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Biafra: A conversation is needed

By Ray Ekpu

Nigerians are largely keeping quiet about the activities of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB). Maybe they are doing so because a few years ago the Federal Government had declared the organisation a terrorist organisation, and so they do not want to be terrorists by association. Or maybe Nigerians are waiting to see how the trial of its leader, Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, at the Federal High Court in Abuja, will go. Or perhaps this siddon-look posture is because Mr Simon Ekpa, one of the promoters of the Biafra cause, is undergoing a trial in Finland for activities connected with terrorism in Nigeria. Or maybe Nigerians are simply saying to themselves that if the young people promoting the cause choose to destroy Igboland, they can do so because that is their territory.

But the truth is that whatever happens in one part of Nigeria invariably affects other parts of Nigeria, or is likely to have some kind of reverberating effect on our country as a whole.

Last Friday, May 30, there was a sit-at-home order issued by the IPOB. The IPOB spokesman, Mr Emma Powerful, explains that the action was intended to honour those who lost their lives while fighting for Biafra independence since the struggle began in 1987. The IPOB is leading the struggle for an independent State of Biafra which it wants carved out of the SouthEast region. That struggle was started by the military governor of the Eastern Region, Emeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, and it ended in a colossal failure in January 1970. It is now 50 years and five months since that war ended.

By conservative estimates, the war took to the grave not less than one million lives and billions of properties. It is obvious that almost all the proponents of a Biafra Republic today were not born or, at best, were toddlers when that war was fought. They may have read some books on the war and the misery, the madness and the mayhem that accompanied it; but it is not the same thing as witnessing it live, seeing your relatives shot dead in your presence, seeing your sister or daughter taken away to give comfort to soldiers in their trenches.

They, the young men who are pushing this Biafra dream afresh, have no idea what is involved. They have no idea that they are riding a tiger and when you ride a tiger, you cannot dismount. Their response to this may be that there is a risk in crossing the street, and there is also a risk in not crossing the street.

It is estimated that in the last four years since the sit-at-home drama started, the SouthEast may have lost at least N8 trillion. That is the equivalent of about N2 trillion per year. And that is a colossal sum of money for any country, no matter how rich, to lose by its indiscretion. Don’t forget that there are other losses, through natural and human causes, such as flooding, erosion, gas flaring, drought, rainlessness, deforestation and oil pollution etc. And the SouthEast is a territory that is cushioned by businesses run by shop owners, wholesalers, retailers, craftsmen, artisans, transporters and industrialists. They have huge shops in Onitsha, Aba, Nnewi and several other towns that give life to Igboland. In those shops you can find – and buy – almost anything you want.

But these disruptions of life and business go further than these immediate losses. The fact that force is being used by these IPOB fellows and their agents means that they cannot hope to have local or foreign investors coming with their money to invest in a territory that the ease of doing business is nil. No matter how exotic the natural and man-made resources are in the territory, tourists, local or foreign, cannot be tempted to fly in there and savour these endowments without fear for their lives. That is a strong disincentive to investment in the territory because those who attack and kill people in these areas do not discriminate between indigenes and visitors. They simply want all and sundry to stay at home and eat food, if they have, and watch television if they have light. And it will take many years and much effort to restore the confidence of investors in the economy of that region.

But let’s move away from the economy because such problems affect more than the economy. They affect national unity and stability. There are five elected governors in the zone, and yet there is an authority that issues orders and people obey. That amounts to a miniaturisation of power in the zone, and it makes the five governors to feel hapless and helpless, and the Federal Government to wonder what, in fact, it can do about the situation.

Yes, the leader of the IPOB, Nnamdi Kanu, is being tried in court. This has been going on for four years or so now. The longer the case lasts the more problematic it becomes. Every time Kanu is taken to court, the SouthEast region is on edge and no one knows what may happen next. Before President Muhammadu Buhari left office, a number of Igbo leaders had approached him and requested that Kanu be freed. He told them that it was a very difficult problem. They went away without getting any assurance that Kanu would be freed any time within his period in office. And he left office without Kanu being freed.

I am not sure whether Igbo leaders are making any moves, overt or covert, in that direction as the ding-dong game goes on in court. It is easy to understand the government’s reluctance to order for the release of a man who is being tried for treasonable offences. That would seem like encouraging other would-be terrorists or similar crime suspects, particularly as the government knows that a Nigerian, Simon Ekpa, is being tried in a foreign country for similar offences.

The Igbos have been complaining of being marginalised. They point to the fact that since Dr Alex Ekwueme was elected as Vice President in 1979, no Igbo man has been in that position. And of course, no Igbo man has yet become President since the onset of the 4th Republic in 1999. But political positions are determined in a democracy through networking, compromises and adroit bargaining between persons and parties. If the Igbos have not yet been able to achieve that, they have themselves to blame. But not achieving that is not a sufficient reason for wanting a separate country at any cost, at least not by violence.

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If the Igbos want a separate country, they can negotiate with Nigeria. It is not a decision that can be arrived at by force. Ojukwu tried it and failed. In any case, is there any evidence that most Igbos want a separate country? There is none, otherwise we would not have five Igbo leaders manning the affairs of their states today. They probably think that it is better to be a significant part of a whole than to seek to be a tiny whole.

Marginalisation is a curable disease; and my view is that the Federal Government should initiate a conversation with Igbo leaders, or the Igbo leaders can make a push for such a discussion. We cannot just ignore these disruptions of life in Igboland in the hope that the security agencies can nip it in the bud. It is not just a security matter only. It is also a political renaissance story, the story of rebuilding Nigeria and its component parts.

The establishment of Development Commissions in all the six geopolitical zones is a way of rearranging regional powers since we destroyed the strong federal structure that Yakubu Gowon gave to Nigeria with the 12- state structure. The creation of mini-states all over the place by the military governments has been a major distortion of the federal structure since it did not come with the devolution of more powers to the states.

I urge President Bola Tinubu not to see what is happening in the SouthEast as simply an Igbo problem. It is a national problem that must not be allowed to linger unresolved, otherwise it may snowball into something we do not anticipate. There are too many centres of violence already that are threatening to turn Nigeria into a major killing field. And the more violence that spreads, the more difficult it will be for our security personnel to cope with. Mr President, please initiate action towards resolving the Biafra conundrum.

June 3, 2025
Testament to Tinubunomics

By Abdulaziz Abdulaziz

Surfing through my WhatsApp messages two days ago, a message popped in from Umar Dan-Sokoto, a contact based in Kaduna’s Birnin Gwari town. It was a short voice note; thus, despite my aversion to that messaging format, I didn’t hesitate clicking to listen. The voice message, he said, was a response to my interview he had listened to over the radio on the milestones recorded by the Tinubu administration. “But you have forgotten some significant achievements,” he remarked. “Just before this government came in, a measure of maize flour sold for N4,000; now it’s N2,000. At a point a bag of maize sold for up to N100,000. How much is it now?!” He asked rhetorically. But the pleasant answer is one that Dan-Sokoto and other Nigerians who patronise that staple food very much know.

Dan-Sokoto, who had previously narrated how life has changed in the hitherto embattled Birnin Gwari and its environs, further reiterated the continuous successes in stabilising his part of Nigeria. To the names I reeled out of high-profile bandits silenced for good, he added one Dogo Mai-Rasha, who, he said, was notorious around Birnin Gwari but was recently killed in combat somewhere in Niger State. I was jolted by these revelations because they represented genuine testament from down the ladder. It also indicates that no matter what nay-sayers say, ordinary Nigerians follow and count their blessings.

No one denies that we have gone through tough times. But it amounts to dishonesty, and even betrayal of God’s mercies, if we do not acknowledge that we are witnessing a calm after the storms. This administration came at a tough time; but as the saying goes, when it gets tough, the tough get going. And, indeed, unusual moments demand unusual actions.

On arriving on May 29, 2023, President Bola Tinubu wasted no time in grabbing the long-avoided bull by the horns. For decades, everyone tried to side-step the difficult route to our surest path to growth. No one wanted to unsettle the status quo, especially one that had the elite feeding on the national cake and had built for the poor a Potemkin village of sorts; a fool’s paradise.

As I noted elsewhere, President Tinubu showed a clear difference between politics and governance. He had the option to remain politically correct by window-dressing the walking corpse and remaining popular. But as the true leader that he is, he took the commendable decision of doing the right thing for the country, even if it would make him unpopular in the short-term.

It was akin to a choice to fly into a gathering storm, or endlessly wait in uncertainty. He chose the first option. The ride hadn’t been easy. The storm was huge. But, like a well-trained pilot, President Tinubu stayed on the course with absolute trust in the correctitude of his decision and belief in the ability of the steps taken to deliver the plane out of the storms.

The eureka moment is now here. We have turned the corner on most indices, and ordinary Nigerians, who patiently went through the storms, are now beginning to have the full glare of the light at the end of the tunnel. Glory be to God!

When this administration came, what it met was a dry well. In fact, though no one penned a stark note like what former British secretary of Treasury Liam Byrne left for his successor, in 2008 (“I’m afraid, there is no money!”), the fiscal indices showed exactly that. Many states were struggling to pay salaries. Debt servicing had stopped. Our debt-to-GDP ratio was hitting the ceiling. Oil production had dipped to lower than a million barrels. The state was gasping.

But even during the presidential campaign, Tinubu had sensed the situation of the well, and had said he was ready to – and indeed stated that he knew how to – draw water from the dry well. However, for the well to recharge and bring out the needed water, it’s imperative to block leakages and stop wasteful spending. This was what he did.

Now, every now and then, some cynics ask, rather cheekily: where is the subsidy money the government said it has saved? A cursory look reveals so much being done at both the federal and sub-national levels indicative of prosperity. Civil servants in states who used to go months without salaries have forgotten that era. Those who were paid in bits and pieces now get paid in full, despite the new minimum wage implemented. Pensioners no longer stage protests. ASUU had no reason to close the classrooms again.

Meanwhile, this government has waved off the burden of school fees from hundreds of thousands of families. President Tinubu has literally put the entire Nigerian students in tertiary institutions on scholarships. The loan scheme administered by the Nigerian Educational Loan Fund (NELFUND) is so easy to access, and very soft on repayment. By now, over 300,000 Nigerians benefit from it, with tuition fees and pocket allowance being paid. It’s a huge relief to their parents.

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Then comes massive investment in infrastructure. In Economies, the idea of investment in public infrastructure serves multiple purposes. First, it serves as a means to pump money into the economy through the productive sector, not fraud-prone subsidies or handouts. Two, it’s meant to generate jobs and take youthful members of the population away from crimes and idleness. Third, and perhaps what everyone sees, is the economic growth such infrastructures eventually spur directly or indirectly. In the aftermath of economic downturns, like the Great Depression, governments put out money on infrastructure projects to drive these benefits.

The Tinubu administration is massively investing in infrastructure to yield all these benefits. Nigeria is today one big construction site with investments in roads, railways, housing, schools and hospitals. Let’s start from the latter.

In the last two years, over 1,000 Primary Healthcare Centres (PHCs) have been rebuilt. At the moment, over 5,000 others are in the works as part of the government’s ambitious plan to revitalise 17,000 PHCs nationwide by 2027. Sixty-one tertiary health institutions and diagnostic centres are undergoing a similar turnaround. The idea is to have truly specialised institutions in different aspects of healthcare delivery that would help cut down our huge medical tourism bill. Besides revamping healthcare, these are jobs and money for the pockets of Nigerians.

Inherited and fresh road projects are going on all over the country, with attendant catalytic impact on growth and development. It’s the same with rail and power projects, including unprecedented investment in renewable energy.

In Education, this government has established more universities and other tertiary institutions than was done in the last decade. Each institution established means hundreds of direct jobs and hundreds more indirect ones. It’s also educational liberation and empowerment for the people.

What the Tinubu administration has done in the past two years is to recalibrate our economy away from flippancy to productivity. It also pulls our national priorities from living a la the stereotypical Abuja big boy who lives above his means and without recourse to the future. A culture of long-term and strategic investment where it matters is now being installed. Productivity–in agri-business, in clean energy, in housing, in pharmaceuticals and medical equipment, in IT start-ups and entertainment–is now being rewarded. Steadily, we’re reaping the fruits of tough, smart decisions. In due course, we’ll all be happy we followed a man who knows the road through the storm into a calm, bright tomorrow.

•Abdulaziz is Senior Special Assistant to President Tinubu on Print Media

June 3, 2025
Examinations at nightfall

There were two occasions within the last couple of weeks when pupils sitting their West African Senior School Certificate Examinations (WASSCE) had to make do with dim illumination at nightfall to get through particular papers. The exams being conducted by the West African Examination Council (WAEC) began on April 24th and are expected to conclude on June 20th, this year.

On Wednesday, last week, 28th May, candidates in Lagos, Oyo, Osun, Ogun, Benue and Taraba states, among others, sat their exams till about 9p.m. on the average, and close to midnight in Taraba particularly. The test at issue was Part II and III (Objectives and Theory) of the English Language paper. Candidates had taken Part I of the paper (Oral English) in the morning and were waiting to sit the remainder in the early afternoon, only to encounter a delay by which the question paper did not arrive at most centres until past twilight.

The exam was held between 7p.m. and 9p.m. in many places, while in others like Taraba, centres did not receive the paper until after 9p.m., forcing candidates to sit the exam till about midnight. In most places, centres were illuminated with phone torches and other makeshift lamps to enable the pupils to write the examination under a nightfall blanket of darkness.

School proprietors, teachers, parents and the pupils themselves were among stakeholders who bemoaned the turn of events. A teacher in Osun was reported saying: “It is a frustrating experience. We never planned to stay this late, but officials of WAEC insisted the exam should be held today. We had to use phone torchlights to illuminate the hall. There may be mass failure in the subject due to this. Many parents have been calling us about the whereabouts of their children; we had to explain to them about the change (of schedule). We started the exam at 7p.m. and ended by 9p.m.”

A school proprietress in Taraba confirmed that her pupils finished their exam at midnight and voiced her concern over the emotional and physical toll on the students, many of whom waited in school throughout the day. “As teenagers, they needed to be well-fed and in the right frame of mind to write such a critical paper. I had to take full responsibility for their welfare,” she said. The proprietress alleged poor logistical arrangement on the part of WAEC, saying she personally drove out in heavy rain that night to pick up exam supervisors so the examination could eventually hold. “I had to buy 30 litres of fuel to power the generator for the hall to be properly lit, which wasn’t part of our plan or budget,” she added.

Parents who went in search of their wards only to be told they were taking the English paper late described the arrangement as uncalled for. They said WAEC could have postponed the examination rather than subject the candidates – mostly teenagers – to such hardship, especially as many had to take another subject the next day. A parent was reported lamenting: “I don’t think the students can pass this examination (i.e. English paper) because they practically wrote it in the dark.”

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Barely a week before the English paper delay, a video clip that went viral online showed pupils of Unity Model School in Asaba, Delta State, sitting one of their senior school certificate exams late in the evening and using torchlight beams to get by because the classroom they were using had no power supply. In the video, a woman was heard berating officials for putting young ones through such an experience, saying the examination ought to have been held at 2p.m. whereas the exam papers did not arrive until 6p.m. Consequently, it was already dark by the time the students sat the exam; and as the school was without electricity, a torchlight had to be stationed in the classroom. “It’s not OK,” the woman could be heard saying of the children’s plight, noting that even during her time when lanterns were the in-thing, pupils were not subjected to such experience.

The video clip elicited public outrage as many people took issue with the state of education infrastructure, particularly on Delta authorities’ watch. Education Minister Tunji Alausa was not left out. He called the incident “totally unacceptable,” and stressed his ministry’s commitment to ensuring safe and dignified spaces for learning and sitting examinations. In a statement, the ministry said it was working closely with the Delta government and WAEC to unravel factors involved in the debacle. It promised transparency with eventual corrective measures.

For its part, the Delta government took strong exception to the incident, but hinted it was beyond its direct control. Commissioner for Secondary Education Mrs. Rose Ezewu was reported saying: “We are on the matter. I have spoken to WAEC to find a solution to what is happening. WASSCE is not a state exam, it’s a federal exam.” She added: “I told them not to stress our students. Imagine students coming back from the examination centre at such a late hour. It’s not too good. I called the exam controller, and I think we are trying to resolve the situation.”

WAEC has not commented openly on the Asaba incident, even with the school involved said to be less than a kilometre from its office in the Delta capital. But the examination body hasn’t been silent about the delay with the English paper. Stated plainly, what happened apparently was that the paper leaked and WAEC decided to make a last-minute substitution, resulting in logistical bottlenecks in getting the alternative set of questions to examination centres. Never mind that the information was couched in officialese by the council when it tendered a public apology. In an official statement, it said the delay resulted from efforts to safeguard the integrity of the exam, which “impacted the timeliness and seamless conduct” of the paper.

The Head, Nigerian National Office of WAEC, Amos Dangut, shed some light on the matter on a television programme, saying the examination body got information that the paper to be taken on Wednesday was compromised, hence it needed to take immediate action. According to him, when the examination body got that information, “we went to the drawing board and quickly came up with a solution to the compromised paper. We were able to achieve the aim we set out to achieve, which was to prevent leakage; but unfortunately, some other issues lurking in the dark reared their heads and affected timely conduct of the examination, and that is particularly with regard to logistics.”

This was how Dangut explained the peculiar challenge with Taraba: “We had serious logistical problems because the vehicle that was conveying the exam materials to Taraba broke down in the middle of the night, and efforts to ensure that materials were recovered and sent to the place could not be achieved on time.” He submitted: “We deeply regret it and we have taken all steps necessary to ensure this is nipped in the bud and that it does not recur.”

Anyone with an idea of complex logistical operations as WAEC typically undertakes for the conduct of its examinations (INEC’s processes for conducting elections are similar) would get where the national office head was coming from. These operations are like a powerful locomotive engine that stirs gradually into motion, gains progressive acceleration, and enters into bullish speed before its driver notices some trespasser on the track ahead. Staying course would invariably cost the life of the trespasser – in the present case representing the integrity of the examinations. On the other hand, abruptly pulling the breaks would entail seismic process contractions in the cruising locomotive. What WAEC did was like cutting the engine speed and moving the locomotive over to an alternative track, which inevitably involved rocky disruptions in the course of the journey.

All these were avoidable if there had been no threats ab initio to the course of the journey. Paper leakages are a function of examination malpractice perpetrated by desperate candidates, in many cases actively involving desperate parents abetted by unscrupulous persons within the examination body. When there’s a more ethical disposition to educational pursuits in our country, there will be fewer occasions for the sort of manoeuvres made by WAEC last Wednesday.

Having said that about the English paper incident, the earlier delay in Asaba was horrendous and the examination body owes an explanation. Discourse about the general state of education infrastructure will be for another day. Meanwhile, WAEC must factor in the entire circumstance of writing the English paper into assessing candidates on that paper. If necessary, the paper had better be retaken.

•Please join me on kayodeidowu.blogspot.be for conversation.

June 2, 2025
Nigeria’s university system in distress
- By Oludayo Tade
Professor Eníkànlómò has been very devoted to his calling. He believes in developing future leaders, publishing in the best outlets and putting the names of his university and the country on the global map. But it goes beyond that. When he joined the university system, the system was still working. There was electricity to research, publish and teach. The economy was better and with careful use of available resources, he was still able to survive.

With time, electricity supply became epileptic, his laboratory that once had some materials to work with lacked the essentials. He could not teach his students again with modern equipment. Suddenly, the stove replaced the Bunssen burner in the laboratory. Some of his friends who could afford powering their generators to carry out experiments could no longer do that without experiencing severe strain on their resources.

Now close to his retirement, Professor Enikanlomo thinks of what the government will pay him. His present salary is a little above N500, 000. When he joined, it was with passion. Now, the passion is dying, if not dead. He has been wounded terribly by the failure of the government to improve the salaries and working conditions of university lecturers. As he looks back, Professor Enikanlomo, summarised his thoughts with the title of the Valedictory Lecture of the late renowned Professor of Radiation and Health, Idowu Farai, that the university that he met was better than the one he is about to exit from.

The Nigerian public university system is in serious distress. Let federal or state governments not fool you. Our university administrators are equally becoming like the Nigerian governments. They love creating false impressions through the painting of buildings and construction of magnificent entrance gates. The gates of these universities may be beautiful but the stories of lecturers who are saddled with the tasks of imparting knowledge within the system is pathetic. Lecturers can’t see anything renewed in their hopes. They struggle not to say that their hopes for taking up the noble profession are dashed; but as they wake up every day to go to their offices, they feel used and trampled upon. They often wondered if it is a sin to take up the profession. Their offices are mostly paired. Since they are not often provided with current materials, they still use their limited resources to update their knowledge. They teach overpopulated classes. Their institutions struggle to provide electricity for them.

Their standards of living have dropped. Bad economic policies of the current administration have forced many lecturers to abandon their vehicles at home. Some of them now trek distances to reduce the biting cost of transportation. Those with two cars have parked one while sharing one with their wives to do ‘school runs.’ Some with health conditions struggle to maintain routine checks and money for medications.

Younger scholars are afraid of what will become of them if things continue to go downward. In one recent recruitment, the young men with PhD were offered Lecturer II. A lecturer II goes home with about N180,000 after tax while a newly appointed Professor does not take N500,000 home in our federal universities. Some of the newly recruited resigned a few months after their appointment. They reasoned that it would be difficult to sustain themselves and raise a family and still remain useful with that salary in this terrible economy. The implication of these poor welfare conditions on the university system in Nigeria is that qualified intellectuals are running away from lecturing while those who have nothing to do with intellectualism are getting recruited into the system. The future is already predictable.

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While younger lecturers are leaving or finding options to leave, university old-timers are sad. Those in the mid-career cadre also feel trapped. Mid-career lecturers contribute money to ensure that their courses get accredited. Their university management has become parasitic. They don’t release enough money to run their departments; the Head of Department becomes a ‘corporate beggar,’ looking for who will donate papers, computers, and so on.

Public accommodation for students on campus is terrible. There is no way you will train someone in that environment and the person will appreciate voting money into education when they get to office. Consequently, mid-career academics are simply buying time to become Professors and ‘Japa’ out of the country with their families in search of greener pastures, even if it is to enjoy life for a few years before death comes. Staying put for those people is like sleeping in a poorly ventilated room during a hot weather with mosquitoes singing ‘emilokan’ (it is my turn to suck blood) into your ears.

Children of lecturers are not encouraged to choose the profession of their parents. They do not want to suffer. Some children have even looked at their parents and told them that it is only English that they can speak, that they don’t have money. Don’t blame the children. They have lived long enough in Nigeria to know that ‘Olowo layemo’ (the world celebrates rich people).

As lecturers struggle to survive the excruciating conditions, their attention is more focused on survival through other means while less passion and less commitment is visible in how they handle their assignments. A demotivated workforce cannot give their best. Moreover, the government does not allow quick replacement of retired lecturers. As such, few lecturers teach many courses and supervise the ever-increasing number of students. They supervise doctoral students, master students and undergraduates. When a lecturer is allocated up to 20 students in a session across levels, how can you guarantee quality supervision? The excess teaching and supervision that lecturers undertake when the government refuses to recruit is what is called earned academic allowances. But successive governments have been owing lecturers.

It is now five months since the Federal Government under the leadership of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu put the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) in an indeterminate state over the re-negotiation of the 2009 agreement. ASUU reached an understanding with the Yayale Ahmed-led Committee, with the review of the report of the Nimi Briggs–led FGN-ASUU Renegotiation Committee in December 2024. As at the time of putting this piece together, ASUU members are waiting for agreement signing.

Additionally, the FG committee made some promises to the union which are also still awaiting implementation. According to the ASUU President, Chris Pinuwa, “The government agreed to mainstream the Earned Academic Allowances into the salaries with the creation of “Irregular Allowance” as a budget line in the 2026 Budget, after the release of Fifty Billion Naira for backlog and budgeting Twenty-nine Billion Naira for payment of 2025 Earned Academic Allowances. Similarly, the government also agreed to release One Hundred and Fifty Billion Naira as revitalisation funds within four weeks with effect from April, 2025. However, we are still waiting for the government to fulfil these promises.”

We are now entering June, 2025 and the university community is waiting on the President not to see lecturers as an opposition party that must be crushed and left to suffer. We cannot ill-treat lecturers and expect them to be in the best frame of mind to impart knowledge. Lecturers must be well resourced and remunerated, and universities should have the needed equipment and infrastructure through committed funding from the federal and state governments.

Communities must join lecturers in saving public universities. Public universities remain the most subscribed due to affordability and accessibility. However, establishing more universities is only useful if they will be funded. The community where new universities are sited may be happy that ‘awonlokan,’ but we may just be establishing ‘local-city’ and not ‘universe-city,’ thereby multiplying our mediocrity. There is an urgent need to address the downward slope that public university education is moving. Nigeria cannot develop without solving the problems confronting her universities.

• Prof. Tade writes from University of Ibadan, Oyo State
June 2, 2025
Season of trolls in Ekiti
- By Segun Dipe
The ship of gubernatorial election in Nigeria will soon berth in Ekiti as its next destination. Barring any last-minute glitch, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) will release the election time- table that will signal the flag off of the electoral process in both Ekiti and Osun, which will come immediately after. By then, individuals will start expressing their interest in bidding for the primaries that will make them emerge as the candidate of their various parties.

We are in the season before the INEC declaration. That season in Ekiti when people will be making subterranean moves at marketing their potential aspirants and de-marketing those of others. That season when name-calling becomes the order of the day from various camps. That season when half-truth and bare faced lie-telling are bandied as the truth. In Ibadan parlance, it is called the season of leemo (haul it at him).

For starters, trolling is a technological threat to democracy. Issues like disinformation, mass surveillance, and online polarisation can undermine democratic norms and institutions. But a troll would care less about that. In online slang, troll refers to someone who deliberately posts offensive, provocative, or disruptive content to incite reactions or derail conversations. They often aim to upset others or gain attention by starting arguments or causing trouble. This behaviour can manifest in various ways, such as posting inflammatory comments, sending malicious messages, or using derogatory language.

Trolls often have no genuine purpose beyond disrupting discussions or provoking reactions. They may use offensive language, spread false information, or engage in personal attacks to get a rise out of others.

When trolls troll, they care the least about the consequences. All that matters to them is to gain an upper hand for their would-be aspirants, or rather, to bolster the confidence of a person to the point that such would see himself or herself as the best possible candidate and eventual winner of the coming elections, first the primaries, then the general.

It is observed that trolling is rough, repressive and gutterly. Rather than simply sell their principals, the trolls play the game with impunity and employ the worst of tackles. To them, it’s simply a game of thrones and they can laugh it off at the end without minding how much injury it has caused their victims. After all, as they would say, anyone who can’t endure the heat should not bother entering the kitchen.

Indeed, trolling heats up the political space. The worst guilty are those trying to snatch power for their principal. They will defy all sane reasonings to bully the person in the saddle and provoke his followers to no end, so they, the trolls, can capitalise on any retort from their victims.

The trolls in Ekiti have not performed any differently. Pretending they don’t realise that the sitting governor is entitled to another four-year term in office, they have been employing all forms of tricks to galvanise negative thoughts against Governor Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji, interpreting all his good intentions negatively and condemning all positive appraisals he is getting.

One would expect the trolling to come from those in the opposition party, but it is coming in the form of envy from those who claim to be members of the ruling party. To them, there are some forces external to the state somewhere, who would stop the governor from running a constitutionally approved second term, no matter how well the governor may have positioned himself in the consciousness of the people he is governing. If he likes, let him be garlanded with all the honours in this world, the trolls believe they can pull him down and make him look bad to the electorate.

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And there is this talk of endorsement or adoption of the governor for a second term. His traducers will hear no such thing. They kept querying why anyone would dare to endorse a sitting governor for another term. It is a constitutional aberration, a heinous offence to commit, they’d say. They have argued this to high heavens. Little did they understand that they were only confusing endorsement with the campaign proper. There is nothing constitutionally wrong with any group of persons endorsing anyone for a future election. What the Constitution frowns at is for such a person to come out boldly and declare his intention to contest before the electoral umpire blows the whistle.

While the sitting governor is being endorsed by the people for a constitutionally approved second term, others with the ambition to seize power from him are brazenly declaring their intention to contest and even making barefaced pronouncements.

Talking about endorsement of a sitting governor (as with a sitting President) for a second term, the principle is enshrined in the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, which also outlines the roles and powers of the governor. The Party Constitution is another primary endorsing instrument. It is from these two legal documents that the people derive their powers to endorse.

As stipulated by the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended), Governors have two term limits of four years apiece. Specifically, Section 180(1) (a, b, c, d) as well as Section 180(2 & 3) of the constitution provides details of the tenure of the office of a governor and conditions that could warrant an office holder to stay longer than the four years stipulated.

In the same vein, the Constitution of the All Progressives Congress (APC) allows for a governor to serve a maximum of two four-year terms. Meaning, an individual can be governor for a total of eight years.

These trolls have a way of assuming that their principals, who have never been elected into any position of authority before, would be entrusted with power to perform better than the sitting governor who has not served out his two terms. Fine. But that is where the line between the promises they are making on behalf of their principals and that of the commitment in the form of performance of the sitting governor is drawn. Promise and commitment, though can serve as campaign tools, should not be confused. They hold two unrelated meanings and implications.

A promise is a declaration or an assurance that one will do something or that a particular thing will happen. It signifies an intention to perform a specific action in the future.

On the other hand, a commitment is a binding obligation or a dedication to a cause, activity or person. It goes beyond mere words and is reflected in consistent actions and behaviours over time. Commitment thus signifies a deeper level of dedication and responsibility.

Simply put, a promise is an intention to do something, while a commitment is the action of consistently following through on that intention. Promises can be made quickly and brazenly, but commitments require sustained efforts and dedication.

As it is at the federal level today, the APC is the ruling party in Ekiti State. The strength of the party lies in the fact that it is the party in action, and the performance of the sitting governor is its selling point. To leave such commitment, which the party has already entered into, and start making extraneous promises, will be preposterous of the party. Worse off will be to abandon certainty and start marketing uncertainties. That will be tantamount to gambling. No amount of trolling can push the ruling party to take such a risk in the coming election. A bird in the hand, they say, is worth two in the bush.

•Dipe is Publicity Secretary, All Progressives Congress (APC), Ekiti State
June 2, 2025
Between President Bola Tinubu and Napoleon Bonaparte

By Gboyega Amoboye

President Bola Tinubu is a man of history. In politics, he is as skillful as Charles Talleyrand, the French Foreign Minister at the Congress of Vienna in 1815 and as smart as Metternich, the Austrian Foreign Minister at the same Congress. Though France was vanquished, Talleyrand was able to play the victorious European countries that defeated Napoleon against each other to the advantage of France. Where Napoleon Bonaparte has failed, Tinubu has succeeded. Any wonder he is always a step ahead of his challengers including Baba Olusegun Aremu Obasanjo, the over bearing Ebora Owu. He outsmarted Obasanjo in the battle for the control of Lagos State in 2003.

To Baba Obasanjo’s suprise Tinubu became the first Yoruba he could not stop from becoming President. He had stopped the great Chief Obafemi Awolowo in 1979 and said Abiola was not the expected Messiah after the annulment of the June 12 1993 Presidential election. Obasanjo tried in vain the “Orubebe formula” to get the election of President Tinubu annulled in 2023.

As destiny would have it President Tinubu has become the undisputed champion in the running battle between him and Obasanjo. It may be inadvertently, the President proves that a new Sheriff is in town. He reverted to the old National Anthem rested by then Obasanjo before leaving office as Head of State in 1979.

Baba is fond of renaming National Monuments as if the masquerade is to blame and not the face behind it. For instance, he changed the logo of the Nigerian Airways from a flying Elephant to Eagle. In the first Republic, Nigeria operated a less expensive Parliamentary System. But was replaced with the Presidential System of today. Perhaps with a new Sheriff it may be goodbye to Egypt soon.

A skilful politician per excellence, President Bola Tinubu is likely conversant with “Owe Akala, Oju a t’urari” meaning the proverb of Akala, destiny may bring us together again. Many of us might have read the popular Alawiye by J.F Odunjo in our primary school days.

Akala is a bird. When caught in a hunter’s snare, it pleaded with the hunter to spare its life because destiny might bring them together again. Indeed the future came too soon when it was only Akala that could save the life of the hunter.

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Where political shylocks would demand a pound of flesh, President Tinubu remembers ‘owe Akala’.

Statesman, is a word often abused. The press in particular is guilty of labelling anybody a statesman even if devoid of credibility. Statesmanship should be associated with nobility. President Bola Tinubu demonstrated nobility by ordering the reopening temporarily, the PDP secretariat along with others, shut down by the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom for non payment of tenement rates. While as expected some opponents of PDP might be rejoicing over it’s travail, the President demonstrated Statesmanship. All his political career, the President has never been found wanting in humanity.

He was as good as becoming the President of the Senate in 1992 but conceded it to the North and settled for Senate Leadership even though President Babangida was from the north.

In the course of the race for the APC Presidential Primaries in 2023, even when it became obvious that President Muhammadu Buhari was against his candidacy, Bola Tinubu remained unperturbed. He focused on the ball when it should have been pay back time having helped Buhari to power in 2015.

However if Buhari had forgotten the past, many other political associates never did. Party stalwarts including Governors defied Buhari to stand with Tinubu. This is where he succeeded, where Napoleon failed. Napoleon once cartooned as the butcher of Europe, never spared his victims. But he never read Alawiye so he was not conversant with Owe Akala. It was therefore an opportunity for eight European countries to unite against him at the Battle of Waterloo in June 1815 where France was defeated and Napoleon sent out of history, where Tinubu is finding allies even in his ‘grateful enemies’.

In Israel, we were shown the house of the ‘bonus lastrus, good thief’ as the thief on the right hand side of Jesus at crucifixion is called. So there are equally good enemies.

The gale of defections to the APC from other political parties is a demonstration of appreciation and trust reposed in the President. This does not mean it would lead to one party system.The Peoples Democratic Party is too strong to die just yet, but would remain a god with a foot of clay.

While his predecessors from Ibrahim Babangida held on to funds raked in from fuel subsidy withdrawals, Tinubu shares the money monthly among States and local governments to enable them develop their people and alleviate poverty. Unfortunately many state governments are yet to cope with the expectations of the President for an even development of the country.

Obviously defectors to APC might have realised that more time is required to build a nation where other political opponents are clamouring for a change of government after two years out of four in the first instance. While some critics may be eager to quote development in Singapore under President Lee Kuan Yew they have failed to note that it took him 31 years to build a country of just 5.7m people.

As one congratulates Mr. President on the halfway journey, it is two years down, two up and the future belongs to the Almighty. God’s speed Your Excellency.

June 1, 2025
Justice for Adeyinka Olarinmoye: we say no to cyberbullying

By Ayeni Olalekan

The attention of Igbimo Omo Yoruba, under the distinguished leadership of Olóyè Rotimi Olowoyo, Chairman, Board of Trustees, and Adedamola Adetayo, Convener, has been drawn to the recent, unjust, and inflammatory cyberattacks directed at one of our own — Dr. Adeyinka Olarinmoye, also known to many as Iyalode Adeyinka Bello — a respected academic, Yoruba cultural advocate, and lecturer at Lagos State University.

The unwarranted backlash against Dr. Olarinmoye, following her simple, culturally-grounded statement on social media regarding her desire for her children to marry within the Yoruba ethnic group, has spiraled into a disturbing wave of ethnic-based cyberbullying, targeted harassment, and misinformation. We, as a collective Yoruba voice, rise today not only to defend her person but to denounce the broader pattern of disrespect and hostility toward Yoruba values and identity exhibited by certain online factions.

The context of the statement

On Wednesday, May 21, 2025, Dr. Adeyinka Olarinmoye responded to a trending social media post wherein popular Nigerian musician David Adeleke (Davido) expressed affinity for his Ibo bloodline. In a similar vein of cultural pride, Dr. Olarinmoye simply commented on her Facebook page: “I would ensure my kids marry Yoruba.”

This was neither a condemnation of other ethnic groups nor a xenophobic declaration. It was a mother’s heartfelt wish rooted in her cultural beliefs and a universally accepted right to familial and ethnic preference — a sentiment shared by billions across all continents and cultures.

However, this innocuous statement was deliberately misrepresented and falsely rephrased by certain individuals.

This mischaracterisation was then weaponised across several blog platforms and social media pages, leading to a deluge of verbal abuse, threats of violence, and orchestrated defamation aimed at Dr. Olarinmoye. This cyber mob behavior, disturbingly dominated by commentators, reveals an ugly, growing trend of intolerance and tribal cyber-aggression, particularly against outspoken Yoruba voices.

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Danger of misinformation and digital mob justice

We strongly condemn this deliberate twisting of facts and the use of social media as a tool of cultural oppression. Dr. Olarinmoye never made any derogatory or discriminatory statement against any tribe. Her personal stance has been manipulated into a weapon against her, and worse, against the collective Yoruba identity.

This reflects a broader and alarming digital pattern: coordinated cyberbullying campaigns aimed at silencing Yoruba voices, particularly those who hold opinions that do not align with the popular sentiments of other ethnic blocs. From defamation campaigns during the 2023 general elections to the continued denigration of Yoruba public figures, this pattern has become undeniable.

Such attacks not only aim to discredit Yoruba individuals but seek to diminish our cultural pride, autonomy, and voice in Nigeria’s national discourse. These tactics must be resisted and called out for what they are: a targeted attempt to shame and silence Yoruba identity under the guise of “unity” and “nationalism.”

Ethnic Intolerance: A two-way mirror

We have noticed with growing concern the rise of a particularly aggressive, ethnocentric class of commentators —who consistently engage in Yoruba-bashing on social platforms. These individuals often exhibit disdain for Yoruba values, insult our traditional leaders, and mock our cultural institutions while demanding unquestioned acceptance of theirs.

This attitude extends to our sociopolitical space. Lagos — a Yoruba homeland — has increasingly become the battleground for political and cultural conquest. The attempts at demographic manipulation, deliberate erasure of Yoruba culture in media narratives, and increasingly aggressive rhetoric from non-indigenous groups are facts too blatant to ignore.

The Yoruba are a welcoming people — rooted in the Omoluabi ethos of respect, diplomacy, and dignity. We have always stood for unity, justice, and fairness in Nigeria’s multi-ethnic structure. However, our hospitality must not be mistaken for weakness, nor our civility for docility.

We strongly reject the vilification of Dr. Adeyinka Olarinmoye and the attempts to destroy her reputation. We view these attacks not just as personal, but as symbolic of a broader societal tendency to suppress Yoruba pride and values.

Let us be clear: no ethnic group has a monopoly on cultural pride. Just as every Ibo father or mother may desire cultural continuity through intra-ethnic marriage, so too do Yoruba parents. It is not racism; it is not hatred — it is heritage.

Legal and institutional response

We wish to inform the public that Dr. Olarinmoye has taken the appropriate legal steps to address the threats made against her. The relevant law enforcement agencies have been briefed, and appropriate actions are underway to ensure her safety and seek redress under Nigeria’s Cybercrimes Act of 2015, which criminalises cyberbullying and online harassment.

We also urge the management of Lagos State University and relevant educational bodies to protect the integrity, career, and mental health of their academic staff, especially when subjected to coordinated ethnic attacks.

Conclusion and our stand

We will not allow our people to be silenced.

We will defend our heritage, our culture, our people, and our voices without fear or apology.

To all who harbor the illusion that Yoruba people can be endlessly attacked without consequence — we send a firm warning: desist.

Let all ethnic groups treat one another with the respect they demand for themselves. Let cultural pride not be used as a weapon. Let differences in opinion not become causes for cyber lynching. And let our diverse backgrounds become reasons for dialogue — not discord.

As a people, we reaffirm our loyalty to Yoruba land, and we shall continue to speak boldly for what we believe is just and right. We Think Yoruba First.

• Olalekan, a public affairs commentator can be reached on ayeniolalekan70@gmail.com

June 1, 2025
Tasks before South-West Development Commission

There are question marks about the proliferation of ‘development commissions. However, we go along with the present enthusiasm, whatever the agenda perceived in cynical quarters, for their creation.

Over the years, various development commissions have been established to address specific regional challenges. To understand the reservations, we must go back into the past. There appears to be a big difference between today’s ‘development commissions’ and the ‘development corporations’, which emerged in the 1950s. The development corporations, such as the Western Nigeria Development Corporation, under its pioneer chairman, Chief Alfred Rewane, and the Eastern Nigeria Development Corporation, under Sir Louis Odumegwu-Ojukwu, were actually conceived and indeed operated as investment financing power houses, driving economic growth and development in their respective regions..

To gauge their impact, look at the tangible legacies in the Western and Eastern Regions, particularly the industrial estates they constructed, which attracted significant long-term investment capital. These initiatives generated thousands of direct jobs and tens of thousands of indirect ones, ultimately fostering the growth of both a petit bourgeoisie and an ever-expanding middle class.

For decades, a consensus has emerged in the Western Region, following the demise of the original development corporation, that a well-capitalized investment bank is crucial for aggregating patent capital to develop vital physical infrastructure, such as power plants, ports and commercial roads. The Western Region’s development has been hindered by a chronic shortage of long-term capital.

For instance, establishing a regional investment bank over two decades ago would have been a strategic move, potentially yielding an aggregated paid-up capital of approximately N800 billion by now, although this would still be insufficient. As a long-term development bank focused on the South-West, it would have generated immense benefits for the region.

The inauguration of the South-West Development Commission (SWDC) marks a significant milestone in the region’s development trajectory. At the helm of the SWDC are Charles Akindiji Akinola, the nominated Managing Director, and Olubunmi Ayodeji Adetunmbi, its Chairman.

Although I’ve had limited personal interaction with Senator Adetunmbi, what could be referred to as my sole encounter with him was on June 21, 2014, at the Government House in Ekiti, following the People’s Democratic Party, PDP’s victory over the All Progressives Congress (APC). However, insights from Ahmed Lawal, APC Fan Club’s Ekiti State Coordinator, portray Adetunmbi as a calm, collected and dedicated politician with a technocratic approach.

As Lawal aptly noted, Adetunmbi’s senate tenure was “distinguished by brilliant contributions and thoughtful submissions on matters of public importance … He was consistently active and visible on the Senate floor.” I share this view, believing President Bola Tinubu has made a wise choice in appointing him. After all, the Commission requires a blend of technical expertise and political acumen, and Adetunmbi’s profile fits the bill perfectly.

On my part, I’ve had the privilege of interacting with Akinola in various capacities, and this has provided an opportunity to observe his leadership skills firsthand. I’ve reported to him on multiple occasions, including during my tenure at the Afenifere Renewal Group (ARG), as Senior Special Assistant on Media to Governor Rauf Aregbesola, and later as part of Governor Gboyega Oyetola’s team where he served as Chief of Staff. These experiences have provided valuable insight into his work ethic and leadership style. Yes, I have much more to say, but for now, I’ll reserve further comments for a more opportune time.

As a development expert with esteemed academic credentials from renowned global institutions, including Harvard Kennedy School and the University of Ibadan, Akinola played a pivotal role in conceptualizing the Development Agenda for Western Nigeria (DAWN) Commission and shaping the SWDC. Leveraging his experience as Chief of Staff in both federal and state governments, he brings a unique blend of policy execution expertise and community engagement acumen to his role.

“Àgbájo owó la fi n sòyà” (In unity lies strength). As the pioneer Administrative Secretary of ARG, I was deeply involved in most of the processes that led to the DAWN Commission’s establishment. While this context doesn’t permit an exhaustive discussion, it’s worth noting that DAWN and the SWDC will be eating from the same pot of development in Nigeria’s South-West. Obviously, this makes it essential for them to work together to achieve their objectives. Potential areas of collaboration include infrastructure development, economic growth initiatives, social welfare programmes and capacity building.

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A clear developmentalist agenda, aligned with the DAWN Commission, chambers of commerce, and civil society groups, is essential for success. The SWDC’s effectiveness should be measured by tangible deliverables, not rhetoric. Its development paradigm should be people-centric, with little or no Turanci, as we already had enough to last a lifetime. No, that’s not what we need at this time! Put bluntly, what’s expected to populate the SWDC’s dictionary must translate plans into outcomes and mitigate potential pitfalls.

To realize its full potential, SWDC must possess the capacity to catalyze economic growth, reduce regional disparities, and improve residents’ quality of life. It must also embrace the mobilization of long-term capital for meaningful development, rather than indulging in the usual ‘job-for-the-boys’ contractocracy that does not edify progress, and ‘projects’ of dubious effectiveness.

Drawing valuable lessons from the Niger Delta Development Commission’s experience, which has been criticized for its perceived ineffectiveness and resource wastage, SWDC must ensure accountability and transparency in its operations. Towards achieving this, an oversight board comprising civil society organizations should be established to monitor its activities, given the uncertainty about the National Assembly’s ability to provide effective oversight.

Next on the list is the SWDC’s international dimensions, crucial to its success. To leverage this, SWDC could collaborate with DAWN, state governments, and the region’s political and business elite to establish a South-West Development Bank. This bank would be capitalized through a mix of regional funds, diaspora investments, and support from multilateral organizations like the World Bank, UNDP, AfDB, and Sovereign Wealth Funds, enabling the Commission to attract foreign investment, secure funding and expertise for development projects, and foster international business partnerships that drive regional growth.

Regional integration is also a vital aspect of the SWDC’s mandate. To promote economic integration and cooperation, it must collaborate closely with the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) on initiatives such as developing cross-border infrastructure and enhancing trade to create a more favorable business environment. This, in turn, can drive innovation and stimulate economic growth, ultimately increasing regional economic opportunities.

Clearly, the SWDC’s mandate requires strategic leadership, collective action, and targeted interventions to promote regional development and address inequalities. So, its priorities should be guided by the needs and concerns of the people. Truth be told, youth unemployment is a pressing issue in South-West Nigeria, and the SWDC must empower initiatives that create sustainable jobs.

The Olokola Deep Sea Port in Ondo State was destined to be one of West and Central Africa’s largest deep-sea ports. However, successive governments have struggled to make it a profitable venture. The late Governor Rotimi Akeredolu had initiated efforts to develop the port before he tasted death. If the SWDC focuses on this project, it could potentially lead to significant economic transformation in the region.

To end, the biblical stories of the bronze serpent and the woman with the issue of blood offer compelling parallels with the SWDC. They speak to the importance of effective leadership, collective action and perseverance in the face of challenges. Just as the bronze serpent symbolized salvation and hope, the SWDC can inspire regional development, address disparities and grow South-West Nigeria. Similarly, the region’s quest for restoration and growth mirrors the woman’s pursuit of healing. It requires effective governance, strategic planning and collective effort.

We wish the South-West Development Commission (SWDC) every success!

May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

May 31, 2025
Tinubu driving transparency, citizen engagement for renewed social contract
- By John Owoseni
When President Bola Ahmed Tinubu took the oath of office on May 29, 2023, he was confronted with a Nigeria poised between promise and peril, tethering close to the precipice more than at any time in its previous history.

Festering economic imbalances previously masked by oil revenues were drying up, and the failed subsidy regime was squandering away future earnings, foreign-exchange realignment had shattered long-standing currency anchors, and inflation eroded the purchasing power of millions of households across the country.

Yet, amid the turbulence, the Tinubu administration discerned an opportunity: to marshal the soft power of information, engagement, and transparency as catalysts for a renewed social contract, as contained in the President’s “Renewed Hope Action Plan.”

Two years on, the Federal Ministry of Information & National Orientation stands as a pillar of this strategy, its mid-term report a testament to how institutional reform, disciplined messaging, and citizen dialogue can transform governance from a distant echo chamber into a shared journey to hope and fulfilment.

From the outset, the ministry under the leadership of the Honourable Minister, Alhaji Mohammed Idris eschewed the typical aloof officialdom of government establishments. Instead, it embraced a relentless drive to reach Nigerians in all the places they live, work, commute, and engage.

Its objectives were clear: to promote national cohesion through strategic engagement with citizens, proactively engage with media practitioners to ensure the accurate dissemination of information, and implement periodic citizens and stakeholder engagement to collect feedback, as well as to communicate government activities.

Central to this is the honest acknowledgment of the pressure on everyday Nigerians as we commenced on the path to lasting stability.

The removal of fuel subsidy and the unification of the exchange rate were seismic shocks nationwide, even as they were long overdue.

Yet, as Minister Idris reminded stakeholders at the National Communication Team’s mid-term review, these measures were “the bedrock of our nation’s economic transition or renaissance.”

By correctly framing temporary sacrifice as an investment rather than government imposition, the ministry secured the buy-in from citizens for the government.

Nigerians understood the task at hand and saw it as a necessary process to attain a prosperous economy that benefits everybody.

The ministry embarked on several town hall sessions, road shows, walks, and various initiatives to sensitise Nigerians on pressing issues.

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There were sessions in all 36 states of the federation and the Federal Capital Territory that provided the much needed information on the government’s measures to alleviate the pressures.

This included the student loan initiative, the CNG vehicle conversion to reduce transport costs, the Digital and Creative Enterprise, Micro and Small Business Loan, Skill-Up Artisans Programme, and so much more.

These sessions transcended stark recitations of GDP forecasts and fiscal targets, and they painted a picture of the benefits of stabilisation that communities are poised to reap, even as the administration was unafraid to tackle the pain of reform as it mapped its long-term gains.

Mindful of its role in orienting the populace on the activities of the government, the Ministry of Information & National Orientation has been efficient in illustrating the administration’s far-reaching economic reset.

In 2025 alone, the government has committed N2.5 trillion to road infrastructure—the largest annual allocation in history—linking Lagos to Calabar and Badagry to Sokoto, while resuscitating the Port Harcourt and Warri refineries and reconstructing the Alau Dam in Borno.

New ministries for Regional Development and Livestock stand ready to unlock agricultural value chains, and the Presidential CNG Initiative has mobilised over $450 million in cleaner‑fuel infrastructure.

Social investments have been equally bold. NELFUND has provided tuition and upkeep support to 300 000 students; CreditCorp has opened access to credit for housing, healthcare and small businesses; and a N200 billion stimulus for nano‑businesses, SMEs and manufacturers has injected much‑needed liquidity into the economic engine.

These are not just vague statistics; millions of Nigerians have benefitted and continue to do so.

However, as no outreach effort is complete without investing in the gatekeepers themselves, the ministry has invested in the very custodians of information – Nigeria’s reporters and editors, equipping them to harness artificial intelligence and other emerging technologies in news production.

Over the past two years, the Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria and its network of stations have hosted intensive workshops and training sessions to guide journalists on researching, data visualisation, automated transcription and others.

By marrying traditional reporting skills with cutting-edge technology, these programmes have accelerated the effective dissemination of government programmes while fortifying the credibility of public broadcasting in today’s fast-paced world.

As the administration completes its first half and faces the second, the ministry’s next objectives are clear: its next steps must be defined not only by what it has achieved, but also by a vision of what more needs to be done.

The ministry’s own vision – to build a dynamic and participatory public information system that champions national unity, growth, and development – provides a clear compass. It must create a thriving ecosystem of trust, civic education, and national pride.

This push must thus go further in converting the President’s mandate into sustained national consciousness. It also means scaling civic enlightenment campaigns with greater urgency.

The fight against intolerance, corruption, cultism, and anti-social behaviour cannot be fought in silos or with slogans alone. It must be conveyed through values-based storytelling, participatory education, and localised cultural engagement that speaks to the realities of Nigerians, young and old.

Ultimately, the true measure of the achievements attained by the ministry at the mid-term of President Tinubu’s tenure will not reside in annual reports, but in the lived experiences of Nigerians.

When an elderly retiree makes sense of government initiatives, or when a student understands her obligation as a citizen, or when a trader sees the potential of buying Nigerian goods; then the ministry would have succeeded in its set goals.

If citizens feel informed and empowered, the Ministry of Information & National Orientation will have achieved its most important goal, which is to convert the ideals of Mr President’s “Renewed Hope” into a shared reality that Nigerians can feel and touch.

Thus, the takeaway is that the stewardship of hope demands the same diligence in communication, as it does in the formulation of impactful policy.

Two years on, Minister Mohammed Idris and the Ministry of Information & National Orientation have proven to be more than a mere mouthpiece for policy announcements; it is the engine room of the administration’s social contract by empowering citizens at the grassroots to know, and embedding transparency into the institutions that shape national life. The “Renewed Hope” Agenda has laid the groundwork.

What comes next is the building of a nation that hears itself, sees itself, and speaks to itself more clearly, more honestly, and more often.

•Owoseni writes from Abuja
May 31, 2025
Tinubu’s mid-term: A business perspective

By Abdul Samad Rabiu

As Nigeria marks two years under the leadership of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, I believe it is important to reflect, not from the lens of politics, but from the perspective of business, of industry, and of the economy. I speak not only as the Chairman of BUA Group – one of Africa’s largest conglomerates, but also as someone who has lived through the complexity of Nigeria’s reforms. I have seen the cost of dysfunction, the burden of inefficiency, but more importantly, the promise of a level playing field and the dividends of decisive governance.

The removal of the fuel subsidy is one of the most important decisions taken by this administration. Before that, Nigeria was selling PMS at 200 or 250 Naira per litre, which was about 25 or 30 cents. I doubt there was any country in the world where fuel was being sold at that price. During my trip to Saudi Arabia for the lesser Hajj in February this year, I checked the pump price at one of the petrol stations as we drove from Jeddah to Mecca. When I converted the price to Naira, it was almost 1,500 Naira per litre. That was Saudi Arabia.

We could simply not afford the subsidy. It was not just Nigerians who were benefiting from it. We were subsidising the entire region. I remember visiting Niger Republic a few years ago when President Bazoum honoured us. During dinner, he joked and said, “Thank you for the subsidy.” He said 100 percent of all PMS consumed in Niger was coming from Nigeria because it would cost them three times more to import. There was no incentive for them to bring in their own fuel or refine crude at their own refinery. This was the situation across the region.

Today, I understand that our fuel consumption has dropped by almost 40 to 50 percent. It is not because Nigerians are consuming less, but because neighbouring countries have stopped tapping into our subsidised fuel. The PMS is still cheaper in Nigeria, even at 800 or 900 Naira per litre, but the logistics no longer support easy access. Countries like Niger and Benin Republic still take fuel from Nigeria, but others have stopped.

The removal of subsidies was needed not only to save the economy but to ensure that Nigerians alone benefit from what is imported. Even if there must be a subsidy, it should be for Nigerians only. The money saved is now being channelled to infrastructure, to better support for states, and to other developmental priorities. All the states are receiving more money now, and that has made a real difference.

I am of the firm opinion that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu made the right decision, and he made it boldly. I always say, Mr President is probably the only one who had the courage to take such hard and necessary decisions.

The unification of the foreign exchange market is another critical reform. Before this, many of us in the business community spent most of our time chasing foreign exchange. I personally spent half of my time trying to get FX from the Central Bank of Nigeria. The CBN was the only source of official exchange, offering FX at around 500 Naira when the parallel market was 800 or 900. No business could survive outside the CBN structure.

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Every two weeks, we would go to Abuja to seek allocations. It was exhausting and inefficient. You had to camp there for three or four days before Allocation Monday, waiting for the CBN to allocate dollars. Today, I have met the new CBN Governor, Mr Cardoso, only once in two years. The reason is simple: I do not need to go to Abuja now to get foreign exchange. The system is open. It is working.

This was also a bold move by President Tinubu. It was necessary, and he took that decision as well. We are very glad because today we can focus on our businesses. These reforms are saving the economy.

Under this administration, we have seen a return to fairness and stability in business. We no longer worry about arbitrary shutdowns or politically motivated disruptions. Let me give a real example. We started a new business in Port Harcourt four or five years ago under BUA Foods, operating at the Rivers Ports under a concession with the Nigerian Ports Authority. It was going very well. One day, we woke up to a letter stating that the concession had been revoked, the terminal shut down, and the lease agreement terminated. There was no prior warning, no issue, no conflict.

Later, we discovered that the Managing Director of NPA at the time decided to close the business simply because our operations were competing with those of her friend. She wanted to impress her friend. That was the only reason. Today, that kind of thing cannot happen. Nobody would dare take such an action under President Tinubu. You can wake up now without fear that your business has been shut down by an agency or politician.

That stability is critical. That Port Harcourt plant alone has seen over 500 million dollars in investment and has employed over 4,000 people. The confidence this government has brought is real, and it is helping us plan better.

I must also personally acknowledge former President Muhammadu Buhari. When our Port Harcourt plant was unfairly shut down, it was his intervention that saved it. That decision saved the business. But the reality is, I had access. What if I did not? That is the difference today. Now, nobody needs access to the President to be treated fairly. Everyone knows that if you do something wrong under President Tinubu, you may lose your job or even face prosecution and go to jail. That is why I can now spend more time focusing on the business and relaxing.

In infrastructure, the difference is also clear. Look at the Lagos-Calabar highway. Look at the Sokoto-Badagry road. Look at the Kwara projects we are executing under the tax credit scheme. Look at Kano-Kongolam. Look at the Okpella to Kogi State corridor. These projects are progressing because of the savings from subsidy removal and FX unification. With more revenue, Nigeria is building.

These roads and others being built are critical because logistics have become a major challenge. Transporting goods from Lagos to the North is very expensive due to bad roads. Now, the President is addressing this. With better infrastructure, logistics will improve, and businesses will grow. These reforms have enabled long-term planning and serious investment.

Since President Tinubu took office, BUA Group has invested over one billion dollars in the Nigerian economy. We are expanding our food business, doubling our flour and pasta facilities in Port Harcourt and building another in Lagos. Demand is increasing. People are earning more. Confidence is returning. We have also completed the first POP plaster manufacturing plant in Nigeria which is now operating, and are soon starting construction of a 30MW solar energy project in Sokoto State.

In the oil and gas sector, we are completing our LNG project in Ajaokuta, Kogi State. These investments are possible because of the stability that has been brought about by President Tinubu’s reforms. We can plan now. The exchange rate has been fairly stable for almost a year. FX is accessible. Money is coming in from different sources, and investors are responding. If you want 200 million dollars a week for trade, you can get it without lobbying anyone at the Central Bank. These are the results of good policies.

When I met President Tinubu recently, he raised concerns about food prices. He wanted to know what BUA Foods was doing. I explained that his six-month tariff waiver had worked. It disrupted hoarding in the rice market. In Nigeria, the rice harvest is short and runs for about three months. Middlemen were buying paddy rice, hoarding it, and raising prices post-harvest. This artificial scarcity drove prices to as high as 110,000 Naira per bag. The farmers did not benefit. Farmers just wanted to sell and move on, yet some people were buying from them, hoarding it, and creating a food crisis in the country.

The temporary waiver allowed rice to be brought in, and milled immediately. The hoarders were cut out. Prices began to drop. It was a short-term solution, but it worked. It showed foresight. I told the President it helped and that if the situation persists, further steps can be taken. But for now, it has made a difference.

President Tinubu’s Nigeria First policy has aligned well with our own belief in backward integration. Our cement business is almost entirely local. We mine our own limestone. We use Nigerian gas even though it is dollar-denominated. The only foreign element is the equipment, and even that benefits from government concessions for mining equipment which everyone else in the industry benefits. If we had to import cement today, prices would be over 15,000 Naira per bag. Nigeria does not have the port infrastructure to even handle the import volume. Producing locally has saved the economy and stabilised the sector.

These are the foundations of growth. Nigeria is full of potential. With the right leadership, which we now have, there is no limit to what we can achieve.

•Rabiu is Founder and Chairman, BUA Group

May 30, 2025