  the good of Kaduna State?

    On the bright side, this confrontation presents an excellent opportunity for Sani. By standing firm, Sani could reshape the political landscape of Kaduna State and even redefine leadership in Northern Nigeria. He could inspire a generation of politicians to break free from the yoke of clingy benefactor politics and prioritise the public good over personal allegiance.

    More importantly, he can set a precedent for accountability that transcends party lines. El-Rufai was no ordinary governor. He was hailed by some as a reformer, a policy wonk, and a bold technocrat. But reform must not become a shield for impunity. If misdeeds occurred under his watch, they must be addressed.

    El-Rufai’s silence—or calculated restraint—since the report’s release has only deepened suspicions. His decision to stay out of the public spotlight may be tactical, but it also speaks volumes.

    Sani, on the other hand, has grown bolder. From his media appearances to policy shifts aimed at reducing government waste, the governor seems intent on charting a distinct course. His challenge now is to maintain momentum without falling into the trap of political vendetta.

    Kaduna stands at a crossroads. And the coming months will determine whether this drama becomes another forgotten chapter or a turning point in the state’s, and perhaps the country’s, political evolution.

    In this unfolding drama, everyone must play their roles. The courts must remain resolute and uncompromising, and the Kaduna people must remain vigilant. They must resist the pull of sentimentality or propaganda. They must stand with what is right and just, even if it means standing against the powerful. For in doing so, they do not just protect Kaduna; they safeguard the democratic promise of Nigeria.

    •Kera writes from Abuja

  • Nigeria’s uneasy war for control

    Nigeria’s uneasy war for control

    By Haroon Aremu Abiodun

    Nigeria found itself, once again, locked in a fierce tug-of-war between chaos and control, where intelligence, courage, and international cooperation wrestled relentlessly against insurgency, banditry, and political subversion.

    From Borno to Zamfara, and from Abuja to Saudi Arabia, the month of May 2025 unfolded like a geopolitical thriller, marked by harrowing losses, unexpected wins, and a chilling reminder that the war on insecurity and corruption is far from over.

    The Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA) remained central in Nigeria’s defence architecture, confronting both domestic and transnational threats. May, however, tested its limits. Just as the nation braced for the rainy season, Boko Haram launched a brutal offensive in Borno, overrunning a military base, killing patriotic soldiers, and looting armoury stockpiles. In Zamfara, bandits unleashed yet another reign of terror, sweeping through communities and leaving behind a trail of death, trauma, and devastation.

    In response, the Federal Government, under the leadership of National Security Adviser Nuhu Ribadu, mounted a spirited counteroffensive. In Taraba, troops recovered over 1,000 rustled cattle and neutralised two bandits, offering a flicker of hope amid despair. More strategically, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s directive to launch a national Forest Guard initiative was widely welcomed as a forward-thinking move to cut insurgents off from their hideouts.

    Amid this push, stakeholders such as the Centre for Crisis Communication have urged the Federal Government to ensure the new 130,000-strong Forest Guard Corps are adequately trained and equipped before deployment. The call reflects a national consensus that strategy must be backed by structure and support to succeed.

    Read Also: British Deputy High Commissioner visits Rugby School Nigeria

    In a significant breakthrough, Nigerian intelligence operatives, in collaboration with their Saudi Arabian counterparts, tracked and arrested the wife and mother of notorious bandit kingpin Ado Aliero during a pilgrimage in the Holy Land. That Aliero brazenly flew his family abroad while terrorising communities at home was not only criminal but deeply symbolic. His undoing served as a testament to Nigeria’s foreign intelligence capability, demonstrating that the country’s security networks are not only active but respected by international partners.

    This collaboration with Saudi Arabia reinforces the importance of global partnerships, particularly those Nigeria maintains with the United Kingdom and the United States. In the modern security landscape, where threats range from terrorism to cybercrime, international cooperation is not a luxury but a lifeline.

    Meanwhile, the Department of State Services (DSS) maintained a high profile throughout the month. On one hand, it was commended for its coordination during high-profile court proceedings involving IPOB leader Nnamdi Kanu, even as calls for fairness and due process echoed from human rights circles. Yet, controversy arose when DSS operatives reportedly arrested an Edo-based activist over plans to organise a protest in support of Burkina Faso’s Ibrahim Traore. Civic groups quickly condemned the move, warning against criminalising expressions of Pan-African solidarity.

    Further intensifying the month’s political intrigues, news broke that the DSS had filed a case against political economist Pat Utomi over an alleged plan to form a “shadow government.” While Utomi and his allies argued that the idea was a harmless political concept, others interpreted it as a veiled challenge to President Tinubu’s constitutional mandate. As is often the case in security affairs, the truth remains obscured in the murky middle.

    Elsewhere, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) grabbed public attention with a series of high-profile actions. May opened with the dramatic arrest of controversial online activist Martins Vincent Otse, known as VeryDarkMan, followed by the questioning of socialite E-Money, actress Iyabo Ojo, and comedian AY over alleged naira mutilation. While the commission defended its actions as part of a deterrence campaign to uphold currency integrity, critics were quick to dismiss the move as selective activism and publicity-driven enforcement.

    The EFCC’s perceived sluggishness on weightier corruption cases involving figures like Betta Edu and former Kogi Governor Yahaya Bello further fuelled public skepticism. Many began to wonder: are we witnessing a genuine war on graft or merely a performative spectacle?

    Nonetheless, the commission achieved some notable successes. It recovered significant sums from the CBEX fraud case and handed over 750 duplexes to the Ministry of Housing—an act that showed real assets, not just headlines, are being reclaimed from looters. But the deeper concern persists: as the 2027 elections approach, the EFCC must resist the temptation to act as a political tool. The public is watching—and so is history.

    In contrast, the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) continued its quieter, methodical approach. While it may not dominate the news cycle, the ICPC intensified its efforts through partnerships and grassroots engagements. In May, it collaborated with the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) and schools across Osun State to promote transparency and anti-corruption values. The agency also joined forces with professional associations and government bodies to amplify its preventive campaigns.

    A notable enforcement action involved dragging Access Bank to court over an alleged money laundering case, signaling that the ICPC is willing to hold even powerful financial institutions accountable. Furthermore, the commission reiterated its commitment to recovering proceeds of crime stashed overseas, pledging to work with international bodies to trace and return stolen assets for national development. While its pace may seem slower, the ICPC’s systemic, long-term approach could yield deeper institutional reforms.

    As Nigeria moves into June, the stakes remain high. It is imperative for ONSA, DSS, EFCC, ICPC, and all relevant security agencies to stay alert, remain ethical, and remain unwavering in their pursuit of justice. The real question is no longer who is fighting—but who is willing to finish the fight.

    •Abiodun –   exponentumera@gmail.com

  • Female lawyers and trousers

    Female lawyers and trousers

    By Ezinwanne Onwuka

    In Nigeria’s legal profession, one tradition continues to puzzle me: the rule forbidding female lawyers from wearing trousers in court. This is a topic that most people shy away from talking about, perhaps because it is a longstanding rule that has, over time, assumed the status of a tradition. And as we know, tradition is usually followed dogmatically. Curiously, during my research on this topic, I discovered, to my consternation, that the only article on the matter was an editorial by TheNigeriaLawyer, published five years ago! That was all the confirmation I needed to know that I was not wrong for wanting to add my voice to the conversation.

    To start with, the no-trousers rule is strictly enforced in courtrooms and at the Nigerian Law School (NLS). Furthermore, some law faculties in tertiary institutions across the country bar female students from wearing black trousers with their white shirts, insisting instead on black skirts or dresses as the official dress code. The justification usually given for this is that the students are being groomed for the strict dress code regulations that awaits them in law school.

    In Nigerian courts, a female lawyer risks being excluded from proceedings, reprimanded by judges, or denied entry to the court premises for wearing trousers under her robe. While the Rules of Professional Conduct for Legal Practitioners (RPC) do not specify penalties for such dress code violations, Rule 2 of the NLS Code of Conduct for Students states that students who flout the dress code shall be escorted out of or refused entry into lecture halls. It also provides that on breaking the law a second time, the student shall be rusticated.

    The argument is that it is all about professional etiquette. After all, law is a serious profession and so a lawyer’s appearance matters—in and outside the courtroom. As a matter of fact, Rule 6(b) of the RPC mandates lawyers to ‘…always be attired in a proper and dignified manner.’ This might be considered as the basis for the enforcement of the no-trouser rule for female lawyers. But is that really the case? This interrogation is necessary and important as the said rule—and any other in the RPC—does not explicitly legislate against trousers for women.

    It is important to note that Rule 6(b) of the RPC does not define what ‘proper’ and ‘dignified’ means, and it certainly does not frankly approve of skirts and dresses while restricting trousers. So, how did we end up with a rule that treats skirts and dresses as the only acceptable option for women in the legal profession? Omawunmi’s one-time lyrics: ‘If you ask me, na who I go ask?’ readily comes to mind. Nevertheless, the usual response is that it is to maintain courtroom decorum, which is quite amusing, I must say, because it assumes that skirts and dresses are, by default, more ‘professional’, more ‘proper’, and more ‘dignified’ compared with trousers. This assumption is questionable.

    In the absence of any specific regulations for female lawyers regarding their attire during court appearances—except the rule requiring skirts of a certain length (typically below the knee)—it suffices to state that the no-trousers rule is more a matter of customary practice and institutional dress codes rather than statutory law. And I dare say that it is rooted in outdated gender stereotypes that define what is considered ‘appropriate’ for women and what is not. Worse still, in a profession that prides itself on justice and equity!

    By enforcing this conventional rule, the Nigerian Council of Legal Education and the Nigerian Body of Benchers promote an image of the ideal female lawyer as a ‘gentleman in skirt.’ A phrase that has been described as a ‘paradoxical identity’ for women in law in an opinion published in the Nigerian Tribune of 17 March, 2025. The writer of the opinion suggests that female lawyers are still considered outsiders in a traditionally male profession. This is where gender stereotypes come in.

    Essentially, the rule prohibiting female lawyers from wearing trousers under the traditional long black robe assumes that professional decorum, as it stands, is gendered. This calls for concern. If you think about it carefully, it is ironic that a profession that champions justice, equity, and inclusiveness would enforce a discriminatory dress code on half of its members.

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    Section 42 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended) guarantees freedom from discrimination based on sex, religion, or ethnic group, among others. Clearly, a rule that prevents women in law from wearing trousers, which has since assumed a standard mode of dressing in professional settings and on formal occasions, contravenes this constitutional provision. Going by section 1(1) and (3) of the 1999 constitution, the rule is null and void.

    More so, in other climes, professional dress codes for female lawyers have been relaxed. For instance, in India, Sierra Leone, Sri Lanka, and Thailand, disciplinary rules have been amended to allow female lawyers to wear trousers when appearing in court. Sadly, it appears that while the world is moving forward, in Nigeria, we continue to follow the form, but not the reform. Someone might interject, ‘Ezinwanne, it’s really not that serious.’ But, oh yes! It is that serious. If the legal profession fails to uphold equity within its ranks, is it not hypocritical of legal practitioners to claim to fight for equity in society? So, you see, it is that serious.

    To draw the curtain on this matter for now, it is my submission that the prohibition of trousers for female lawyers and lawyers-to-be in courtrooms, at the NLS, and in schools respectively is unjustifiable.

    Instead of banning trousers outrightly, there should be regulations on the type, colour, length, etc.—just like skirts and men’s trousers are. Taking Rule 6(b) of the RPC as our guide, we learn only that a lawyer’s clothing should be ‘dignified’ and ‘proper.’ And today, women’s trousers, like men’s, range from casual to sloppy to formal. While some may fall short of the ‘dignified’ and ‘proper’ standard, many suit the standard perfectly, whether for court appearances or for law school.

    •Onwuka – ezinwanne.dominion@gmail.com

  • Senator Abubakar Kyari: Driving food security under Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda

    Senator Abubakar Kyari: Driving food security under Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda

    By Joe Mutah

    When President Bola Ahmed Tinubu assumed office in May 2023, he met a nation grappling with inflation, food insecurity, and climate-related disruptions to agriculture. The urgency to act was clear—and the president responded by prioritising agriculture and food security as a cornerstone of his Renewed Hope Agenda. A key early move was renaming the Federal Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development to the Ministry of Agriculture and Food Security, signaling a decisive shift in policy emphasis: from bureaucratic routine to national food sufficiency and resilience.

    But institutional change alone was not enough. The Tinubu administration needed capable leadership to translate vision into results. That responsibility fell on Senator Abubakar Kyari, a seasoned lawmaker, administrator, and grassroots mobiliser. Supported by Minister of State Senator Sabi Abdullahi, Kyari assumed leadership of the ministry in 2023, at a time when food inflation was surging, insecurity threatened farming communities, and millions of Nigerians were struggling with the cost of essential staples.

    Kyari quickly emerged as a steady, data-driven, and reform-oriented minister. His leadership has been instrumental in aligning the national agricultural policy with President Tinubu’s broader economic goals. A pivotal move was the president’s declaration of a State of Emergency on Food Security, which elevated agriculture to the level of national security. This opened the door for inter-ministerial collaboration, faster funding approvals, and urgent interventions across the entire food value chain.

    One of the flagship programmes under this new urgency is the National Agricultural Growth Scheme and Agro-Pocket (NAGS-AP), supported by the African Development Bank (AfDB). The scheme has supported over 500,000 smallholder farmers with subsidised inputs—including improved seeds, fertilisers, agrochemicals, and extension services. For the first time, digital payment systems were deployed to ensure transparency and eliminate leakages, restoring public confidence in government-led agricultural programmes.

    The targeted crops—rice, maize, cassava, sorghum, and wheat—were selected for their relevance to household consumption and national food needs. Focusing on these staples has already resulted in increased yields and expanded land under cultivation.

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    Recognising the need for all-season food production, Kyari leveraged Dry Season Farming as a strategic pillar. In November 2023, the minister launched the Dry Season Wheat Programme in Jigawa State, targeting 120,000 hectares and 240,000 farmers. This was followed by similar programmes for rice, maize and cassava, covering an additional 200,000 hectares and involving 400,000 farmers. These efforts were funded through a mix of federal support and a $134 million intervention from the AfDB, with the government covering the bulk of input costs.

    This intervention was not only timely—it was transformational. By removing cost barriers, expanding irrigation infrastructure, and enhancing extension support, Kyari’s ministry unlocked a new frontier for dry season cultivation. As a result, food supply began to stabilise, and price volatility moderated in key markets.

    In direct response to rising food prices, President Tinubu ordered the release of 42,000 metric tonnes of assorted grains—including maize, millet, and sorghum—from national reserves. He also directed the release of 60,000 metric tonnes of rice through millers for distribution. Senator Kyari ensured these grains reached intended beneficiaries, bringing relief to millions of Nigerians.

    The most impactful policy measure yet was the 150-Day Duty-Free Import Window for Food Commodities, which suspended tariffs, duties, and taxes on maize, husked brown rice, wheat, and cowpeas. These imports were subject to recommended retail pricing to prevent market exploitation. This partnership between the Federal Government and private-sector players had an immediate impact—prices of key commodities began to stabilise within months.

    Kyari also tackled one of agriculture’s most pressing structural issues: mechanisation. In early 2024, the ministry signed an MoU between the National Agricultural Development Fund (NADF) and AGCOMS International Trading Ltd to procure 2,000 John Deere tractors, and other implements such as ploughs and trailers. The agreement included plans for a tractor assembly plant in Nigeria, signaling a long-term commitment to mechanised farming, job creation, and technology transfer.

    This intervention is part of the National Agricultural Mechanisation Programme (NAMP), a bold initiative to replace outdated tools with modern machinery, particularly in rural areas.

    To support food production, President Tinubu also directed the free distribution of 2.1 million bags of fertiliser to smallholder farmers across Nigeria. Implemented on Kyari’s watch, this move eliminated a major input bottleneck and ensured that farmers could plant in time—leading to higher productivity and better harvests.

    In a bid to improve targeting and eliminate fraud in government programmes, Kyari’s ministry signed an MoU with the National Identity Management Commission (NIMC) to establish a comprehensive Farmer Register. This biometric database, linked to the National Identity Number (NIN), ensures that only genuine farmers receive support. The pilot phase targets 2 million farmers, with plans to expand to 6 million. This system will help streamline interventions, track progress, and eliminate “ghost” beneficiaries.

    Beyond food staples, the Tinubu agricultural strategy also emphasises structural transformation. The Special Agro-Industrial Processing Zones (SAPZ) project, in partnership with the AfDB, IFAD, and the Islamic Development Bank, is developing infrastructure and attracting private agribusinesses to rural areas. SAPZ aims to boost rural incomes, especially for youth and women, while improving food and nutritional security.

    Another transformative project is ACReSAL (Agro-Climatic Resilience in Semi-Arid Landscapes), supported by the World Bank, which focuses on restoring degraded land, especially in Northern Nigeria. The project aligns with Nigeria’s climate goals and promotes climate-smart agriculture, a necessity in the face of rising temperatures and unpredictable rainfall.

    Taken together, these programmes represent one of the most comprehensive agricultural reform packages in Nigeria’s recent history. And while challenges remain—especially in the areas of logistics and state-level implementation – the results so far are encouraging.

    Food inflation is slowing. Farmers are returning to their fields. Input availability has improved. Mechanisation is scaling. Market confidence is rising. And above all, agriculture is no longer treated as a welfare issue—but as a viable driver of national economic growth.

    Kyari’s stewardship at the Ministry of Agriculture and Food Security is a clear example of what focused leadership can achieve in a short time. His calm, strategic, and inclusive approach is not only delivering results—it is restoring faith in public institutions. Kyari understands that true food security is not just about more food, but about affordable, accessible, and sustainable food systems that serve all Nigerians.

    Under President Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda, agriculture has been given a new lease of life. And thanks to Kyari’s leadership, that hope is already becoming reality.

    •Mutah writes from Abuja

  • Olumilua: A legacy of dignity and service

    Olumilua: A legacy of dignity and service

    By Sufuyan Ojeifo

    There are men who roar through history like thunder. And there are others, quieter, steadier, whose light endures, not because they sought fame, but because they lived by values too enduring to be forgotten. Evangelist Bamidele Isola Olumilua was such a man. A statesman in an age of strongmen. A diplomat without guile. A governor without hubris. A servant-leader whose story was never about grabbing the headlines, but about holding the line of principle when others fled the trenches.

    This is a tribute not just to the man he was, but to the life he led, and the path he cleared for a generation of believers in purposeful, ethical leadership.

    Born in 1940 in the ancient town of Ikere-Ekiti, Bamidele Olumilua came into the world, not with a silver spoon, but with a spirit forged in the crucible of faith and service. His early education at Christ Apostolic Church Primary School offered him more than literacy. It cultivated the discipline of a faith-filled life. He went on to further his education both in Nigeria and abroad, earning degrees in economics and law, and eventually joining Nigeria’s Foreign Service.

    But titles were never his measure of worth. Even as a diplomat, his real currency was character. Stationed in Canada, he became known, not just as a representative of the Nigerian state, but as a moral compass, engaging communities, resolving conflicts, and upholding the nation’s honour with quiet dignity.

    Olumilua’s entry into politics was, by his own account, accidental. He was, by training and by temperament, a diplomat and a preacher. Yet history found him, and in answering its call, he shaped a generation of governance in the old Ondo State.

    It is easy to forget that his time as governor, though brief from 1992 to 1993, remains a case study in how public service can be a noble calling when exercised with vision, restraint and a deep respect for the people.

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    He came into office at a time when Nigeria’s politics was in flux. Democracy was still fledgling. And expectations weighed heavily on elected officials.

    Olumilua never flinched. He embraced the moment with calmness and tenacity. Within the constraints of the era, he governed with uncommon prudence and foresight, laying the groundwork for institutions and policies that would outlive his time in office.

    Among his most notable achievements was securing recognition for Ondo State as an oil-producing region, which opened the door to its first-ever derivation payments. It was a milestone that many had considered beyond reach. Yet Olumilua’s approach was not to posture or to boast. He simply got the job done, often out of the spotlight, always for the greater good.

    His establishment of the Ondo State Road Materials Company and the Environmental Protection Agency was equally indicative of his governing philosophy. He saw governance as problem-solving, less about grand visions and more about practical solutions to everyday challenges. His administration, limited in duration, nevertheless exuded a long-sightedness that is rarely seen in politics.

    Yet perhaps what most distinguished Olumilua was not his policy acumen, but his personal integrity. In an era when the perks of office were seen as personal spoils, he remained above the fray. The story of his daughter being denied admission to study law due to a technical error, and his refusal to intervene, has become the stuff of moral legend. “I will not bend the rules for my own,” he said. How many leaders today would hold the line so firmly?

    Before politics, Olumilua had already served Nigeria with distinction as a diplomat, representing the country in Addis Ababa, Netherlands, Canada, and USA. He carried himself with the decorum befitting such postings, yet never with airs. Colleagues recall a man who combined international polish with local humility. When he returned home, it was not to luxuriate in prestige but to sow into the soil of his people’s aspirations.

    Faith was the compass by which he navigated life. As an evangelist, he was not performative. He lived his faith in quiet conviction. He prayed earnestly, believed deeply, and acted with spiritual purpose. One notable instance saw him rally prayer warriors for Chief Olu Falae’s presidential bid, not out of political self-interest, but out of belief in the cause. He blended the worlds of governance and spirituality without confusing their roles.

    At home, he was both a disciplinarian and a nurturer. His children speak of “angle 90” punishments and strict moral codes, including double penalties for lying. Yet the love was never in doubt. In a polygamous household that defied the dysfunction of stereotype, he fostered unity, not rivalry. Family, for him, was both a mission and a ministry.

    Olumilua’s political career was bookended by moments of deep national tension. He was removed from office following the Abacha coup of 1993, a disruption that halted many of his initiatives. Still, he carried no bitterness. Politics, for him, was a vehicle, not a destination. In the turbulent aftermath of the June 12 annulment, he advocated legal routes to justice. While others fanned the flames of chaos, Olumilua stood firm in his belief that legality and legitimacy were not mutually exclusive. Time vindicated his stance.

    Throughout his life, Olumilua remained consistent in his values, even as others zigzagged for convenience and relevance. He was the rare leader who understood that compromise should never come at the cost of character. It is telling that years after his passing, his name still opens doors. Not because of wealth or influence, but because of what it represents: Integrity; Service; Principle.

    He did not leave behind sprawling estates or tales of opulence. What he bequeathed was more profound: a name unsullied by scandal, a life unmarred by excesses. As his son Muyiwa has testified, the Olumilua name continues to inspire trust and admiration in circles high and low. It is a legacy rooted not in rhetoric, but in the lived example of decency and discipline.

    The upgrading of the College of Education, Ikere-Ekiti, to Bamidele Olumilua University of Education, Science and Technology (BOUEST), Ikere-Ekiti, in his honour, was more than a symbolic gesture. It was a recognition of a life that educated by example. A reminder to future generations that there is dignity in quiet excellence, and honour in public service. His story is not merely one of what he achieved, but of how he carried himself while doing so.

    Olumilua did not see leadership as an opportunity for dominance, but as a platform for stewardship. He believed that the truest measure of power is how it is used in the service of others. In a time when governance is often transactional, his life offers a refreshing counter-narrative: that values are not a weakness in politics, but a source of enduring strength.

    His memory lives not only in physical landmarks, but in the hearts of those who encountered his grace. Those who sat under his leadership, those who broke bread with him, those who observed the harmony between his public life and private values; they all testify to a man who walked his talk. He was not perfect, but he was principled. Not infallible, but always intentional.

    Even in the twilight of his years, Olumilua remained intellectually engaged and spiritually alert. He did not retire from purpose. His advice was sought, his presence welcomed, his counsel heeded. He became, in the best sense, an elder statesman; measured, wise, and generous with insight.

    On 4 June 2020, his earthly journey ended. But death could not erase what he stood for. His life, lived with clarity and conscience, continues to speak. In an age that often prizes noise over nuance, his quiet strength resonates louder than ever.

    Bamidele Ishola Olumilua was not just a governor, an evangelist, or a diplomat. He was a man who carried himself with dignity in all things. He left behind not only a good name, but also a template for how leadership, faith, and service can intersect meaningfully. His footsteps were gentle, but their imprint remains indelible.

    May his memory inspire us to lead with honour, to serve with humility, and to walk our paths with the same quiet strength that defined his days.

    •Ojeifo writes from Abuja

  • Trivialising Nigeria’s university system

    Trivialising Nigeria’s university system

    • By Oluwole Ogundele 

    There is a need to revisit aspects of the educational systems of Nigeria with a special emphasis on the universities.  One major objective of university education is the production of critical minds capable of demonstrating self-confidence, creativity and employability. Profound integrity and competence are of the essence, understandably because university education is not a cosmetic exercise. In a nutshell, university education is geared towards the production of young men and women capable of becoming the movers and shakers of Nigerian society as well as the entire globe in the future.

    These include world-class medical practitioners, nurses, a broad range of engineers, artists and other scientists capable of crafting and re- crafting the topography of human progress, often within the confines of robust internationalisation.

    Given the above analysis, the Nigerian political leadership has to wake up from its slumber so as to effectively address the current collapse of our university system. University education is a serious engagement. It is a world away from the smelly, primordial politics of the belly. Desperate politics is a reflection of unbridled immorality – a monumental disservice to society.

    The British colonial government established the University College of Ibadan in 1948. It was attached to the University of London, until it became independent in 1962. Other universities were later established. These included the University of Nigeria, Nsukka in 1960; University of Ife, Ile-Ife (later changed to Obafemi Awolowo University) 1961; Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria and University of Lagos, Lagos (1962).

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    Although the human population of Nigeria has grown exponentially from 45 million or thereabout in the 1960s to over 230 million today, reckless proliferation of universities is a mockery of higher education. It is unproductive to be establishing sub-standard universities across the geo-polity. If truth be told, these are a caricatured image of tertiary education. Where are the infrastructural facilities and qualified, world- class teachers? A lot of senior politicians are merely struggling to have new universities in their villages, as a gateway to higher political fortunes. They do not care a hoot about sustainable educational culture. Self- aggrandisement remains their guiding principle.

    It is too easily forgotten that mediocre university graduates are a burden to society. Graduates without skills and sophisticated intellectual capacities cannot take Nigeria out of the woods. Again, many students who are now rushing to take JAMB examinations are, indeed, not university stuff. University education is not for every “Tom, Dick and Harry.”

     Not everybody was aspiring to go to university during my secondary school days in the 1970s. Everyone knew and appreciated his academic strength. No unhealthy rivalry, at least on a significant scale. Most of those who could not make it to the university level eventually succeeded in other areas of life. Indeed, there were/are several options to contribute to personal and national development.

    But today, the falcons can no longer hear the falconer. Most parents (out of huge ignorance) assume that having children in university (at all costs) defines their social status. They engage in all kinds of unthinkable fraudulent practices in order to get their children admitted into tertiary institutions. Consequently, they pollute Nigerian society. Salute to Professor. I. O. Oloyede, the current JAMB Registrar, for bringing some sanity into the university admissions’ system that was formerly in a coma!

    The philosophy of “6-3-3-4” educational mode rigorously designed and executed in the past has now become a joke. Technical education has been relegated to the background because every secondary school student wants to go to a university – by fire, by force.

    The Ministry of Education needs to do much more to rescue the ship of Nigeria that is sinking to a lower level of the ocean of modernity and sustainability. Over-dependence on Europe, America and parts of Asia will continue unabated, so long as sufficient attention is not paid to profound human capital development in this country. The National Universities Commission (NUC) has to prove to the citizens that it has not joined the crowd to shortchange and/or rape mother Nigeria. This commission needs some rigorous self-analysis in order to reduce the menace of sub-standard varsity education to the barest minimum.

    The Ministry of Education cannot afford to de-couple itself from the Nigerian people. Similarly, our political leaders across the board must take the above challenges very seriously. Fine-grained responsiveness and critical flexibility to local needs and/or aspirations cannot be glossed over. This is one of the fundamentals of good leadership. But painfully, this leadership cultural trait is yet to gain in popularity in Nigeria. Only spiritless leaders ignore the cries of the led. Leadership in saner climes and cultures is ontologically people-sensitive. It is at variance with primitive ego and corruption, especially on an insane scale.

    The government needs to strengthen and enrich the older universities in order to effectively cater for more students. Currently, Nigeria has over 270 universities. At least 149 of them are privately owned. The number continues to go up daily. “Legs of cattle and humans are now mixed up.” I’m just pleading with “the powers that be” to have a rethink. They should be creating industries for our youths to work. Let us stop polluting the Nigerian intellectual space with caricatured varsities, in the interest of the common good. The National Assembly, Ministry of Education and other related bodies must allow sanity to reign supreme.

    The Federal Government has to begin to motivate staff members, especially academics. A group of motivated academics can perform wonders. Poorly paid lecturers will not and cannot put in their best. No federal university professor should earn less than N2 million monthly.

    Similarly, an assistant lecturer must not take less than N500,000 in a month, given the hyper-inflation ruining the national economy. This would enable him to serve his fatherland to the full. Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) members need (more than hitherto) revitalisation of their pockets, while the Committee of Vice-Chancellors pursues the issue of revitalisation of facilities. No amount of superb infrastructural facilities (in the face of chronically low wages) can mitigate the challenges of brain drain and low performance.

     Again, the ASUU leadership should embrace greater flexibility and responsiveness within the confines of commonsense. They must jettison weak and overly reactionary ideologies that are injurious to the hearts and souls of members. Only the living can enjoy good infrastructural facilities. Uncommon wisdom and unalloyed patriotism are of the essence. I hope that the critical stakeholders in the Nigerian education project will give this clarion call the quick attention it deserves.

    •Prof. Ogundele writes from University of Ibadan, Oyo State

  • President Tinubu and Niger Delta: A match made in heaven

    President Tinubu and Niger Delta: A match made in heaven

    • By DENNIS OTUARO

    The Niger Delta has never had it so good, enjoying a period of peace, stability and development. Although some challenges remain, the last two years under the administration of His Excellency, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, have indeed been momentous for the region.

    Consequently, age-old grievances are melting away, hope is renewed, and the cry of marginalisation, which the area had been known for, is gradually fading as a result of this administration’s deliberate policies and interventions.

    The first pointer that the President meant business for the Niger Delta was at his inauguration on that fateful day in May 2023. He had pledged: “Whether from the winding creeks of the Niger Delta, the vastness of the northern savannah, the boardrooms of Lagos, the bustling capital of Abuja, or the busy markets of Onitsha, you are all my people. As your president, I shall serve with prejudice toward none but compassion and amity towards all.’’

    Two years on, the President has indeed kept that promise, with development strides and the appointment of Niger Deltans into key government portfolios and roles. For me, as I listened to him on that inauguration morning, little did I know that I would be one of his foot soldiers to take the message of renewed hope and development “to the winding creeks of the Niger Delta.”

    I was appointed in March 2024 as the Administrator of the Presidential Amnesty Programme (PAP) amid keen competition for the role. I was selected, I believe, due to my academic and professional records and my history as a person who has been involved in the Niger Delta’s struggle for justice, equity, a greater say in resource management, and a better life for our people.

    Since my appointment, I have contributed my modest quota to ensuring that the President’s vision of development, peace and security in the Niger Delta is achieved. I have steered the Programme towards ensuring these goals through significant investment in human development, with the knowledge that the best way to develop a society is to empower its people by educating them.

    When I was appointed, only a few hundred students were on the Programme’s scholarship. I have since expanded that to over 3000 students, selected across the length and breadth of the region, in a process that is open, fair and transparent. That way, the son of a fisherman and the daughter of a farmer stand a chance at a quality education, fully funded by the federal government, making the President’s promise of a renewed hope not just a campaign slogan, but something the Niger Delta can feel and touch.

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    We have also revitalised the overseas scholarship scheme, which had been suspended before my appointment. Now, over 60 Niger Delta indigenes are pursuing studies in the UK, US, Canada and other countries sponsored by the government. We also ensured that these courses, whether for undergraduate or postgraduate students, are development-focused, which can help the speedy growth and transformation of the Niger Delta.

    Vocational training programmes have also been ramped up, with the training of 40 aircraft engineers, 98 maritime cadets at the Joemarine Institute in Delta State, and others, thereby enhancing the Niger Delta’s human capital in critical sectors.

    On the Programme’s core mandate of ensuring the rehabilitation and reintegration of ex-agitators, we have ensured the prompt payment of stipends and implemented comprehensive data management reforms to eliminate duplicates and update the records to reflect training completion. We also seek job placements, training and career opportunities for ex-agitators, their families, and those in impacted communities.

    Perhaps because of these record achievements, the budget for the Programme was increased in the current financial cycle. In addition, I think it was reviewed upward because of the President’s love of the Niger Delta and commitment to right the historic injustices against the region and the people. This demonstrates that his pledge to be fair and just was not political talk but one that he is truly committed to.

    That is probably the reason why the Niger Delta is the only region with two intervention development agencies. The Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) was established by former President Olusegun Obasanjo in 2000 to address the socio-economic and environmental challenges of the Niger Delta region from the impact of oil and gas exploration and foster sustainable development.

    The NDDC has played that role since its formation with some measure of success.

    However, recently, when regional blocs started clamouring for similar agencies to tackle their peculiar developmental challenges and the President acquiesced to their requests, setting up the northwest, north-central and other agencies, the popular thinking was that there was no need to establish one for the Niger Delta region because of the existence of the NDDC. But the president, perhaps aware of the outsize role the Niger Delta has played as the main source of foreign exchange revenue for the country in the last 60 years, didn’t follow this line of reasoning. He established the South-South Development Commission with its headquarters in Akwa Ibom State and approved a significant budget for its take-off.

    The President deserves commendation for his bold efforts to tackle head-on the developmental challenges of the Niger Delta and bring the region to the central focus of his development agenda. If you asked me, I would dare say the President is positively biased in favour of the Niger Delta, quick to approve projects and key appointments for the region and its people.

    A few examples will suffice. While the former President had dilly-dallied with endorsing the Maritime University Okerenkoko Bill, President Tinubu signed it immediately the bill reached his desk, thereby providing the necessary legal framework for the university to thrive and become a hub for maritime education and research in the coastal belt of the country.

    He also signed the bill establishing the Federal University of Environment and Technology (FUET) in Ogoni land, Rivers State, designed to provide more opportunities and development in the area. The clean-up of Ogoni land through the environmental remediation efforts overseen by the Hydrocarbon Pollution Remediation Project (HYPREP) has also intensified under President Tinubu.

    As with Ogoni, so it is with the rest of the Niger Delta. Our rivers are cleaner, our air is fresher, and our people can fish and farm again, as the government has tackled oil bunkering and theft, which have polluted both the rivers and land in the region. Security agencies, in collaboration with private consultants such as Tantita Security Services, under the supervision of the National Security Adviser (NSA), Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, have reduced oil theft, bunkering, and destruction of oil and gas infrastructure. The impact has been immediate and growing such that Nigeria has doubled its daily oil production to around 1.6 million, meaning there are more funds for the Niger Delta states to carry out development projects through the 13 percent derivation allocation.

    And there is more. Niger Delta indigenes now lead key government agencies such as the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), Dr. Emomotimi Agama; Nigerian Content Development and Monitoring Board (NCDMB), Engr. Felix Omatsola Ogbe; Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA), Dr. Dayo Mobereola; and Border Communities Development Agency (BCDA), Dr. George Kelly, amongst others.

    As we roll out the drums to celebrate the President’s second anniversary, it is good to let the world know that the President’s Niger Delta scorecard is sterling, demonstrating his love and commitment to the region and people. We thank him with the assurance that someday soon, we will pay back in full.

    •Otuaro, Ph.D, is the Administrator of the Presidential Amnesty Programme (PAP).