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  • Peter Obi’s defection dance in Enugu

    Peter Obi’s defection dance in Enugu

    • By Femi Odere

    In what can now be seen as a manifestly confused state of mind,  former Anambra State Governor and 2023 Labour Party (LP) presidential candidate, Peter Gregory Obi, joined the African Democratic Congress (ADC) in a ceremony that was attended by his increasingly diminishing political allies and ADC promoters. Almost all the politicians in attendance were individuals who had either held one public office or another, who, as Peter Obi himself, were colossal disasters in their various public offices that their constituents would rather forget than advertise. It is therefore easy to predict the endgame for such an assemblage of politicians.

    ‎The event fell flat on its back even before takeoff. And here’s why. Firstly, it beggars belief why Obi chose Enugu in Enugu State instead of Awka in Anambra State, where he comes from, for joining the ADC. It has always been the wont of serious and authentically popular politicians when making transitions of this magnitude to do so in their traditional political strongholds and not anywhere else. This move was another manifestation of Obi’s lack of depth. 

    ‎Secondly, a man who scrupulously widened the gap among Nigeria’s ethnic nationalities in his 2023 presidential bid cannot turn around now to talk about “national reunification” to which he alluded in his defection speech.  His posturing and talk about the unity of Nigeria amounted to grandstanding and lip service because his choice of Enugu spoke louder than his incoherent appeal for unity.

    ‎‎Anybody with a discerning mind who has followed Peter Obi’s political trajectory will not only find his trademark “Me First” strewn all over his declaration speech but also a clear pattern of his inability to change, as a leopard cannot change its spots, having abandoned the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) on whose platform he governed Anambra State for eight years, to join the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

    ‎‎In 2019, Obi was the vice-presidential candidate of the PDP and the running mate to Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, who, in all likelihood, he will once again be a running mate to in their special-purpose ADC vehicle, as there’s clearly no pathway for clinching the presidential ticket of the party.

     In the run-up to the 2023 Presidential Election, Obi joined the Labour Party (LP) and became its presidential candidate. With the Obidient Movement, he tried to exploit youth anger to ride to the presidency, a ploy that failed tragically. Obi resorted to religion and ethnicity, the two most potent factors that have plagued our country since independence as his campaign strategy. Yet, he came a distant third at the polls.

    Read Also: Peter Obi’s defection sparks major LP exodus to ADC in Delta

    ‎‎In all of this, you see a man who is driven by desperation.  But for collective amnesia, nobody will take Obi seriously in a presidential contest. He is not different from the proverbial rolling stone that gathers no moss but also lacks the presence of mind to know that he had used his proverbial “15 minutes of fame” that comes only once in one’s lifetime in 2023. After the ADC presidential ticket is settled, we expect another verdict or another assemblage.

    ‎Peter Obi’s speech at his defection show exposed him as a man with little or no understanding of where Nigeria was in 2023 and where we are, about two and a half years after. His speech was full of rhetoric about a failed state but he failed to provide any insight as to how things can be improved.

    ‎‎Obi’s criticism of President Bola Tinubu’s tax reforms, which have been applauded by economists and financial experts, is proof of his inability to understand the dynamics of statecraft. His political jamboree at the Nike Lake Resort Hotel, Enugu, can indeed be likened to a naked dance in a market square.

    • ‎‎Femi Odere is Convener, The Alternative Platform (TAP)
  • Who is afraid of Benjamin Kalu?

    Who is afraid of Benjamin Kalu?

    • By Andrew Ike

    In the complex tapestry of Nigerian politics, few figures have emerged in recent years with the promise and performance of Hon. Benjamin Okezie Kalu, the current Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives. His trajectory from a first-term legislator to the Sixth highest-ranking political office holder in Nigeria represents not just personal achievement, but a beacon of hope for the people, most particularly the youths of the South-East region. Yet, as is often the case with rising stars in Nigerian politics, his ascent has been met with organized resistance that raises a fundamental question: who is afraid of Benjamin Kalu, and why?

    Benjamin Kalu’s political credentials are like a profile of any progressive leader, impressive by any measure. Since his election to represent Bende Federal Constituency in 2019, he has distinguished himself as a legislator of substance rather than merely rhetoric. His legislative achievements include sponsoring and co-sponsoring numerous bills aimed at economic development, youth empowerment, and regional integration. As Chairman of the House Committee on Media and Public Affairs in the 8th Assembly, he brought transparency and accountability to legislative communications, ensuring that Nigerians remained informed about the workings of their parliament.

    His elevation to Deputy Speaker in June 2023 was not a product of political accident but recognition of his competence, bridge-building abilities, and commitment to national cohesion. In this capacity, Kalu has championed legislative reforms, promoted inclusion in governance, and consistently advocated for policies that address the developmental deficits in the South-East. He has been instrumental in pushing for the establishment of the SouthEast Development Commission,  infrastructure projects, including the coastal rail lines, and federal road networks that connect the South-East to other regions.

    Beyond infrastructure, Kalu has been a voice for Ndi Igbo on the national stage, articulating the region’s concerns while emphasizing the importance of unity and cooperation across Nigeria’s diverse landscape. His approach reflects a new breed of leadership—one that combines ethnic advocacy with national responsibility, seeking not to alienate but to integrate, not to complain but to construct.

    The South-East region, before the Nigerian Civil War, was an economic and educational powerhouse. Cities like Aba, Onitsha, and Enugu were thriving commercial centers, and the Igbo entrepreneurial spirit was legendary. The devastation of the war and subsequent marginalization left deep scars that persist today. Benjamin Kalu represents a generation determined to restore Ndi Igbo to those dizzying heights of influence and prosperity.

    His vision for the South-East is comprehensive: economic revitalization through improved infrastructure, political inclusion at the federal level, security enhancement to protect lives and investments, and youth empowerment to harness the region’s demographic dividend. Through his legislative work and political advocacy, Kalu has consistently pushed this agenda, earning him recognition as a leader who sees beyond the immediate to the transformative.

    This new breed leadership is characterized by pragmatism over sentiment, results over rhetoric, and collaboration over confrontation. It is precisely this approach that has endeared him to many but also made him a target for those who thrive in the old politics of division and patronage.

    Recent months have witnessed a coordinated campaign against Benjamin Kalu, one that appears disproportionate to any political disagreement. Reports indicate that over one hundred billion naira has been spent in efforts to undermine his reputation and political standing. This staggering sum has allegedly been deployed to hire what can only be described as social media misfits—individuals and groups tasked with launching relentless attacks on Kalu’s character, distorting his record, and creating false narratives about his intentions.

    The intensity and sophistication of these attacks suggest deep-pocketed interests who feel threatened by Kalu’s rising influence. The deployment of trolls, sponsored negative content, and coordinated misinformation campaigns are hallmarks of political desperation rather than legitimate opposition.

    Read Also: Taking the wind out of Benjamin Kalu’s indigeneship bill

    At the heart of this orchestrated assault lies a simple speculation: Benjamin Kalu may run for Governor of Abia State in 2027. This possibility appears to have triggered panic among certain political actors who see his potential candidacy as an existential threat to their own ambitions or interests.

    But one must ask: is it not within Benjamin Kalu’s constitutional right to aspire to any political office for which he is qualified? Does democracy not thrive on competition and the people’s freedom to choose among candidates? The attempt to delegitimize a candidacy before it is even declared reveals the weakness of those making the attempt—they fear the people’s verdict.

    Interestingly, Kalu has on at least two occasions publicly called on Governor Alex Otti of Abia State to join the All Progressives Congress (APC). This invitation, like Shakespeare’s Mark Anthony offering Caeser the Roman Crown was not an attack but an olive branch, a proposal that makes eminent political sense. Such a move would unify progressive forces in Abia State, eliminate needless political friction, and most importantly, benefit the people of Abia.

    An APC-controlled state government working in harmony with an APC-controlled federal government would guarantee improved access to federal projects, interventions, and resources. It would confer on Governor Otti the party leadership in the state, enhancing rather than diminishing his political capital. This is politics as it should be—focused on development and the people’s welfare rather than ego and personal empire-building.

    So where exactly did Benjamin Kalu go wrong? Is it a crime to be competent? Is ambition now a vice rather than a virtue in Nigerian politics? Is advocating for regional development and national unity an offense worthy of a hundred billion naira smear campaign?

    The answer, of course, is that Kalu’s only “error” is being effective, visionary, and popular—qualities that threaten those who have built political careers on mediocrity and manipulation. The real question is not who is afraid of Benjamin Kalu, but what they are afraid of losing: relevance, control, and the ability to continue politics as usual in an era demanding transformation.

    As Nigeria approaches another electoral cycle, the people of Abia and the South-East must recognize these distraction campaigns for what they are and focus instead on leadership that delivers results, embodies integrity, and offers genuine hope for the future.

    • Ike writes from Aba.
  • Armed Forces Day: Nigeria’s worth dyingfor, but what really arewe celebrating?

    Armed Forces Day: Nigeria’s worth dyingfor, but what really arewe celebrating?

    • By Ebuka Ukoh

    Every January 15 since I can remember, Nigeria pauses. We lower flags. We lay wreaths. We release white pigeons into the sky. We stand still while the bugle sounds. We speak solemn words about sacrifice, valour, and duty. We call it Armed Forces Celebration & Remembrance Day.

    And we should.

    But remembrance is not meant to be decorative. It is meant to be instructive. It is supposed to remind a nation what it costs to exist, and what it must protect to justify those costs.

    So this year, a harder question presses against the ceremony.

    What exactly are we remembering?

    Nigeria’s Armed Forces Celebration & Remembrance Day honours soldiers who fought in the World Wars, the Nigerian Civil War, and the ongoing security operations. It marks the end of the Civil War in 1970. It recognises men and women who have stood between this nation and collapse. Those who died in forests, on highways, in villages, and on forgotten borders. Those who returned with wounds, visible and invisible.

    Their sacrifice is real. Their courage is not in question. Our national consistency is.

    I watch with awe when members of the armed forces are honoured on flights abroad. Passengers rise. Applause fills the cabin. Gratitude becomes communal. I pray for the day when that kind of reverence will feel natural in Nigeria. Not scripted. Not ceremonial but cultural…as these valiant soldiers risk their lives daily in their numbers defending and protecting the Nigerian people and their interests.

    Also, because respect is not proven by wreaths. It is proven by policy. And policy, today, tells a more troubling story.

    The Federal Government says, “We do not negotiate with bandits” and the state does not legitimise terror. They agree that security is non-negotiable. Yet in practice, we watch something else unfold.

    In Katsina State, plans to free 70 captured terrorists were defended on the grounds of “repentance.” We are told they have turned a new leaf. We are told rehabilitation will replace accountability. Meanwhile, villages still mourn. Soldiers still patrol. Families still bury their own.

    When the Minister of Defence warns against aiding and abetting terrorism, but state actions quietly contradict that warning, we are not confused. We are inconsistent. And inconsistency kills clarity.

    Clarity is what soldiers rely on.

    A nation that cannot decide whether violence is criminal or rehabilitative places its defenders in a moral quicksand. It asks them to fight enemies today who may be pardoned tomorrow. It sends them into danger while quietly preparing forgiveness for the danger itself.

    What message does that send to those who wear the uniform?

    What exactly are they defending?

    Then, there is the unsettling spectacle of justice that feels selective. We have citizens sentenced to life for “incitement.” We have armed non-state actors offered amnesty for organised violence. The difference in treatment is not lost on the public. It is not lost on the troops. It erodes the moral architecture of law. There is also a troubling silence that hangs over our public space. A cleric like Sheikh Abubakar Gumi has repeatedly made statements on national television that many ordinary Nigerians would not dare to utter without expecting immediate questioning or consequence, yet he continues to move freely, uninvited by any formal inquiry. At the same time, Nnamdi Kanu sits under a life sentence for incitement. The contrast reinforces a growing fear that justice in Nigeria is not simply about what is said or done, but about who says it and who is being judged. And when justice begins to look selective, the moral clarity soldiers rely on begins to blur.

    Remembrance without coherence becomes hypocrisy.

    We cannot honour patriotic sacrifice while hollowing out the meaning of service. We cannot celebrate defenders while blurring the definition of what they defend. We cannot say security matters and then quietly normalise arrangements that weaken it.

    Armed Forces Celebration & Remembrance Day is not a holiday. It is a moral audit.

    It asks whether the state still deserves the blood that has been spilt in its name.

    Read Also: Tinubu leads Nigerians to observe 2026 Armed Forces Celebration, Remembrance Day

    It asks whether the laws still mean what they claim.

    It asks whether courage is still being met with clarity.

    To remember properly is not just to look back. It is to align forward.

    It is time to decide that violence is not a bargaining chip. That accountability is not optional. The uniform is not ceremonial. The oath is still binding.

    Until then, our white pigeons will rise. Our wreaths will fall. Our speeches will echo.

    And our soldiers will continue to stand in spaces where the nation itself has not fully decided where it stands.

    Armed Forces Celebration & Remembrance Day must become more than a ritual. It must become a reckoning.

    Because remembrance without responsibility is not honour. It is a theatre.

    • Mr Ukoh, an alumnus of the American University of Nigeria, Yola, and PhD student at Columbia University, writes from New York.
  • Civilisation as the stretch of tourism

    Civilisation as the stretch of tourism

    • By Rashidat Olamidayo Ajakaye

    The Nigerian Nomad, Idoko admits that the African country, Nigeria has a huge beauty to pass across to the world; she further advises that domestic tourism is the fundamental step for Nigerian citizens to sell proudly before thriving successfully in international tourism. Civilisation generally denotes advancement; it is a complex human society that definitely characterises cultural and technological development. Cultural and technological maturation arise from the rooting existence of identities- knowledge, traditions, social norms, values, language, customs and other sundries. The culture of a society becomes rich while it is being sophisticated by cultural integration.

    Cultural integration simply denotes the sense of achievement that features people or groups welcoming a strange culture without losing the former culture (Kessler & Arnold, 2025). Here, a strange lifestyle becomes a new lifestyle that can be adopted into the firstly acquired culture. As a result, civilisation is birthed from the pleasurable and tolerating approaches that individuals and groups employ to treat complexities. Journey entails moving or going away from one place and ending in another, with some kind of meaningful experience in between (Williams, 2024).

    Travelling does not limit its description to far distance; it is simply stepping beyond one’s familiar environment. Therefore, there is a rising need to approach travelling with mental openness and deliberate action, expand civilisation from the shared cultures of travelling and apply civilisation as a pathway to harmonious co-existence and social sanity.

    First, travelling has its essential benefits that require not only visible action but also mental openness. It is beyond a logistical shift from one location to another. It is the mind-set of a sojourner that makes him or her cultural literate; he or she becomes psychologically receptive to absorb new ideas with a neutral perception and not assumptive judgement. If not, false stories about places would be enough to withdraw action for learning, growing or even working in an unfamiliar space.

    Read Also: Atiku’s son defects to APC, vows to mobilise for Tinubu’s re-election

    One of the best ways to overcome false information about the world is to travel (Look, 2018).  Travelling with a willing intention eventually erases negative thoughts that might be relatively arising previously from secondary reports. Yet, it is best to avenue to re-create an avenue to reduce stress, enhance creativity, enhance perspective, increase awareness and first personal growth. The purpose of travelling is not depending on the distance covered. There is a need to test the mental and physical strength of travelling through the near environments that are easier to reach before attempting tasking destinations for the untried or professional breakthrough. When the earliest travelling experiences have shown a traveller sensibly recognising the complex beauty of human difference; transformation becomes a feasible aspect that can be connected to movement. Travelling is not just to experience but rather to report grateful tales that would inspire others to be culturally literate.

    Similarly, one of the preferable ways to expand civilisation is through shared cultures form travelling. For every location aside from a familiar one, there is always one, two or priceless values which one understands, retains and eventually borrow to supplement the existing ideology. Travelling is beyond mere theory; it is experimental when cross-cultural interactions germinate into innovations, intercultural and international co-operation for mutual benefits.

    For shared cultures to reach civilisation, it should be understood that civilisation is the progressive state of human society. It is the advanced level of culture and standards (Nehru, 2024). Therefore, when a traveller observes technological, infrastructural, gubernatorial, agricultural, medicinal, transportational, social aspects of a new environment, he or she recognises the element that surrounds it being equivalent, enhanced or underperforming to the locale. Definitely, it is necessary for individuals and groups to either utilise every opportunity to contribute to the second habitat without disregarding protocols or return to the first habitat to fix these aspects with the calculated sense of updated pieces of information and strategies. This would maintain heritage conservation and socio-cultural development.

    Essentially, the application of civilisation should be geared towards harmonious co-existence and social sanity. Civilisation is never closed for it is a system of growth and development that never ends its humane thirst and enduring relevance. The participants of the civilisation system are humans for messages are carried by individuals and eventually consumed with varying interpretations. Human advancement does not ever die, it only needs to take new forms; human beings are naturally programmed to keep changing. This draws a glaring relationship between humanity and civilisation.

    Random change makes human beings neither to understand themselves nor other beings, creates chaos in their lives and that of others (Damani, 2018). Therefore, the continuous modification of culture germinates civilisation.

    In recent times, the morphing of civilisation eventually becomes entirely new with the simultaneous force of lingering traumas and hopeful ideals (Newitz, 2021). There is a flaming need to water down the mismanagement of civilisation. Else, it would make men and women turn against each other. Definitely, when the receiving individual sees no single need to enjoy receiving a travelling visitor who reaches an unfamiliar environment for a social asset which the former possesses, the later would naturally in turn report less of the receiving society at the slight encounter of an underdeveloped aspect of the revered setting. Would this notion ever be turned the other way? This question relies on the brief that no single worldview is absolute. When positive lessons are reported, communities become reshaped; co-operation replaces competition and dialogue recovers the harms of hostility. Hence, civilisation becomes a continuous system for peace in the interconnected world.

    In the order of the discussed aspects related to change of environment- progressive experimental travelling begins with the mind, appreciation of distinct values as a daily ethic strengthens civilisation and civilisation is a continuous system that should be in favour of the world through collective responsibility. When we understand that civilisation grows through connection rather than separation, we begin to see travellers as gentle carriers of unity. Each conversation they share, each tradition they respect, and each moment of learning they embrace, quietly shapes their outlook and the outlook of those around them. These experiences soften hearts, open minds, and encourage a world where people treat one another with more understanding. In this way, travel becomes more than a journey from place to place—it becomes a living experience that helps us grow kinder, strengthens the bonds between communities, and reminds us of the simple humanity we all share.

    •Ajakaye writes from Lagos State University, Ojo.

  • Kebbi’s Hajj facility and MURIC’s false outrage

    Kebbi’s Hajj facility and MURIC’s false outrage

    • By Dankani Sani

    When I first read the concern raised by the Muslim Rights Concern (MURIC) with respect to a certain N10 billion facility which it claimed the Kebbi State government deployed to sponsor intending Hajj pilgrims for the 2026 hajj, my mind skipped a bit. Like many readers encountering the claim for the first time, I paused.

    On the surface, MURIC’s argument appeared persuasive. The organisation went to great lengths to list what N10 billion could achieve if invested in roads, education, healthcare and other public goods. In that moment, I found myself agreeing with its arithmetic and even sharing the disbelief it tried to provoke. Why, one would ask, would a responsible governor abandon such pressing needs for what was framed as religious indulgence?

    In hindsight, that initial reaction was precisely the outcome MURIC sought. The article was long, emotionally charged and carefully packaged to provoke outrage, all while presenting outright falsehoods as settled facts. To reinforce its argument, MURIC wrapped itself in the garb of piety, projecting an image of a principled organisation defending Muslim interests against alleged governmental excess.

    The problem, however, is that beneath the moral grandstanding lay a disturbing absence of due diligence. By that single article, MURIC revealed itself as a trigger-happy organisation, the kind that is impatient with verification, allergic to context, and overly enamoured with the attention that media sermonising brings. Reading that article, it becomes hard not to see MURIC in a whole new light as an organisation that projects outrage first, then facts later; if at all.

    But, what are the facts of the matter? Well, for those genuinely interested in the truth, here is it! The N10 billion in question was neither a sponsorship nor a grant. Oh yes! It was a short-term facility advanced through the Kebbi State Pilgrims Welfare Agency to enable intending pilgrims meet the payment deadline set by the National Hajj Commission of Nigeria (NAHCON), which fixed December 5 as the deadline for Hajj fare remittances.

    Read Also: Atiku’s son defects to APC, vows to mobilise for Tinubu’s re-election

    The decision to take this route was reached because, as of that deadline, only about 2,000 pilgrims from Kebbi State had fully paid their fares. Approximately 1,300 others were at the risk of losing their Hajj slots, not because they were unwilling or incapable of paying, but because their payments were incomplete at that specific point in time. Without the facility, they would have lost their seats, and losing those slots would have meant a permanent forfeiture of their opportunity to perform the Hajj in 2026.

    It was, therefore, to prevent that outcome, that the Kebbi State government approved a temporary financial intervention, clearly structured as a loan. The understanding was straightforward and documented: the money would be repaid within two weeks once the affected pilgrims completed their payments. While this may appear like a leap of faith; it was actually a calculated administrative decision grounded in realistic expectations.

    And these expectations were met, because, as of December 16, 2025, just 11 days after the intervention, the entire N10 billion had been repaid by the intending pilgrims. And, the facility was fully returned to government coffers, with no loss of public funds, no hidden subsidy and no financial burden transferred to the state. Every detail of the transaction is verifiable through bank and agency records, including the exact dates the loan was granted and repaid.

    This naturally leads to a more important question MURIC failed or refused to ask: why did the state government intervene in the first place? The answer lies in Kebbi’s peculiar socio-economic reality, a context MURIC seemed completely oblivious to. Many of the affected pilgrims are farmers and small-scale traders whose liquidity peaks around late November and early December, following harvests and seasonal sales. In this sense, therefore, their original challenge was timing, not inability.

    Would MURIC have preferred that such pilgrims who were willing, eligible and financially capable lose their chance to perform a core religious obligation simply because of a short-term cash-flow mismatch? If so, that position would be not only rigid but also deeply insensitive to the lived realities of ordinary Muslims.

    Thankfully, timely thinking by the state government ensured these ordinary folks did not lose their slots, and Kebbi State now has 3,629 slots, fully paid by the intending pilgrims for the 2026 Hajj, ranking second nationally. As a result, the state has been included in the first batch of states to be airlifted at the commencement of Hajj operations. All this without spending a dime of public funds. These are the concrete results that the intending pilgrims and indeed majority of the people of the state are very impressed with and not some tasteless press statements.

    It is also important to state clearly that Kebbi is not alone in adopting this temporary financial approach. States like Gombe and others have used similar measures effectively in past Hajj operations. Here then, lies the real question: why did MURIC single out Kebbi? Why the selective outrage? Only MURIC can answer this question!

    Equally troubling was the attempt to frame the issue as evidence of infrastructural neglect. By sermonising about what N10 billion could do for roads and hospitals, MURIC subtly implied that Kebbi State is failing in governance. This impression is false and must be corrected.

    Let it be known, that under the leadership of Comrade Nasir Idris, Kebbi State has witnessed unprecedented infrastructure development. From long-abandoned road projects like the entire corridor leading to the Danko–Wasagu road to multiple interventions across sectors, the state has recorded visible, verifiable progress. Not only are these not abstract claims; they are projects citizens have seen and used. It is therefore difficult to believe that MURIC’s intervention was genuinely about governance outcomes.

    Personally, this episode marks the first time I will be paying any close attention to MURIC, needless to say, it fell short. Let it be on record, that I’m not arguing that civil society organisations are unnecessary. On the contrary, groups like MURIC play vital roles in promoting accountability and safeguarding rights. But those roles lose credibility when facts are sacrificed on the altar of sensationalism.

    My advice to MURIC assuming this is their modus operandi, is to change their approach to activism. This is because, as a religious-based rights organisation, the least expected of them is due diligence, verification of facts and restraints, not firing off volleys based on conjectures. Because, as we know, when conjecture replaces verification, speaking becomes worse than silence. And for a civil society organisation like MURIC, silence is golden, especially when the alternative is standing facts on their head.

    •Sani writes from Birnin Kebbi.

  • Nigeria’s Year of Dabush Kabash

    Nigeria’s Year of Dabush Kabash

    By Charles Dickson

    The phrase Dabush Kabash — popularised by the maverick Nigerian preacher Chukwuemeka Cyril Ohanaemere (Odumeje) — was never meant to be a political theory. It was theatre, prophecy-as-performance, the language of shock and spectacle.

    Yet, as Nigeria inches toward 2027, Dabush Kabash will not just be in the pulpit, it will find a comfortable home in our politics. It will describe the collision of ambition, uncertainty, bravado, confusion, alliances, betrayals, and loud declarations that mean everything and nothing at the same time.

    This is a season where everyone is speaking, few are listening, and the ground beneath the republic feels unsettled. A year where political actors are already campaigning without calling it campaigns, negotiating without admitting it, and defecting without shame.

    Nigeria, once again, is rehearsing power before the curtain officially rises.

    As 2027 approaches, the scramble is neither subtle nor dignified. Atiku Abubakar has made it clear—again—that he will not step down for anyone. His persistence is framed by supporters as resilience and by critics as entitlement. Either way, Atiku represents continuity in Nigerian politics: a belief that the centre must always hold him, regardless of shifting public mood.

    Then there is Peter Obi, still buoyed by the aftershocks of 2023, where belief momentarily disrupted cynicism. Whether that energy can be sustained, institutionalised, or translated into broader coalitions remains an open question. Charisma without structure has limits; structure without imagination does too.

    Rotimi Amaechi, restless and calculating, watches the chessboard from the side-lines, never fully out of the game. Nasir El-Rufai continues to speak as though he is both inside and outside power, simultaneously insider, critic, and ideologue. Rabiu Kwankwaso, with his disciplined base and regional gravitas, remains a reminder that Nigeria is not won on social media alone.

    There are new brides—fresh aspirants, technocrats flirting with politics, and business elites suddenly discovering patriotism. There are old grooms—veterans who have contested so often that ambition has become muscle memory. Everyone is at the gate. No one wants to wait their turn.

    If Nigerian politics needed a parable, Rivers State has provided one. The public rift between Nyesom Wike and Siminalayi Fubara is less about governance and more about control—who anoints, who obeys, who inherits political machinery.

    Like exiles by the rivers of Babylon, both camps sing songs of loyalty and betrayal, each claiming legitimacy, each invoking the people while fighting over structures. It is a reminder that Nigerian politics is rarely ideological; it is intensely personal. Power is not just about winning elections; it is about owning outcomes, narratives, and successors.

    The ruling All Progressives Congress is swelling. Defections are marketed as endorsements, and numerical strength is mistaken for moral authority. But Nigeria has seen this movie before. The People’s Democratic Party once enjoyed similar expansion during the Obasanjo years, only to implode under the weight of internal contradictions, ambition overload, and unmanaged succession.

    Big tents collapse when they are not anchored by shared values. Congresses meant to unify often become theatres of exclusion. Candidate selection becomes war by other means. The question is not whether APC is growing, but whether it can survive the internal earthquakes that primaries inevitably unleash.

    Meanwhile, the Labour Party stands at a crossroads. The reported ambition of Datti Baba-Ahmed to run as a principal candidate raises deeper questions about succession, internal democracy, and the danger of mistaking momentum for permanence. Movements are fragile when institutions are weak.

    Coalitions are forming quietly across regions, religions, and old rivalries. Old enemies share tea; former allies exchange barbs. In Nigeria, there are no permanent friends, only temporary arithmetic. North meets South. Centre negotiates with margins. Everyone is counting delegates, governors, influencers, and platforms.

    But alliances without memory are dangerous. Nigeria has a habit of forgetting why previous coalitions failed: unresolved grievances, unequal power-sharing and elite consensus that excludes the citizens. When deals are made above the heads of the people, legitimacy becomes borrowed—and debt always comes due.

    While politicians posture, Nigerians are trying to understand a new tax regime, rising costs, shrinking incomes, and policy explanations that sound more academic than humane. Economic anxiety rarely announces itself with protests at first; it shows up as withdrawal, distrust, and apathy.

    Every political drama in 2026 will touch the economy. Every economic policy will shape the political mood. You cannot separate the two. The tragedy is that economic suffering is often treated as background noise while political ambition takes centre stage.

    Read Also: World Bank projects Nigeria’s economy to grow 4.4% in 2026

    So yes; this is the year of Dabush Kabash. Not because it is funny, but because it is revealing. It captures a politics of spectacle without substance, noise without consensus, movement without direction. Everyone is declaring, few are delivering.

    Yet within the chaos lies opportunity. Dabush Kabash also means collision, and collisions force choices. Nigeria will have to decide whether it wants politics as performance or politics as responsibility. Whether power remains a private prize or becomes a public trust.

    History will not be kind to this season if it produces only loud men and empty alliances. But it may yet redeem itself if citizens begin to ask harder questions; not just who wants power, but for what, with whom, and at what cost.

    Because beyond the theatrics, Nigeria is watching. And this time, the applause is no longer guaranteed.

    • Prince Dickson PhD, is Team Lead, The Tattaaunawa Roundtable Initiative.

  • Toxic exposure and the true cost of cheap food

    Toxic exposure and the true cost of cheap food

    By Donald Ikenna Ofoegbu

    Nigeria’s food system is often judged by one metric alone: price. Cheap food is assumed to be good food, and high yields are treated as proof of success. But this narrow focus hides a dangerous truth: When food is produced through widespread toxic chemical use, its real cost is not paid at the market stall. It is paid later in hospitals, lost livelihoods, and declining national productivity.

    What appears cheap today is proving extraordinarily expensive tomorrow.

    Nigeria records about 127,000 new cancer cases each year, most of them detected among Nigerians with access to hospitals and diagnostic services. Yet Nigeria is a country of more than 210 million people, over half of whom live below the poverty line. When cancer incidence among wealthier Nigerians is used conservatively as a baseline and applied to poor Nigerians, it suggests over 200,000 new cancer cases annually among the poor alone. When higher exposure to pesticides, contaminated food and water, weak regulation, and late diagnosis are factored in, the true burden plausibly rises to 300,000–400,000 cases each year among the poor Nigerians alone.

    This is not a coincidence. It is the predictable outcome of a food and agricultural system that relies heavily on toxic inputs while failing to account for their downstream consequences.

    Across Nigeria, pesticides including highly hazardous formulations banned or restricted elsewhere are widely sold, poorly regulated, and routinely misused. Farmers often apply them without protective equipment and knowledge of proper application. Vendors sell them without training or clear understanding of labeling, while those considering suicide use pesticide as a means of exit. Residues travel through food, water, and air, exposing not just farmers, but consumers far removed from farms.

    The result is invisible exposure. Nigerians who do not farm, do not spray chemicals, and do not smoke are still finding pesticide residues in their bodies. Exposure does not require intent; it requires only participation in everyday life.

    The economic implications of this system are profound. Most poor Nigerians depend on informal livelihoods that require physical strength and consistency. When illness strikes – whether cancer, chronic kidney disease, respiratory conditions, or neurological disorders productivity falls immediately. Income declines just as medical costs rise.

    Even under conservative assumptions, cancer alone drains N45 – N70 billion every year in lost productivity among poor Nigerians. This figure excludes treatment expenses, caregiver time, premature death, and intergenerational effects such as school dropout and asset depletion. Chronic Kidney Disease, which now affects over two million Nigerians, compounds these losses and often pushes households into irreversible poverty.

    Yet none of these costs appear in food price calculations, agricultural budgets, food export rejection or development plans.

    This is Nigeria’s development trap. By externalizing health and environmental costs, the system creates the illusion of affordability while steadily eroding human capital. Productivity gains achieved through chemical intensification are quietly cancelled out by illness, lost labour, and rising health burdens.

    The tragedy is that this trap is not inevitable.

    Agro-ecological and organic approaches show clearly that food production does not have to depend on hazardous chemicals. By working with ecological processes rather than against them, these systems reduce toxic exposure, protect soil and water resources, and safeguard the health of both farmers and consumers. They are not anti-growth or anti-farmer; they are economically rational pathways that protect long-term productivity and resilience.

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    This transition is also realistic. Over 70 percent of Nigeria’s food is produced by smallholder farmers, family farms, and household gardens, where the adoption of basic agro-ecological and organic practices is often simpler and more cost-effective than in large-scale industrial systems. With the right support, many farmers are already positioned to reduce chemical dependence without sacrificing yields.

    What is missing is deliberate public policy. If the Nigerian government actively supported and incentivised the use of bioprotectors, biofertilisers, and other organic inputs, it would accelerate adoption at scale. Such a shift would also send a clear market signal to agrochemical companies, many of which are already diversifying into safer, nature-based alternatives in countries where governments and citizens prioritise health and environmental protection.

    Nigeria can shape its agricultural future by choosing which inputs it encourages. Supporting safer alternatives would protect public health, strengthen food systems, and align agricultural growth with long-term national development goals.

    Countries that have restricted highly hazardous pesticides have not collapsed agriculturally. They have reduced health costs, protected workers, and strengthened resilience. Nigeria’s continued tolerance of toxic exposure reflects policy inertia, not necessity.

    Development is not only about how much food a country produces, but how that food is produced and at what cost. A system that feeds people today while poisoning them tomorrow is not sustainable. It merely postpones payment.

    Cancer and chronic kidney disease are warning signals. They reveal a deeper failure to integrate health, environment, and economics into development planning. Ignoring these signals does not save money; it simply shifts costs onto households least able to bear them.

    The choice facing Nigeria is clear. It can continue to pursue “cheap food” while absorbing rising health and productivity losses, or it can invest in safer, more sustainable systems that protect both livelihoods and lives.

    True food security is not measured only by calories or prices. It is measured by whether people can eat, work, and live without being slowly poisoned in the process.

    •Ofoegbu is Program Manager, Sustainable Nigeria of the German Green Foundation in Nigeria – Heinrich Boell Stiftung.

  • Detty December needs systems

    Detty December needs systems

    By Pleasant Ogedengbe

    In Lagos, December behaves like a system. Flights fill. Hotels sell out. Short lets surge. Concert calendars stack. Traffic thickens. Prices move upward. Social media turns into a parade of boarding passes, wristbands, and rooftop videos. At Murtala Muhammed International Airport, arrivals swell during the festive window. The crowd includes residents returning from other states, diaspora returnees, and non-Nigerian visitors chasing the Lagos story. The arrivals hall becomes a corridor of contrasts as people move through the same doors with different purchasing power, expectations, and buffers.

    Detty December is the label attached to this season. “Detty” is widely understood as Nigerian slang derived from “dirty,” meaning indulgent, unrestrained, outside decorum. The origin story is disputed because cultural products attract ownership claims once they begin to generate serious money. In early January, Mr Eazi publicly repeated his claim that he coined the phrase in 2016. Other accounts link the broader festive ecosystem to older December spectacles, such as the Calabar Carnival, founded in 2004 as a tourism play by Cross River State. The contest over who named it matters less than what the naming achieved. A slang phrase became a seasonal brand. A seasonal brand became an economic event.

    The question is what Nigeria is doing with it.

    When Nigerians living abroad return in December, many arrive with foreign currency. In Nigeria’s present political economy, foreign currency functions as leverage. Dollars and Pounds buy speed, access, and flexibility in a market structured by scarcity. Prices that strain residents paid in Naira become manageable for returnees. Short lets that exceed a local household’s annual rent become framed as normal. Tickets priced for a narrow consumer class get absorbed and resold without shame.

    Markets respond to purchasing power. Vendors adjust pricing toward the highest bidder. Landlords and hosts anchor new price expectations. Service providers prioritize clients who can pay instantly and tip heavily. Neighbourhoods temporarily reorganize around returnee consumption. Lagos becomes more responsive to people passing through than to people who live inside it.

    This is the first dichotomy. The inflow appears beneficial because it is visible, and beneficiaries can count the cash. Hospitality gains. Transport earns. Entertainment runs at full capacity. Informal labour sees a burst of income. According to figures cited by Lagos State officials and reported by national media outlets, the 2024 festive season generated over $71 million across tourism, hospitality, and entertainment, with hotels accounting for a substantial share of the revenue. A separate travel industry analysis, drawing on a market report by MO Africa Company, estimated N111.5 billion in Detty December spending and approximately 1.2 million visitors in December 2024.

    Internationally, it projects Nigeria as glamorous, creative, and socially magnetic. Lagos becomes a content factory. Afrobeats, fashion, and nightlife fuse into a clean exportable story. The story travels because Nigeria genuinely has cultural power. Condé Nast Traveler has described Detty December as a month of parties, music, and gridlock that draws diaspora returnees and fuels a festive industry.

    Domestically, Detty December creates room for reputational cleansing. Political elites appear at cultural events. Sponsors and power brokers attach themselves to artists. The aesthetics of celebration create an illusion of national health. Governance failures get pushed out of frame by soft lighting and curated angles. The crowd is dancing, so the country must be fine. Returnees also participate in this laundering, even when their intentions are good. Success abroad gets performed at home through consumption. The performance is then used as evidence that Nigeria works, at least for those with foreign buffers.

    This is why Detty December deserves to be taken seriously. The season shows what becomes possible under concentrated spending without answering why those conditions are absent the rest of the year.

    Nigeria has done this before, at a higher level, with more ambition.

    In 1977, Nigeria hosted FESTAC 77, a month-long celebration that drew thousands of participants from dozens of countries and positioned Lagos as a centre of pan-African cultural power. Whatever one thinks of it, the logic was clear: culture can function as national power when treated as national infrastructure.

    Detty December is a grassroots and private sector successor to that instinct, stripped of state architecture. It is Nigeria’s soft power operating despite Nigeria’s institutions. That is why there should be concrete asks. Nigeria’s problem is not the absence of cultural energy. Nigeria’s problem is the absence of durable systems built around that energy. The government should treat Detty December as a pilot for a year-round tourism strategy. The goal is not more parties. The goal is a broader cultural economy, with structured experiences that attract different kinds of visitors and distribute benefits more widely.

    Evidence supports the urgency. Nigeria continues to lag behind major African tourism destinations, with analysts pointing to insecurity, infrastructure decay, and weak coordination as structural constraints. Global tourism has recovered strongly in the post-pandemic period, with UN Tourism tracking a significant rebound worldwide. Countries that build credible visitor systems will capture that growth. Countries that outsource tourism to vibes will stay behind.

    So what should Nigeria do, concretely, starting from the Detty December base?

    Detty December is currently concentrated in Lagos and a handful of elite circuits. Nigeria needs a calendar that makes it rational to plan a two-week or three-week trip across multiple destinations. A national calendar should list verified events, standardize ticketing norms, and coordinate transport routes. A visitor should be able to land in Lagos for music and fashion, move to Calabar for carnival heritage, travel to a historic city for architecture and museums, and end at a coastal site for nature. Calabar Carnival already demonstrates that Nigeria can sustain a large annual festival tied to tourism aims.  The missing ingredient is integration and continuity. This calendar should be published early, marketed internationally, and linked to diaspora organizations, airlines, and travel platforms. It should be treated like a national product.

    I say this carefully: Lagos traffic is a barrier to tourism. There should be a plan to create December mobility corridors with scheduled shuttles and safe water transport linking major cultural zones, beaches, galleries, and event venues. Publish routes. Ticket them. Police them. Add signage. Use private operators under strict safety and service standards. This alone changes the visitor experience. It also reduces the predatory ecosystem where transport becomes a daily negotiation and a daily vulnerability.

    Nigeria’s festive culture has long roots beyond clubbing. Street processions, masquerade festivals, community carnivals, music as public ritual, church crossover services, weddings as social theatre, family reunions as institutions.  Academic work on African carnival points to how Christian festivals, Atlantic returnee influence, and global cultural circuits have shaped African carnival traditions, including Nigeria’s festival landscape. This history matters because it clarifies that long-form celebration is not a recent invention of the diaspora.

    So the state should stop behaving like Detty December is a nightclub season. It should build programming around heritage. There should be a move to fund and certify curated experiences that run daily during peak season.

    This is how a country converts cultural capital into tourism that lasts beyond a single table

    Tourism thrives on trust. Nigeria’s trust deficit kills repeat visitation. Thus, the government should establish a hospitality and tour guide certification system with a publicly accessible registry. Train guides in safety, history, and customer service. Enforce price transparency standards for licensed operators. Create a tourist hotline that works, with rapid response and multilingual capability. Establish clear penalties for harassment and extortion by officials around tourist zones. These are unglamorous actions, but they are the actions that build credibility.

    Tourism is a risk assessment. Visitors read travel advisories, news cycles, and online testimony. The Guardian’s reporting on Nigeria’s tourism struggles repeatedly returns to insecurity and infrastructure as core obstacles. No branding campaign outshouts fear. The government should designate tourism security zones with accountable policing, body cameras, and clear complaint mechanisms. Partner with private security in a regulated framework. Improve lighting, emergency services, and surveillance around corridors. Make safety visible without making visitors feel militarized.

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    Detty December can coexist with accountability. It can even strengthen accountability if framed correctly. The government should be encouraged to publish an annual festive season public report that tracks visitor numbers, sector revenue, jobs created, and consumer complaints, alongside public improvements delivered. If government officials want to claim credit for Detty December growth, they should also accept performance measurement. Tourism should become a governance scorecard.

    Detty December currently rewards the most extractive forms of spending. Bottles. Tables. Flex purchases that evaporate by morning. The state can change incentives. They can offer tax relief and grants for cultural institutions that expand public programming during the festive season. Provide matched funding for museums, galleries, theatres, and heritage sites that meet standards. Promote these experiences as premium. Make it socially desirable to spend time at a museum.

    Again, tourists chase what is framed as worthy.

    This is the route from Detty December to long-term tourism. Nigeria already has the raw material. It has music. It has fashion. It has food. It has history. It has landscapes. It has a diaspora hungry for connection. It has international curiosity. Nigeria lacks packaging, protection, and policy coherence.

    And yet, Detty December proves something important. Nigeria can attract crowds. Nigeria can generate spending. Nigeria can create cultural magnetism. That means the question is not whether tourism is possible. The question is whether Nigeria is willing to build the systems that make tourism sustainable and fair.

    •Ms Ogedengbe PhD wrote from Florida USA.

  • The matter of carnage on our roads

    The matter of carnage on our roads

    • By Moshood Isamotu

    By the time the number of road crash fatalities that occurred across Nigeria during the 2025 year-end activities to date is finally computed, it will be gut-wrenching and blood-chilling. From Jigawa to Abakaliki, Omu-Ekiti, and Itu in Akwa Ibom State, and indeed across the country, it was as if the roads were seeking blood to quench their thirst like vampires. And they satisfied themselves with the blood of the young, the old, including the foetus. It was as if the god of the road was angry and moved its headquarters to Nigeria, turning the celebratory mood of ‘Detty December’ into a grief-stricken season for many families who had to celebrate the season of joy with the loss of loved ones.

    The Federal Road Safety Commission (FRSC) reported in November 2025, while commencing the annual ‘Ember’ months road safety campaign, that between January and September 2025, 6,858 road crashes occurred, resulting in 3,433 deaths, and 22,162 injuries nationwide.

    While the road crash involving the global boxing champion, Anthony Joshua, with the loss of his two friends in a road crash dominated the media, however, hundreds of families suffered the same fate during the festivities, and now live with emotional ache and loss, which may never heal.

    The world over, road accidents remain the leading cause of death among young people aged 15 and 29, costing governments globally about 3% of GDP every year. Each year, globally, more than 1.3 million people die, and tens of millions are injured in road crashes. The World Bank disclosed that between 2015 and 2030, injuries resulting from road accidents are likely to cost the global economy US$1.8 trillion, including medical expenses, lost productivity, and emergency response.  Sadly, “Despite this massive – and largely preventable – human and economic toll,” the organization noted, “action to combat this global challenge has been insufficient.”

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    The 2025 Africa Status Report on Road Safety reveals that, despite having only 3% of the global vehicle fleet, Africa accounts for 24% of global road fatalities with 259,601 deaths annually. Nigeria has a fair share of that figure.

    The Report puts Nigeria as having the second-highest road accident record in the world, and the highest in Africa. Nigeria is also said to have the highest road injury death rate (52.4 per 100,000 people) of any country globally. These rates are more than 15 times the death rates in Sweden, the UK, and the Netherlands, which have the lowest death rates globally from road accidents.

    Also, the World Health Organization (WHO) 2018 Global Status Report on Road Safety estimated road traffic fatalities in Nigeria at 39,802, while the rate per 100,000 deaths stood at 21.4. The organization noted that one out of every four road accidents in Africa emanated from Nigeria. Also, the record shows that the survival rate in Nigerian road accidents is a paltry 52%.

    For the Nigerian government, road accident is a major concern, and this has inspired some policy formulation and the creation of federal and sub-national agencies to manage road safety concerns. However, the effectiveness of these initiatives has been less impressive, given the current spate of road accidents.

    Road crashes are overwhelmingly caused by human error, as cited in over 90% of cases, with speeding, distraction (phones), drunk/impaired driving, and failing to look properly being top factors, while vehicle faults (brakes, tires) and environmental issues (road conditions) contribute much less, according to various global studies and transport authorities like WHO and Transport Scotland.

    FRSC also confirmed the global findings, noting that speed violations consistently rank as the top factor, accounting for over 50% of crashes, loss of control & dangerous driving as major contributors, often listed alongside speeding. Vehicle Factors: tyre burst (up to 54%), and faulty brakes (around 22.5%). It clearly stated that human error, broadly, over 90% of crashes stem from distracted driving, fatigue, and impaired judgment, according to general studies. Heavy-duty vehicles: overloaded trucks and heavy-duty vehicles are frequently cited risk factors, as noted in a 2024 FRSC data analysis.

    However, some nations have done well in their fight for safer roads through public safety campaigns extolling sticking to speed limits, wearing seatbelts, and not drinking and driving. Sweden is a good reference for road transportation safety globally. In 1997, Sweden introduced the Zero Vision policy that aimed to reduce the number of road accident fatalities to zero by 2020. To achieve this, the country implemented new road designs that involved the construction of more roundabouts, fewer intersections, and a reduction of vehicle turns where people cross streets, and strict enforcement of traffic laws. More pedestrian bridges were built, bicycles were separated from oncoming traffic, and strict policing led to the reduction of the number of drink-driving offences. From that initiative, road deaths have almost halved in Sweden. While Sweden’s progress looks dramatic, it however, struggled to meet its zero-road accident goal. The target date for zero death has been pushed back from 2020 to 2050.

    Today, the Swedish example has been held up as a model by many nations, such as Canada, Norway, various US states, and some European Union countries. It is suggested that if more nations can replicate Sweden’s template, many lives will be saved in road accidents globally.

    The long-standing road safety challenges in Nigeria are a public knowledge – excessive speeding and reckless overtaking, behavioural issues (distraction, fatigue, overloaded vehicles), poor road conditions, and unroadworthy vehicles. Like in the rest of the world, the constant culprit has been human error, which, in summary, is pinned to drivers’ recklessness and bad behaviour on the road.

    Experts have identified rigorous tests for Nigerian drivers, as is done in Europe, to stem the tide of avoidable road crashes. Issuance of a driver’s license should be based on proper certification, and its renewal should be based on the past driving experience of the driver. An uncertified driver on an expressway is a disaster in motion.

    Don’t drink and drive has been an age-long campaign for road safety. It is more relevant today than before. An unstable mind cannot deliver flawless driving. FRSC should randomly be able to stop vehicles on the expressway and test drivers for alcohol. A failed test should attract a severe penalty to send a signal to others. For sure, many Nigerian drivers will fail this test, and strict enforcement will be a significant step to control those deadly bad habits.

    The federal and state governments should also identify defective accident-prone spots nationwide and rectify them in phases, given a deadline. The losses incurred in those ugly spots over time are more than the cost of putting them in order.

    To complement that, an effective policy on towing of breakdown vehicles, especially in accident-prone areas, should be implemented by states. Babajide Fashola achieved this while he was Lagos State governor. For example, until a permanent solution is found, places like the notorious Otedola Bridge, exiting Lagos on the Ibadan Expressway, should have a standby functional fire service, tow and ambulance vehicles to handle emergencies.

    Special attention should also be directed to movements by long trucks in the metropolis. It is a death on wheels for trailers to carry unstrapped containers, competing for space with smaller vehicles. This has caused several fatalities and should be criminalized. Limiting the movement of trailers to the night period should be revisited and explored, too.

    Certification of roadworthiness of vehicles should be taken seriously without making a mess of it, as it is being done now, which is just an avenue to rake in revenue for governments. Having only fit vehicles on the roads will go a long way in preventing road crashes, and offenders should be sanctioned prohibitively.

    Over speeding is a great cause of accidents everywhere in the world, and any attempt to reduce road fatalities should prioritize its control. Deployment of technology facilities such as cameras and human resources for effective enforcement of over speeding on roads is very critical.

    The campaign for responsible behaviour on the road should be a culture that FRSC inculcates in the drivers and passengers, round be all year round and not just for the December season only.

    Nigerian commuters should be involved in safety consciousness on the road, as the FRSC’s December campaign sloganized. Passengers should be able to caution, report reckless drivers to security agencies on the road, which should attract stiff sanctions, or take mass action against any recalcitrant driver. Since only the passengers will be with the drivers all through the journey, for commercial buses, they should play the role of policing the drivers by keeping a watchful eye on the speedometer and dangerous manoeuvring. They should also sense when a driver is fatigued and needs some rest.

    In addition, passengers can also play a role in casual checking of the fitness of the vehicle parts, such as tyres, before boarding. They need to be active as the closest people at risk. Their silence can’t be golden when drivers are taking them to the undertakers.

  • Malami and yesterday’s men of power

    Malami and yesterday’s men of power

    • By Mike Kebonkwu

    Abubakar Malami, Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) is a privileged person by all Nigeria’s standards.  He hails from Kebbi State, and not much is known about his family background to belong to aristocratic oligarchy of the North.  He belongs to the noble profession of lawyers; Not only that, he also belongs to the privileged class of lawyers with a swagger.  He is a member of the inner bar; crème la crème of the legal profession and the dream and envy of every lawyer.  He was a minister and Attorney-General of the Federation for eight solid years under late president, Muhammadu Buhari.  Before this time, he was relatively obscure in his small practice. 

    He was reputed to be part of the cabal in President Buhari’s government.  He was as perverse as he was obdurate.  His words almost became law and he used the Office of the Attorney-General and Minister of Justice typically “the Nigerian way”.

    The judiciary and Ministry of Justice has not recovered from his superintendence for the mockery of the rule of law and flagrant disobedience of court orders.  Under his watch, political power became synonymous with the interpretation of the rule of law.  He is not imbued with the aesthetics of the language of the law; almost bland and vacuous.    He justified the extra ordinary rendition and abduction of the fugitive separatist and IPOB (Indigenous People of Biafra) leader, Mazi Nnandu Kanu from Kenya.  He brought the scintillating career of Justice Walter Samuel Nkanu Onnoghen (GCON), the erstwhile Chief Justice of Nigeria to a ruinous  and  humiliating end unceremoniously in what was clear persecution and travesty of justice. Nobody saw anything wrong with it, and our “one-thousand-and-one” Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) rights activists, Civil Society Organizations (CSO) did not see it as a just fight to take up.  Nigerians did not protest the erosion of the rule of law and the budding tyranny of the regime at the time for both fear and pecuniary consideration.

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    Abubakar Malami did not see tomorrow!  He was reputed to have supervised the perfidious payment of $496 million to Global Steel Holdings Ltd (GSHL) as settlement for the termination of the Ajaokuta Steel concession years after the Indian company had waived all claims for compensation; there was no whimper.  He was also fingered in sale of assets worth billions of Naira forfeited to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) by politically exposed persons.  He was equally fingered in the $419 million judgment debt awarded to consultants who claimed to have facilitated the Paris Club refund to states. He was also reputed to be the mastermind in the strange agreement to pay Sunrise Power $200 million compensation in its dispute with the federal government over the Mambilla Power Project.  He was the anchor in the duplicated legal fees in the transfer of $321 million Abacha loot from Switzerland to Nigeria that was re-looted.  

    He packaged the controversial pardon of former governors of Plateau and Taraba states, Joshua Dariye and Jolly Nyame respectively convicted for corruption and abuse of office, thereby making mockery of the whole fight against corruption in Nigeria.  The trend has continued anyway; sanitize criminals and release them from prison.

    Now, the time of reckoning has come, like all the yesterday’s men of power, Malami is screaming political persecution. In any case, one is not too sure when he left his party, the All Progressive Congress (APC) if he has.  He should save us the refrain that the investigation and trial are politically motivated.  He should talk like a very experienced lawyer that he is, a senior one at that.  He should go and clear his name in court and the temple of justice. He should present facts, figures and evidence in defence of the charges. 

    Today, he is now a special guest of honour to the same Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) which himself deployed effectively to deal with perceived opponent, for money laundering and mindboggling heist with members of his family.  He it was that planted a young inexperienced minion to head the agency to suit his whims and intuition.  Now he has started singing like canary that his investigation is politically motivated. Abubakar Malami deserves justice, and Nigeria deserves justice.  It will sound foul in his mouth to talk about selective justice; every dog has his day.  It is the prerogative of the state who to investigate and brought to trial and when.  At the appropriate time, others who are still savouring immunity in the National Assembly will come and give account to Nigerians. Their dossiers are safe and secured in the strong room of the security agencies.  That will be the next stage of campaign to save Nigeria and to end impunity and massive looting of the treasury.

    It was reported that Malami’s son, Abubakar Abdulaziz Malami collapsed at the Kuje Correctional Centre and was rushed to the clinic at the facility.  Poor boy!  That is the prize of being born into affluence.  He is a very strong young man indeed to control the sort of wealth entrusted into his care at his age and he is still standing. 

    Our value system has changed; we celebrate thieves, crooks and criminals. We confer chieftaincy titles on billionaires without credible means of livelihood.  Communities organize reception for local tyrants that subvert the will of the people and convert entire state to their political structure.  They buy ballots to become honourables in both the state and national assemblies just to legitimize their ill-gotten wealth.  They have prayer warriors who intercede for them.  The Mullahs and Pastors fast and pray for them because they cannot stay without food and exotic drinks. 

    Malami’s anger may have been that if the revelations of the loot of other people are made known and open, his own may pale into insignificance.  At last, the same judiciary that he deployed recklessly and maliciously is the institution he is embracing for justice; what indeed goes around comes around, justice for Malami!

    •Kebonkwu Esq is an Abuja-based attorney. He writes via mikekebonkwu@yahoo.com