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  • The misdiagnosis of a nation

    The misdiagnosis of a nation

    • By M. O. Oladoja

    There is a sickness far graver than malaria, deeper than cancer, and deadlier than an undiagnosed pandemic: it is the sickness of perception. A tragic, self-inflicted malaise where men and women, intoxicated by their own bitterness, misread the vital signs of a nation and call it death. Nigeria, that ancient giant, that phoenix that has refused to be buried by dust or drowned by storms stands misdiagnosed not by its enemies, but by its own sons and daughters. They call for good governance; a sacred right, yet in the same breath, they auction the dignity of their motherland for applause from foreign balconies. Climbing the stages of international conferences not as ambassadors of hope, but as broadcasters of decay, believing that to light their own ambitions, the whole house must first be burned.

    Yes, there are wounds, visible scars of leadership missteps and bureaucratic fatigue. Yes, the body occasionally limps, gasping for cleaner governance, for a fresher breath of accountability. But to declare her terminally ill? To parade her on global platforms like a festering corpse before she has even sneezed her last? This, is malpractice of the highest order.

    And yet, even as they wail, Nigeria births victories so luminous they should blind the eyes of every doubter.

    In 2024, while cynics sharpened their tongues, Nigeria quietly pulled off the Dangote Refinery miracle. The largest single-train refinery in human history, roared into operation. Built on African soil, by African hands, it shattered the historic curse of crude export dependency. Now, Nigeria refines for itself, and soon, for much of Africa. That is not a dying breath. That is the heartbeat of an empire in rebirth.

    Even as global markets shook and economies shrank, Nigeria executed one of the most daring economic surgeries in modern African history: the unification of her forex market in 2023, collapsing multiple exchange rates into one. International Monetary Fund, World Bank, even Wall Street Journal stood still in reluctant applause. The Nigerian naira, which was once battered by artificial valuations, finally had its freedom to fight fair. It stumbled at first, as all warriors do. But today, stabilization is becoming a new reality, not a distant prayer.

    In health, the same nation that is mocked by armchair critics has scored historic breakthroughs. Under the leadership of Professor Muhammad Ali Pate, Nigeria has launched one of the world’s first national rollouts of the Oxford R21 malaria vaccine a game-changing move in a country that accounts for the highest malaria deaths globally. Again, Nigeria has turned pain into policy. The federal government, under this administration, declared a Health Sector Renewal Compact in late 2023 (PVAC), marshaling partnerships with global giants like the World Bank and Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, channeling billions into revamping healthcare delivery, local vaccine production, and training health workers at an unprecedented scale. No more is health an afterthought; it is now a frontline battle Nigeria is visibly winning. While others talk, Nigeria saves lives. While others point fingers, Nigeria vaccinates her future.

    Infrastructure? While “first-world” cities debate electric railways, Nigeria’s megacity, Lagos, launched its Blue Line Rail in late 2023; the country’s first electric-powered intra-city rail system. A steel artery now pulsing through a once-choked metropolis, easing congestion, breathing new possibilities. In Kano, Rivers, Abuja, and Ebonyi states, massive road, bridges, airports, and industrial parks rose from the dust — monuments to silent nation-building.

    Policy? Courageous policies thundered through governance corridors: the subsidy removal in 2023, ending decades-old economic black hole that bled over $10 billion annually. In its place: strategic investments in health insurance for the vulnerable, transport subsidies for the poorest, and agricultural revolution initiatives. The world’s harshest critics acknowledged it, but the nation’s own sons spat on it, too drunk on their own self-righteous venom.

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    In education? Nigeria has ripped the old rulebook. In 2023, the Student Loan Act was signed into law. An audacious leap toward democratizing education. For the first time, children of farmers, traders, and artisans now have a gateway into universities, polytechnics, and colleges of education without fear of crushing tuition fees. As of 2024, the first batch of beneficiaries have received their loans under the Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUND), breathing hope into homes where education once felt like a broken dream. Now, a total of 525,936 students have registered on the loan platform, with 445,015 applicants successfully applying for financial assistance representing an 84% success rate for student loan applications under the scheme.

    Meanwhile, the accreditation of degrees has also been digitized, Nigeria becoming the first in Africa to fully automate this critical gatekeeping process. New private universities have sprouted like fresh shoots, expanding access and excellence whilst Nigerian universities are climbing global ranks.

    They call for “change” yet campaign on the ruins of hope itself. They drape themselves in victimhood, seeking pity instead of respect. The so-called “obidient” torch-bearers, the tribe of Peter Obi, shout of patriotism while waltzing through global forums slandering their homeland, reducing Nigeria, a giant stirring from slumber, to the caricature of a failed state, just to score a few cheap political points.

    Calling out leadership is democracy; denigrating your nation is betrayal.

    One builds; the other burns.

    Nigeria does not need saviors who love her only when she shines. She needs sons and daughters who hold the line when the storms rage, who sing her greatness even when she falters, who plant seeds of hope, not thorns of despair, into her soil.

    To those who mistake criticism for patriotism, remember: The world does not respect nations that cannot respect themselves. Call out your leaders. Demand reform. March for justice. But never sell your mother for the price of your pride.

    Because when the dust of time settles, and history opens her immortal ledger, it will not be your complaints she remembers, it will be your loyalty.

    • Oladoja writes from Abuja.
  • Why Nigeria must get planning data right

    Why Nigeria must get planning data right

    By Oladele Oladipupo

    One of the major challenges militating against our socio-economic development is the lack of accurate data on population, health and school enrolment etc. It is disheartening that for the past two decades, the country has not been able to come up with realistic and accurate population data. Every year, we prepare our budgets based on unrealistic population figures.

    This has led us to the precarious situation that we have found ourselves. The term “statistics” can be defined as the aspect of decision-making that has to do with numerical information. The word is often used to describe a collection of numerical data. Statistics could be employed for numerical data that arise in the course of governance, business activities and scientific research among others. Data on the other hand is defined as facts and figures from which conclusions are drawn.

    Data are useful in providing an informed understanding of situations with an overriding view to better decision-making. Data collection is an activity or group of activities aimed at setting information, facts and figures to satisfy given decision objectives. We have two types of data namely: primary data and secondary data. Primary data are usually collected by the enquirer while secondary data are those already collected by some agencies either government or private and may exist either in published or unpublished forms.

    The last population census was conducted in 2006 and since then we have not been able to conduct another one. This means that for nearly two decades now, the country has been budgeting on conservative population figures which do not augur well. Population census is supposed to be conducted every 10 years and without having accurate population data, it will be difficult for us to plan.

    In the area of economic planning, it is important that we know exactly how many people we are planning for. What is the total population of the entire country? What percentage of our population constitutes the male and what percentage constitutes the female? We need to have data on birth rate per thousand, death rate per thousand, mortality rate, morbidity rate and life expectancy. What is the population of our youths that are gainfully employed? Also, we have to have data on those that are working in both the formal and informal sectors of the economy.

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    Recall that in 2023, the former president, Muhammadu Buhari, had a plan to conduct the national population census. In fact, a huge sum of money was earmarked for the project but along the line the idea was shelved. Today, the country has not been able to determine its own population figures. This is quite unfortunate! We need population data to enable the government plan for housing schemes, provide health services and infrastructural facilities.

    For instance, in the housing sector, the federal government might have planned to provide housing for the masses. We need to know the number of people that are likely to benefit from the scheme. How many of these people are in the low income brackets and how many are in the middle income? How many housing units are we going to provide? If we do not have our population data, there is no way we can plan. The same is applicable to other sectors of the economy such as education, health and agriculture.

    Take for instance, in education sector; we need to have data on the enrolment in our primary, secondary and the tertiary institutions. What is the percentage of those that are literate? In the health sector, the sector has been badly affected by the Japa Syndrome. Majority of our nurses, midwives, pharmacists and doctors have left the shores of Nigeria for greener pasture. How many doctors, nurses and midwives do we have in Nigeria? What about the pharmacists? In order to bridge the gaps due to exodus of our health professionals, it is imperative that the Federal Ministry of Education in collaboration with the Federal Ministry of Health double the quotas for training of students in medical schools. The federal government should also try to encourage the medical students by awarding scholarships to those that are hard working.

    In the agricultural sector, the country is also lagging behind in terms of data acquisition. Recently, there was a report in one of the national dailies about the House of Representatives Committee on Nutrition and Food Security. According to the report, the House flagged off its investigation into the Utilization of Federal Government Interventions and Agricultural Funding by various Ministries, Departments and Agencies from 2017 to 2024. Among the institutions to be covered is the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), which, through the Anchor Borrowers Programme (ABP) was said to have disbursed about N1.2 trillion to 467 million farmers involved in maize, rice and wheat farming through 563 anchors. Also to be covered is the Bank of Industry (BOI) said to have disbursed N36 billion to 22,120 small holder farmers through Agricultural Value Chain Financing Programme (AVCFP).

    Despite the various interventions, food is still scarce in the country hence the investigation into their utilization. The committee chairman made it clear that the investigation was not to target individuals or institutions but rather to uncover the truth, identify systemic failures and ensure that public funds allocated for agricultural development were utilized transparently and effectively.

    The development itself raises some pertinent questions: What were the modalities for granting these loans? Were they properly documented? Has the CBN the means to monitor the farmers in the first place? Where is the guarantee that the CBN will recover the loans?

    It is important to note that population explosion is one of the challenges threatening food security mostly in African countries. Therefore, if we do not get our population data right, we will continue to grapple with food scarcity in the country. So, it is imperative that we have accurate population data in order to enable us plan well. I will therefore implore the federal government to ensure that national population census is conducted as planned to enable us plan for the future – as ‘he who fails to plan, will plan to fail’.

    •Oladipupo writes from Agbara Estate, Ogun State.

  • Beating malaria – can be done with shrinking funds and rising threats

    Beating malaria – can be done with shrinking funds and rising threats

    By Taneshka Kruger & Tiaan de Jager

    Healthcare in Africa faces a perfect storm: high rates of infectious diseases like malaria and HIV, a rise in non-communicable diseases, and dwindling foreign aid.

    In 2021, nearly half of the sub-Saharan African countries relied on external financing for more than a third of their health expenditure. But donor fatigue and competing global priorities, such as climate change and geopolitical instability, have placed malaria control programmes under immense pressure. These funding gaps now threaten hard-won progress and ultimately malaria eradication.

    The continent’s healthcare funding crisis isn’t new. But its consequences are becoming more severe. As financial contributions shrink, Africa’s ability to respond to deadly diseases like malaria is being tested like never before.

    Malaria remains one of the world’s most pressing public health threats. According to the World Health Organization there were an estimated 263 million malaria cases and 597,000 deaths globally in 2023 – an increase of 11 million cases from the previous year.

    The WHO African region bore the brunt, with 94% of cases and 95% of deaths. It is now estimated that a child under the age of five dies roughly every 90 seconds due to malaria.

    Yet, malaria control efforts since 2000 have averted over two billion cases and saved nearly 13 million lives globally. Breakthroughs in diagnostics, treatment and prevention have been critical to this progress. They include insecticide-treated nets, rapid diagnostic tests, artemisinin-based combination therapies (drug combinations to prevent resistance) and malaria vaccines.

    Since 2017, the progress has been flat. If the funding gap widens, the risk is not just stagnation; it’s backsliding. Several emerging threats such as climate change and funding shortfalls could undo the gains of the early 2000s to mid-2010s.

    New challenges

    Resistance to drugs and insecticides, and strains of the malaria parasite Plasmodium falciparum that standard diagnostics can’t detect, have emerged as challenges. There have also been changes in mosquito behaviour, with vectors increasingly biting outdoors, making bed nets less effective.

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    Climate change is shifting malaria transmission patterns. And the invasive Asian mosquito species Anopheles stephensi is spreading across Africa, particularly in urban areas.

    Add to this the persistent issue of cross-border transmission, and growing funding shortfalls and aid cuts, and it’s clear that the fight against malaria is at a critical point.

    As the world observes World Malaria Day 2025 under the theme “Malaria ends with us: reinvest, reimagine, reignite”, the call to action is urgent. Africa must lead the charge against malaria through renewed investment, bold innovation, and revitalised political will.

    Reinvest: Prevention is the most cost-effective intervention

    We – researchers, policymakers, health workers and communities – need to think smarter about funding. The economic logic of prevention is simple. It’s far cheaper to prevent malaria than to treat it. The total cost of procuring and delivering long-lasting insecticidal nets typically ranges between US$4 and US$7 each and the nets protect families for years. In contrast, treating a single case of severe malaria may cost hundreds of dollars and involve hospitalisation.

    In high-burden countries, malaria can consume up to 40% of public health spending.

    In Tanzania, for instance, malaria contributes to 30% of the country’s total disease burden. The broader economic toll – lost productivity, work and school absenteeism, and healthcare costs – is staggering. Prevention through long-lasting insecticidal nets, chemoprevention and health education isn’t only humane; it’s fiscally responsible.

    Reimagine: New tools, local solutions

    We cannot fight tomorrow’s malaria with yesterday’s tools. Resistance, climate-driven shifts in transmission, and urbanisation are changing malaria’s patterns.

    This is why re-imagining our approach is urgent.

    African countries must scale up innovations like the RTS,S/AS01 vaccine and next-generation mosquito nets. But more importantly, they must build their own capacity to develop, test and produce these tools.

    This requires investing in research and development, regional regulatory harmonisation, and local manufacturing.

    There is also a need to build leadership capacity within malaria control programmes to manage this adaptive disease with agility and evidence-based decision-making.

    Reignite: Community and collaboration matters

    Reigniting the malaria fight means shifting power to those on the frontlines. Community health workers remain one of Africa’s greatest untapped resources. Already delivering malaria testing, treatment and health education in remote areas, they can also be trained to manage other health challenges.

    Integrating malaria prevention into broader community health services makes sense. It builds resilience, reduces duplication, and ensures continuity even when external funding fluctuates.

    Every malaria intervention delivered by a trusted, local health worker is a step towards community ownership of health.

    Strengthened collaboration between partners, governments, cross-border nations, and local communities is also needed.

    The cost of inaction is unaffordable

    Africa’s malaria challenge is part of a deeper health systems crisis. By 2030, the continent will require an additional US$371 billion annually to deliver basic primary healthcare – about US$58 per person.

    For malaria in 2023 alone, US$8.3 billion was required to meet global control and elimination targets, yet only US$4 billion was mobilised. This gap has grown consistently, increasing from US$2.6 billion in 2019 to US$4.3 billion in 2023.

    The shortfall has led to major gaps in the coverage of essential malaria interventions.

    The solution does not lie in simply spending more, but in spending smarter by focusing on prevention, building local innovation, and strengthening primary healthcare systems.

    The responsibility is collective. African governments must invest boldly and reform policies to prioritise prevention.

    Global partners must support without dominating. And communities must be empowered to take ownership of their health.

    •Kruger is Project Manager and Coordinator, University of Pretoria Institute for Sustainable Malaria Control (UP ISMC) & Jager is Dean, Faculty of Health Sciences and Director, UP ISMC. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. “https://theconversation.com/beating-malaria-what-can-be-done-with-shrinking-funds-and-rising-threats-255126”

  • Country platforms and lessons for climate finance future

    Country platforms and lessons for climate finance future

    By Abdullah Adeyanju Binuyo

    At a time of profound global transition, climate finance has become both a battleground and a lifeline for developing countries. In a security-fragile, economically volatile environment, the risks of inaction are clear—but so are the perils of poorly managed action.

    This makes country platforms more critical to the fate of nations such as Nigeria.

    Such platforms are long-term, transformational initiatives—designed to outlive political cycles.

    Yet political realities cannot be ignored. Nigeria’s experience shows that meaningful progress often arises from policy shifts not explicitly framed around climate but nonetheless catalytic for climate finance.

    In his first year, President Bola Tinubu launched major reforms—fuel subsidy removal, foreign exchange unification, and experimentation in gas flare commercialization.

    These moves were not presented as climate policies. Yet together, they form building blocks for a more sustainable, resilient, and climate-aligned economy.

    Nigeria’s history reinforces this lesson. Long before statutory climate institutions were established, organic, politically negotiated structures—notably the Inter-Ministerial Committee on Climate Change (IMCCC)—enabled breakthroughs like Africa’s first sovereign Green Bond. Lacking formal legislative authority, the IMCCC nonetheless earned sufficient trust to report directly to bondholders, anchoring Nigeria’s credibility in international markets.

    Ironically, the later creation of statutory climate institutions introduced a historical breach in the natural maturation of Nigeria’s climate governance.

     Institution-building is a political work, slow and conflictual—the painstaking deepening of democracy itself. Yet today’s hyper-democratic impulses—a culture of constant rage and instant demands—often clash with the slow, uneven realities of building credible institutions.

    As such, the design of a country platform must acknowledge this Nigerian reality: balancing the urgency of delivering investment-ready projects today, with the patience needed to allow political institutions to mature. Transformation will not come from paper plans alone.

    It will come from political craft, negotiated trust, and lived institutional legitimacy.

    Thus, building country platforms in Nigeria—and in similarly dynamic settings—must account for security volatility, macroeconomic shocks, and institutional fluidity. Metrics therefore matter.

    What Is a Country Platform—and Why Metrics Matter

    At its core, a country platform is not simply a plan or a political statement. It is a living institutional framework that coordinates government reforms, private sector investment, and international finance around bankable, transformative projects. It requires ongoing coordination, credible project pipelines, and the ability to adapt to political and economic shocks.

    In Nigeria’s context, three metrics may be particularly critical: Metric, Definition and Security-Adjusted Project Bankability

    Without careful measurement of these factors, country platforms risk becoming paper exercises—especially in dynamic, security-fragile settings.

    Global lessons

    Early examples of country platforms offer important lessons, both positive and cautionary.

    South Africa’s Just Energy Transition Partnership (JET-P) launched at COP26 with $8.5 billion pledged. Institutional coherence challenges—such as tensions between Eskom reforms, labour unions, and municipalities—have slowed disbursement. Security risks remain low compared to Nigeria, allowing for longer-term transition planning.

    Vietnam’s JET-P mobilized $15.5 billion and initially demonstrated high investment velocity. Clear reform roadmaps, particularly in grid modernization, helped unlock early private sector engagement. However, later political reshuffles disrupted momentum, underlining the fragility of political guarantees.

    Indonesia’s JET-P, anchored on a $20 billion blended finance strategy, emphasized private sector mapping from the outset. About 75 percent of targeted investment is intended to come from private sources. While Indonesia faces some localized security challenges (e.g., in Papua), its overall security environment remains more stable than Nigeria’s.

    The comparative experience suggests that sustained success depends less on the size of international pledges than on domestic political coherence, credible pipelines, and the management of dynamic risks.

    Nigeria’s reality: Metrics must shape country platform design

    Nigeria’s climate finance architecture today reflects not only institutional overlap but a deeper historical breach. Earlier pragmatic frameworks—such as the Inter-Ministerial Committee on Climate Change (IMCCC) and initiatives like the Ogoni Clean-Up—built political coordination and credibility organically. The passage of the Climate Change Act, while a milestone, created statutory authority without corresponding institutional maturity, fragmenting governance across new bodies such as the National Council on Climate Change (NCCC), Presidential Committee on Climate Action, PCAC, and the Special Envoy’s Office.

    Rebuilding institutional coherence will therefore require more than new structures. It will require recovering the political craft, negotiated trust, and operational memory that made Nigeria’s earlier climate finance initiatives credible to investors and partners alike.

    At the technical level:

    Security-Adjusted Bankability

    Infrastructure projects across Nigeria’s North and parts of the Middle Belt often face 25–40 percent delivery risks linked to insurgencies, banditry, and sabotage.

    The existence of overlapping institutions—PCAC, NCCC, the Energy Transition Office, and sector ministries—has sometimes led to duplicative Memoranda of Understanding, competing initiatives, and fragmented donor engagement.

    Moreover, in Nigeria, project closure can take 18–36 months post-commitment, significantly slower than in peers like Vietnam during its pre-turbulence phase.

    The implication is clear: unless Nigeria’s country platform architecture addresses security risk, improves institutional coherence, and accelerates investment velocity, it may struggle to translate pledges into projects.

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    Strategic Recommendations

    If Nigeria is to succeed where others have faced challenges, five strategic actions may be particularly important:

    1. Climate project pipelines should systematically score projects based on dynamic security risks, not only technical feasibility.

    2. A single coordinating body, reporting directly to executive authority, could reduce institutional competition and improve project delivery coherence.

    3. Expanding sovereign guarantees, political risk insurance, and blended finance tools may help crowd in private sector participation, particularly in high-risk regions.

    4. Prioritizing investments in secure regions—such as the Lagos–Ogun industrial axis and the Abuja–Kaduna growth corridor—could help demonstrate success and build momentum.

    5. Expand platform scope beyond energy. Integrating agriculture resilience, urban adaptation, water security, and industrial de-carbonization projects could diversify Nigeria’s climate finance appeal and resilience impact.

    Seizing opportunity in an unstable world

    Climate finance is entering a new, competitive phase. Donor priorities are shifting, private capital demands faster delivery, and countries able to build resilient, adaptable country platforms are more likely to succeed. Nigeria’s path will not be easy. Its country platform will need to be measured not against ideal blueprints but against the reality of insecurity, political fluidity, and macroeconomic volatility.

    In a world where even the “church rat” must tread carefully, Nigeria’s best hope lies not in avoiding the risks but in engineering a platform that can turn fragile opportunities into investable outcomes—resilient, credible, and adaptable over time.

    •Binuyo, an expert in climate and sustainable development writes from Abuja.

  • NBA, do what is ethical

    NBA, do what is ethical

    Ray Ekpu

    The storm between the Rivers State government and Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) may be a storm in a tea cup but it is a storm. The story is that the Rivers State government under Governor Siminalayi Fubara gave N300 million to the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) which had planned to hold its 2025 Annual General Conference in Port Harcourt, capital of Rivers State. This was before President Bola Tinubu removed the governor on March 18, declared a state of emergency and appointed retired Vice Admiral Ibokete Ibas as the Sole Administrator of the state.

    Now that the NBA has moved the conference away from Port Harcourt and relocated it in Enugu, the Sole Administrator of Rivers State has asked the NBA to refund the N300 million to the state. The media aide to the administrator, Hector Igbikiowubo says that the money was a hosting fee while the NBA says it was a “gift” unrelated to hosting.

    The NBA’s explanation for relocating the conference to another state, Enugu, is in protest against the declaration of emergency rule in Rivers State and the appointment of a Sole Administrator which the NBA says is unconstitutional. The matter is at the Supreme Court which has the authority to decide whether the declaration of an emergency by the president which has been approved by elected legislators of both houses of the National Assembly is unconstitutional or not. Take note that a state of emergency had been declared before in Plateau State by an elected President Olusegun Obasanjo. That decision was approved by the National Assembly and it was considered a constitutional decision.

    The truth is that by March 18, when Tinubu declared a state of emergency in Rivers State, the state was at the threshold of anarchy: bombs were exploding in several places. The state legislature had served notice of impeachment of the governor and deputy governor; vandalisation of oil assets was surging; the Ijaws from which tribe Fubara comes were baying for blood. It would have been most unpatriotic and irresponsible for the president to stand and stare while the menacing madness in the horizon was showing its ugly face. The elders, youths, women and various other groups had tried, but failed, to resolve the menace. Anarchy was at the door and it was prim and proper for the president to step in and save the state from implosion. If there was trouble in the Rivers State, it could conceivably snowball into other oil producing states because the Niger Delta region is very, very volatile. That would have damaged our democracy and the oil region irreparably.

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    If the NBA says that it took its planned conference away from Rivers State because of the emergency status of the state which, in any case, is headed by a civilian, what did it do during the military days when autocratic military dictators held sway? Did it or did it not hold its Annual General Conferences in those states? It did. It held its conferences in the north, south, east and west, where dictators lectured lawyers on the rule of law? Moving the conference from Rivers State was wrong since the NBA did not mind holding its conferences under full-fledged military dictators.

    Such a rash decision deprived the Rivers State of benefits of hosting which it hoped to get from its N300 million payment. The hotel and transport owners, travel agencies, airlines, restaurants and other hospitality outlets would have benefitted from the hosting of the conference in Rivers State. The youths of the state would also have had the opportunity to learn something on the legal profession and rule of law in a state where restiveness is an enduring problem.

     I had to laugh when I read what the chairman of the organizing committee of the conference, Emeka Obegolu, SAN said, namely that the N300 million was a “gift” attached to no condition. Obegolu is wrong. There is no free gift, not even in Freetown. Every gift comes with a string, whether seen or unseen. Even if the Rivers State government did not outrightly spell out any condition or benefits, it paid the money because it knew that there would be enormous benefits coming to Rivers State if the conference was held there. The truth is that the money was not given for nothing; it was given for something, the favour of hosting right, whether expressly stated or muted. If the NBA says the money was just a gift, it violated the rule for buying something in a bottle. The rule is that you must examine the contents not the bottle. If it didn’t know that the money was for hosting rights, then its knowledge of such matters in this system is suspect because anyone who collects money as support fund for a conference knows that the giver obviously expects some benefits to come to him or her or it.

    Everyone knows that the legal profession is often involved in the indiscriminate defence of right and wrong. That is why there are often lawyers on both sides of any case. That is also why some lawyers may see what is wrong but still seek to defend it as right. The NBA is a respected and respectable association. I have worked with a number of prominent and respected lawyers in various settings. That is why I think the NBA does not need to make any indefensible argument about this money. Taking the conference away from Rivers State is an injury. Refusing to refund the money is adding insult to that injury. The NBA should not put its conscience and integrity in jeopardy for the sake of mean money making. It would be unethical to keep the money if you have taken the hosting of the conference away from the state. Don’t let the unfortunate happenings in the Rivers State become a sweet pleasure that can choke the NBA now or in future. Don’t let this money matter be seen as a breach of trust and as an expedition in the exploitation of the government and people of Rivers State. The NBA is too big to bring itself down to that nadir of disrespect.

    Now, my closing arguments: If the NBA is going to collect hosting fees as a “gift” from the Enugu State government, as it is likely to do, why should it also keep the one it collected from Rivers State? It should not if it wishes to be respected as an ethical organisation. The argument about the money being a free gift and not returnable is nonsensical. The money was a hosting fee whether stated or implied. If the hosting is taken away from the state, the money must be refunded to the state since it has been capriciously deprived of the hosting benefits. The money was given to the NBA by the Rivers State government. Now a refund of the money is demanded by the Rivers State government. Why should there be any quibbling about it? There should be none.

     If the new hosting state is not paying hosting fee to the NBA, which I doubt, would it be ethical to use the hosting fee paid by a state you are depriving of the benefits of hosting to host the conference in the new hosting state? It would be unethical especially since keeping the money is not approved by the donating government.

    The NBA fights for justice. It needs to conduct its affairs in a transparent and accountable manner that does not put a question mark on its integrity. Its leadership must show a good example that should be emulated by other professional associations. It must refund the money to its owner, the Rivers State government. Here ends my closing argument.

  • Need for calm in navigating the Rivers maelstrom

    Need for calm in navigating the Rivers maelstrom

    By Steve Azaiki

    The political crisis engulfing Rivers State has, for months, captivated and concerned Nigerians. What began as a rift between Governor Siminalayi Fubara and his predecessor, Nyesom Wike, now Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, has spiralled, culminating in an unprecedented declaration of a state of emergency by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on March 18. Understanding this complex situation requires examining multiple viewpoints, historical precedents, and the path forward for the state and the wider Niger Delta region.

    The crisis, simmering since late 2023, has escalated dramatically, involving attempts to impeach Fubara, the demolition of the State Assembly complex (effectively paralyzing the legislature), defections, legal battles over the legitimacy of lawmakers, and reported security incidents including pipeline vandalism.

    Opinions on the crisis are sharply divided. Some analyses point to Fubara’s defiant rhetoric and perceived disloyalty to Wike, who heavily backed his ascension, as key factors fuelling the conflict. Critics argue Fubara’s “unguarded rhetoric” and “blunt defiance,” while perhaps cheered by supporters as courageous resistance against perceived godfatherism, were politically naive and unnecessarily provocative, escalating a manageable disagreement into “open warfare”.

    Conversely, others view the crisis through the lens of “state capture,” suggesting Wike’s actions stem from an attempt to maintain control over the state’s political structure and resources even after leaving office. From this perspective, Fubara’s resistance is seen as a necessary assertion of independence against undue influence. The fight, as Fubara himself has framed it, is over the “red pen” – the symbol of administrative authority.

    President Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency, suspending the governor, deputy governor, and state assembly for six months and appointing retired Vice Admiral Ibokette Ibas as administrator, has added another layer of complexity. The Presidency justifies this drastic measure under Section 305 of the Constitution, citing a “breakdown of public order and public safety”. Officials point to the demolition of the State Assembly complex by Fubara in December 2023, the subsequent paralysis of the legislature, damning Supreme Court findings describing the governor’s actions as despotic and leaving the state without a functioning government, failed mediation attempts, and recent security threats like pipeline vandalism as necessitating intervention. Supporters argue the move averted anarchy and potential economic sabotage in a critical oil-producing state. The National Assembly has also endorsed the president’s decision. From this context, the emergency declaration is a “lifeline” to stabilize the state and safeguard national economic interests.

    However, the intervention draws parallels with controversial past federal actions. President Obasanjo’s declarations of emergency in Plateau (2004) and Ekiti (2006), which also involved suspending democratic structures, faced legal challenges and accusations of political motivation. Critics argue the Rivers situation, while serious, did not meet the threshold for emergency rule compared to security crises addressed under President Jonathan (e.g., Boko Haram insurgency) and worry it sets a dangerous precedent where political disputes can trigger the suspension of elected governments, potentially undermining federalism, the separation of powers, and democratic accountability.

    The appointment of Vice Admiral Ibas (Rtd) signifies a shift from democratic governance to administrative rule and this has been a lightning rod for controversy. Administrator Ibas has moved swiftly, appointing administrators for the 23 Local Government Areas, reconstituting state boards, preparation of the 2025 state budget without legislative input, and leadership reshuffling of the Rivers State Independent Electoral Commission (RIESEC), all in a bid to fill the governance vacuum and curb the further erosion of institutional governance in Rivers – actions taken despite pending court challenges.

    This underscores the profound impact of dissolving democratic institutions even as some observers warn of “democratic erosion”, with the administrator’s unilateral moves seen as undermining elected governance raising concerns about setting a precedent that could weaken Nigeria’s constitutional democracy, with some labeling it a “challenge” to the nation’s democratic fabric. The absence of elected voices risks alienating citizens, as evidenced by protests and opposition framing the emergency as “unnecessary” further challenging the legitimacy and long-term consequences of the emergency rule.

    Despite the political turmoil, the federal government, under President Tinubu, maintains a stated commitment to the Niger Delta’s development. This is evidenced by ongoing work on critical infrastructure projects vital to the region, including Rivers State. Significant attention is being given to the East-West Road, with sections being re-awarded for accelerated completion. Furthermore, the flag-off of the access road to the Second Niger Bridge (Phase 2A) connecting the South-south and Southeast, and progress on the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway, underscore this commitment. Stakeholders in the Niger Delta have publicly lauded President Tinubu’s focus on the region’s development, particularly through enhancing the operations of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC). The Presidency insists its intervention in the Rivers crisis aims to restore stability necessary for development, not hinder it.

    To the youth, and indeed all people of Rivers State, this period is undoubtedly trying. The political conflict, now overlaid with federal intervention, breeds uncertainty and frustration. Voices within groups such as the Ijaw Youth Council have expressed strong opposition to the state of emergency, viewing it as an affront.

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    However, I appeal for a measure of trust in the stated goals of President Tinubu’s administration – both in its commitment to regional development, demonstrated by tangible projects like the East-West Road rehabilitation, and its declared aim of restoring lasting peace in Rivers State. While the federal intervention is a bitter pill, the Presidency and supporting voices frame it as a temporary, necessary measure to pull the state back from the brink, prompted by what the Supreme Court termed actions akin to despotism and a breakdown of constitutional governance.

    Let us view the core conflict, fundamentally, as a regrettable fracture between political allies – Governor Fubara and Minister Wike – a misunderstanding that spiralled out of control. While passions run high, continued conflict benefits no one. Assurances have emanated from reliable quarters that concerted efforts are underway behind the scenes to mediate and find a sustainable resolution. Engaging constructively, remaining peaceful, and allowing mediation processes space to work offers the best path towards restoring normalcy and full democratic governance. Let wisdom and restraint prevail, focusing on the shared aspiration for a peaceful and prosperous Rivers State within a developed Niger Delta. The future of the state depends on moving beyond attrition towards reconciliation.

    The Rivers State crisis is a complex interplay of personality clashes, power struggles, constitutional questions, and ethno-regional sensitivities laying bare the fragility of Nigeria’s democratic institutions and the complexities of political loyalty. While the federal government justifies its intervention on grounds of restoring order and constitutionalism, the suspension of democratic mandates and imposition of administrative rule carries significant risks.

    Finding a sustainable resolution requires more than administrative fiat. It demands genuine dialogue, adherence to constitutional principles upheld by the judiciary, respect for democratic mandates, and a commitment from all political actors – within and outside Rivers State – to prioritize peace, stability, and the rule of law over partisan advantage. The path forward must involve restoring democratic institutions, not circumventing them, lest this emergency sets a precedent that further strains Nigeria’s already fragile federal democracy.The federal government’s broader efforts to resolve the crisis should be marked by a transparent mediation process bringing about trust hinging on tangible action—mediating fairly or reversing the suspensions—not platitudes.

    Rivers needs a return to democratic governance—restoring its elected officials and fostering dialogue—not a perpetuation of political gamesmanship. Nigeria’s democracy demands no less.

    •Prof Azaiki, PhD, DSc, OON, is a former Secretary to the Bayelsa State Government, and was a member of the House of Representatives from 2019-2023.

  • The descent of USA to infamy

    The descent of USA to infamy

    • By Olabode Lucas

    The word ‘infamy’ became popular in the political arena after President Franklin D. Roosevelt, the 32nd President of the USA used the word to describe the day the Japanese carried out a surprise attack on the United States Pacific fleet at its naval base at Pearl Harbour in Hawaii on December 7, 1941. This singular event propelled the USA into the Second World War. The country entered the war with its awesome military power and subsequently helped the Allies led by Great Britain to defeat Nazi Germany under Adolf Hitler.

    The Second World War led to the decline of Europe as the leading political power in the world as the balance of power shifted from Europe to the United States of America. As a result of the war, imperial countries with vast overseas colonies like Great Britain started to lose their colonies in consonance with the agreement in the Atlantic Charter signed by Winston Churchill of Great Britain and Franklin Roosevelt of USA in 1941 before the USA joined the war. The charter stipulated self-determination for every group and country. The USA subsequently became the most powerful and dominating country the world has ever seen.

    After the war, the USA tried to lift up war-weary Europe through the Europe Recovery Plan Known as Marshall Plan which operated between 1948 and 1951. In this plan, the USA transferred $13.3 billion ($133billion by 2024 standard) for the economic recovery of European countries. Great Britain received 26%, France 18%, West Germany 11% of this amount. After the war USA also extended its defence umbrella to cover Western Europe through the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) formed in 1948. This organization is an international military alliance of 32 countries, 30 in Europe and two in North America.

    Russia another victor in the Second World War, formed another military alliance for Eastern European countries known as the Warsaw Pact, but it was no match to NATO in terms of organisation and power. The Warsaw Pact was dissolved in 1991 and NATO is still waxing strong despite some rumblings from Trump, the president of the USA.

    The dependency of Europe on the USA economically and militarily which started after the Second World War was nurtured and encouraged by successive presidents of the USA from Roosevelt to Biden and all past and present European leaders became complacently accustomed to the situation. Many of them have USA military bases in their countries. In politics, situations don’t usually wear a permanent colour as political situations can change quickly and rapidly.

    Even in the Bible we read in Exodus 1: 8 “that a new king which did not know Joseph came to power in Egypt.”

    Unexpectedly the new president of the USA who is not beholden to the niceties of post-war relationship between Europe and the USA is now calling the shots from the White House. His name is Donald J. Trump, whose second coming to the presidency of the USA more than the first coming in 2016, has thrown the USA and the whole world into economic and political turmoil. Since taking office less than 100 days ago, Donald Trump has left nobody in  doubt that his policies both at home and outside would be radically different from those of his predecessors whether Republican or Democrats.

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    At home, Donald Trump wasted no time to implement his campaign promise to the American electorate that he would get rid of illegal immigrants which the previous Biden administration allowed to be an overwhelming problem. He revived the ancient 1798 Alien Enemies Act which grants the president of the USA sweeping power to order the detention and deportation of people. He has used this law to deport 261 alleged Venezuelan gang members to notorious jail in El Salvador. For his actions on deportation of illegal immigrants, he has refused to heed the restraint actions of judges, telling the judges that he has the mandate of the people for his actions on illegal immigrants. Many illegal immigrants are now in hiding and have stopped going to churches and farms where they can be picked up easily by Homeland Security Officers who are on the prowl looking for illegal immigrants. Visas are withdrawn and people critical of the Trump administration are denied entry to the USA. To many illegal immigrants in the USA as of now, Armageddon has come to the USA.

    In addition to his policy to rid the USA of illegal immigrants, Trump has focused his searchlight on drastically reducing government expenditure. He recruited Elon Musk, the richest man in the world for this task and appointed him as head, Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE). Many Americans have been retrenched and deprived of their livelihood. Government agencies such as those concerned with social security and taxes have been abolished. Elon Musk claimed that he has saved the government billions of dollars by trimming down the government bureaucracy.

    Also abolished, is the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) started during the Kennedy era in 1963. This agency has done a lot to help the downtrodden in Africa, Asia and Latin America and has boosted the image of the USA all over the world. Trump’s policy of cutting down government expenses and closing down offices that take care of the American poor have been met with demonstrations in many states in the USA.

    Perhaps the most bewildering domestic policy of Donald Trump up till now is his assault on universities in USA. His administration has given stringent conditions to the universities on how to operate. The Trump administration has accused the Universities of anti-Semitism and threatened to withdraw visas for students and staff who are sympathetic to Palestinians and Hamas struggle in Gaza. Meanwhile, some students who took part in pro-Hamas demonstrations during the Gaza war are in detention, facing possible deportation from USA. Trump threatened to cut funding to Ivy League universities like Columbia and Harvard if they do not comply with his wishes of telling universities what to teach, who to appoint as lecturers and the type of students to admit. All these actions are alien to university culture of free speech and academic freedom, which is the norm even in Third World universities. Harvard University, the most prestigious and wealthiest university in the USA has called off the bluff of Donald and has taken his administration to court for his intrusion into university administration. Meanwhile, about 200 presidents of universities and colleges in the USA have written an open letter to condemn Trump’s retrogressive actions against the university system in USA. With his assault on the citadel of learning in the USA, which is renowned all over the world, Trump is certainly taking USA to the road of infamy.

    On the international scene, Trump’s policies are no less bizarre. He felt that for a long time the rest of the world has been taking undue advantage of the USA. However, this does not stop him from his craving to acquire Greenland, a semi-autonomous territory controlled by Denmark and to make Canada the 51st state of USA. He also has his eye on the acquisition of Panama Canal because according to him, China was having too much influence in the operation of the Canal. Trump’s first action on the world stage was to tell the European countries in NATO to take more responsibility for their defence. He told the countries to jack up the budgetary allocations for their defence instead of depending too much on the USA. Most countries in Europe, like Germany and Great Britain have seen the handwriting on the wall and they are trying to increase their defence spending.

    Again, on the international scene, Donald Trump has imposed punitive tariffs on goods coming from other countries irrespective of their standing with his country. Countries like Great Britain. Canada, South Korea and Japan that are friendly to the USA are not exempted from high tariff imposition. China has been badly targeted by this policy and presently all goods coming from China to the USA would attract a whopping 145% tariff. China has equally retaliated. Many renowned economists in USA and elsewhere had cried out that this Trump’s action would lead to trade war with attendant unpleasant consequences on world economy. The IMF at the just concluded meeting in Washington has voiced similar concern. Presently, the uncertainty about the tariff war engineered by Trump is having negative effect on the stock market not only in the USA but all over the world.

    Trump’s policies since he became the President of the USA the second time, although applauded mainly by the white people in that country are no doubt having negative effect on the standing of the USA all over the world. At present, the number of tourists going to USA has decline tremendously. In Europe tourists from the USA especially those in France are trying to hide their identities as of them are claiming to come from Canada according to BBC report. This is a tragedy for the USA which has been a home for oppressed people all over the world and which helped the world to get rid of Nazi tyranny during the Second World War. It is the fear of most people both inside and outside the USA, that the present deluded policies of Trump would lead the great nation of USA to infamy and if this happened the whole world would suffer.

    •Prof Lucas writes from Old Bodija, Ibadan.

  • Time for Black Pope?

    Time for Black Pope?

    Reflections on the demise of Pope Francis

    • By Jude Dike

    As the world mourns the passing of Pope Francis, the first pope from the Americas and the first Jesuit to lead the Roman Catholic Church, a conversation that has long simmered within the global Catholic community comes into sharper focus: Is it time for a Black pope? The death of Pope Francis, who was lauded for his progressive views on poverty, immigration, climate change, and interfaith dialogue, invites a moment of deep reflection on the direction of the Church, particularly in a world where Africa, home to a rapidly growing Catholic population, plays an increasingly prominent role.

    The Catholic Church has been undergoing significant demographic shifts over the past century. While Europe and the Americas once held the majority of the world’s Catholic population, Africa has experienced explosive growth in both the number of Catholics and the number of seminaries and clergy emerging from the continent. In fact, Sub-Saharan Africa now accounts for over 20% of the global Catholic population, with numbers steadily increasing. According to the Vatican’s 2022 Statistical Yearbook, the number of Catholics in Africa has more than doubled in the past 50 years, a trend that continues to accelerate.

    Yet, despite the rise of Africa’s Catholic presence, the Vatican remains overwhelmingly European, with only a handful of African cardinals, the electors of the next pope, making their mark on the highest echelons of Church leadership. This has led many to question whether the Church’s leadership is truly representative of the global body it seeks to guide. A Black pope would send a powerful message of inclusivity, acknowledging the growth and importance of Africa within the Catholic Church, and representing the millions of Black Catholics around the world whose voices are still often marginalized in the highest halls of power.

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    The legacy of Pope Francis

    Pope Francis’ papacy was a watershed moment for the Church in many ways. His focus on social justice, his calls for mercy and compassion, and his commitment to highlighting the struggles of the marginalized—whether migrants, the poor, or indigenous peoples—resonated deeply with millions of Catholics across the globe. His leadership also demonstrated a shift towards a more decentralized and inclusive Church, even as his papacy faced significant challenges, including conservative pushback from within the Vatican itself. His emphasis on synodality, the idea of a more participatory and inclusive decision-making process, hinted at a desire for change that could one day pave the way for the Church to embrace greater diversity at its core.

    The question of whether it is time for a Black pope thus becomes more than just a theoretical query, it is an invitation to examine the Church’s future. The need for reform, inclusivity, and representation in the highest levels of ecclesial authority is clear. Pope Francis himself understood that his papacy was not just about leading the Church as it was but about guiding it toward the future. As we mourn his passing, we must consider how the next pope can build on his legacy of reform and inclusivity, while also taking into account the profound demographic shifts in the Church.

    Africa’s potential for leadership

    Could the next pope come from Africa? It is a possibility that has grown less improbable with each passing year. Figures like Cardinal Peter Turkson of Ghana, who has long been considered a front-runner for the papacy, represent the potential for the Church to embrace an African pope. Cardinal Turkson’s long-standing leadership in the Vatican, including his role in shaping the Church’s response to issues like climate change and global inequality, suggests that a Black pope would bring not only symbolic weight but also substantive leadership in areas crucial for the Church’s future.

    The notion of a Black pope also underscores the role that race and ethnicity play in shaping not only the global Catholic community but also its vision for the future. Africa, with its youthful population, its dynamic faith communities, and its growing influence in world affairs, presents an opportunity for the Church to engage with the world in new and relevant ways. A pope from Africa could more effectively address the challenges and aspirations of a continent that is poised to become even more central to the Catholic Church’s mission in the coming decades.

    Theological and cultural implications

    A Black pope would also bring a new theological and cultural perspective to the Church, which has historically been shaped by European and Latin American sensibilities. African Catholicism is deeply rooted in a rich tradition of spirituality, communalism, and respect for the sacred, which could breathe new life into the Church’s global mission. This perspective could also provide new avenues for dialogue between the Catholic Church and other faiths, particularly within Africa’s religiously diverse context.

    Moreover, Africa’s history of colonization, conflict, and resilience has created a unique lens through which to understand issues of justice, peace, and reconciliation. The African experience with colonialism, civil strife, and economic exploitation could inform a pope’s approach to global issues such as human rights, economic inequality, and international relations. In this way, an African pope would not only represent the continent’s rapidly growing Catholic population but could also embody a more inclusive and globally relevant approach to the Church’s mission.

    A new era for the Church?

    As we mourn the death of Pope Francis, we are reminded that the papacy is not simply a position of leadership but a symbol of the direction in which the Church is headed. The question of whether it is time for a Black pope is not just about ethnicity or race; it is about the future of a Church that must reckon with its increasingly diverse global community.

    The papacy of Pope Francis demonstrated that the Church can embrace reform and adapt to the changing world while staying true to its mission. The election of a Black pope, particularly from Africa, would mark the next step in that journey, reflecting a Church that is inclusive, diverse, and engaged with the challenges of the 21st century. Whether or not the next pope will be African or Black remains to be seen, but the possibility stands as an invitation to rethink the global Church’s priorities and the legacy of Pope Francis.

    In this time of mourning, it is important to ask not just what the Church has been but what it will become and what it can be for future generations. The election of a Black pope could be a significant step in that ongoing transformation.

    •Dr. Dike is a college professor and host of a popular weekly podcast in Calgary, Canada.

  • Pope Francis: The reformist who divided opinion

    Pope Francis: The reformist who divided opinion

    By Aysu Bicer and Esra Tekin

    When Jorge Mario Bergoglio became Pope Francis in March 2013, his election was considered unexpected.

    At 76, he was older than many anticipated, and as a Jesuit from Argentina, he was a relative outsider to the Vatican establishment.

    But his selection was historic — he became the first pope from Latin America and the first member of the Jesuit order to lead the Catholic Church.

    Over a decade into his papacy, Francis remained a figure of both admiration and controversy.

    He died at age 88 after suffering a prolonged illness, the Vatican announced on Monday.

    He suffered a “prolonged asthma-like respiratory crisis” associated with thrombocytopenia, according to a previous Vatican statement.

    Francis sought to reform the Vatican’s bureaucracy, tackle corruption, and address some of the church’s most pressing challenges.

    While he had been hailed for his humility and commitment to social justice, his leadership also drew sharp resistance from conservatives within the church and beyond.

    A life shaped by faith, struggle

    Born in Buenos Aires on Dec. 17, 1936, to Italian immigrant parents, Jorge Mario Bergoglio was drawn to religious life from an early age.

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    He studied in Argentina and later in Germany before being ordained as a Jesuit priest in 1969.

    Unlike many Vatican figures, he had little international exposure early in his career, spending most of his time in Argentina, where he gained a reputation as a humble, austere leader deeply committed to social justice.

    His early years were marked by personal hardship.

    As a young man, he suffered a severe lung infection and lost a part of his right lung. Despite this, he remained physically active and later became Archbishop of Buenos Aires in 1998.

    As a cardinal, Bergoglio was known for his simple lifestyle, often taking public transport instead of using a chauffeur.

    His sermons frequently addressed inequality and the struggles of the poor, subtly criticizing governments that failed to protect the most vulnerable. He was seen as a voice for social inclusion, which later became a defining theme of his papacy.

    First Pope born outside Europe in more than a millennium

    Francis, the Catholic Church’s 266th pope, was the first non-European pope since Gregory Ill, who was born in modern-day Syria and elected in 731.

    He chose the name Francis in honor of St. Francis of Assisi, a 13th-century monk known for his charity and kindness to animals.

    He studied philosophy and earned a master’s degree in Chemistry from the University of Buenos Aires. He taught literature, psychology, philosophy, and theology before becoming the Archbishop of Buenos Aires, the Argentine capital.

    In his youth, he enjoyed dancing tango with his girlfriend before discovering his religious vocation.

    As a student, he worked as a bouncer in a Buenos Aires bar and had a stint as a janitor.

    He was also known for washing the feet of AIDS patients during his time as archbishop — echoing Jesus, in the Bible, washing the feet of his disciples.

    A papacy of reform

    From the beginning, Pope Francis set a different tone. He chose not to live in the Apostolic Palace, opting instead for a modest guesthouse in the Vatican.

    He rejected many of the formalities of the papacy, signaling a shift toward a more accessible, down-to-earth leadership style.

    His early popularity was bolstered by his focus on key reforms. He took swift action to tackle financial corruption within the Vatican, particularly in the scandal-ridden Vatican Bank.

    He also restructured the Curia — the church’s administrative body — reducing its bureaucracy and making it more transparent.

    Child sex abuse scandals

    One of his most significant challenges had been addressing the church’s child sex abuse scandals.

    He removed bishops accused of covering up abuse and created a Vatican commission to address the issue. However, critics argue that his actions had not gone far enough, pointing to the slow pace of justice for victims.

    Francis also consistently spoke out on global issues beyond the church.

    He criticized free-market capitalism, calling it a system that often “kills” the poor.

    He urged governments to take stronger action on climate change and was an advocate for migrants, going so far as to compare European migrant detention centers to concentration camps. These statements sparked a backlash from conservative politicians and business leaders.

    Despite being seen as a progressive, Pope Francis remained firm on key Catholic teachings. He upheld traditional positions on abortion, same-sex marriage, and the role of women in the church, showing that he was not a liberal in the way some expected.

    His willingness to replace high-ranking conservative cardinals with more progressive voices fueled further resistance. Some Vatican insiders accused him of marginalizing traditionalists in favor of his own reformist agenda.

    Long before his papacy, Bergoglio’s role during Argentina’s military dictatorship (1976-1983) was a subject of debate.

    As head of the country’s Jesuits during this period, he was accused by some of failing to protect two kidnapped priests. Another allegation suggested he did not follow up on a request to help find the missing baby of a woman who was kidnapped and later killed.

    The Vatican strongly denied any wrongdoing on his part.

    Nobel Peace Prize-winning human rights activist Adolfo Perez Esquivel, who was jailed and tortured during the dictatorship, defended Pope Francis, saying there was no evidence he collaborated with the regime.

    Since becoming pope, Francis had taken steps to acknowledge the church’s role in Argentina’s past. He initiated the beatification process for priests murdered by the regime and ordered the Vatican to open its archives to victims and their families.

    For sure, Pope Francis remains one of the most influential figures in global Catholicism.

    His push for reform had won him both admiration and fierce opposition. His social and economic views continue to divide opinion, and his leadership style has reshaped the Vatican in ways that will have lasting effects.

    •             This article was first published in www.aa.com.tr

  • Ekiti: A path to economic emancipation

    Ekiti: A path to economic emancipation

    By Damilola Adeniran

    Since the creation of Ekiti State on October 1, 1996, various administrations have been focused on achieving rapid socio-economic development. The quest for development was undoubtedly a fundamental factor driving the calls for the state’s creation. This is understandable, given the historical context: the old Ondo State was dominated by the Ondo clan, while Ekitis were marginalized from governance.

    Governor Biodun Oyebanji assumed office at a time when order and efficiency in governance were crucial for Ekiti State. The state is often characterized as an “agrarian state,” reflecting its rural agricultural lifestyle, subsistence farming system, and historical political decentralization. In this context, agriculture and trade have long been intertwined, with men typically cultivating crops like yams, cassava and cocoa, while women played a vital role in trading these crops on designated market days.

    Ekitis are renowned for their academic excellence and upright decision-making, traits that align with the state’s reputation as one of the most literate communities in Nigeria. However, the state’s economy faced an uncertain future, with concerns about its meager resources and corporate existence from the outset. To address this, Oyebanji prioritized revamping the battered economy, recognizing that enhancing the living standards of the people requires a multifaceted approach. A key aspect of his strategy involves building relationships with critical stakeholders, which some perceive as “political diplomacy.” His approach stresses the significance of stakeholder engagement and diplomacy in governance.

    This approach is guided by the philosophy of ‘Consolidate old friendships, Win new ones, and Repair damaged relations,’ underpinned by the logic that collective effort can foster a brighter future for Ekiti and its people. By fostering relationships with various groups, the administration can better address the state’s challenges and promote inclusive development.

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    Oyebanji is laying a solid foundation for an ideal state that embodies equal opportunities for all citizens, irrespective of their social status, economic well-being, religious beliefs or ethnic affiliations. This vision acknowledges that conflicts may arise if individuals are not afforded diverse incentives and opportunities that cater for their unique skills and abilities. However, this approach diverges from the conservative stance of the opposition, thereby highlighting a distinct philosophical underpinning of governance.

    As enshrined in the 1999 Constitution (as amended), the welfare of the people is a major priority for state policies, programmes and decisions. Oyebanji adheres to this principle, making it a guiding doctrine by ensuring that his actions and decisions are geared towards improving the living standards of the Ekitis.

    BAO, as Oyebanji is fondly called, can not only be classified as the author of modern Ekiti state, governing with civility and humanity, but also as a champion of a classless and egalitarian structure in governance. He embodies values and traits like intellectual capacity, honesty, and integrity, making him stand tall among his contemporaries.

    The governor identified two critical issues that could inform the assessment of his administration’s policies and programmes: poverty eradication and improved food security. Given Ekiti State’s agrarian economy, where rural poverty often precipitates urban misery, his focus should be on the agricultural sector. Specifically, employment generation in agriculture should be the cornerstone of the administration’s poverty alleviation efforts.

    Poverty breeds criminality, impoverishes the masses, and perpetuates underdevelopment, even among the privileged class, while also leading to land alienation. In a poor society, even the wealthy live in fear, often barricading themselves indoors, vulnerable to armed robbery. Moreover, a poor state fosters an unhealthy business environment and it’s often a breeding ground for corruption. Poverty is a pervasive issue in Africa, with deep historical roots in sub-Saharan Africa, where it appears to defy conventional solutions.

    When access to economic opportunities is monopolized by a few, honest means of making a living become closely tied to escaping poverty. Often viewed as a vicious cycle, escaping poverty requires extraordinary efforts. Its persistence is attributed to unequal wealth distribution and the multiplicity of human needs. Thankfully, Ekiti State’s approach to poverty alleviation and eradication is exemplary and unparalleled. For this, BAO deserves the highest accolades.

    In his work “Politics”, Aristotle, an ancient philosopher, posited that the state’s purpose is to foster “the good life, equity, and the common good.” While alleviating poverty is crucial, ensuring its permanent alleviation is a distinct challenge. This underscores the importance of sustainability in poverty alleviation measures, beyond just their implementation. For instance, providing small and medium-sized credits to unemployed youths to launch entrepreneurial ventures requires careful consideration of the scheme’s long-term viability.

    The adage, “give a man a fish, and he’ll eat for a day; teach him to fish, and he’ll eat for a lifetime”, illustrates this point. By equipping individuals with skills and resources, they can break the cycle of poverty. Moreover, the aversion to poverty stems not only from its inherent hardships but also from the exploitative nature of capitalist systems and the disproportionate power dynamics between the ruling elite and the vulnerable populations.

    In Ekiti State, agriculture serves as the backbone of the economy, playing a multifaceted role in the state’s economic development. Its significance is evident in several key areas, including providing an adequate food supply, generating employment opportunities, supplying raw materials to a growing industrial sector, and creating an expanding market for industrial and other sectoral products.

    Regardless of one’s perspective on BAO’s administration, it is evident that he envisioned his role as a transformative leader for Ekiti State. It goes beyond infrastructure development to encompass poverty eradication, economic empowerment of the poor, and liberation of the oppressed. loathed the exploitation of the vulnerable and the accumulation of wealth at the expense of the larger population, particularly the most disadvantaged segments of society.

    On Oyebanji’s watch, the allocation and distribution of state resources are guided by the principles of fairness and justice, while personal enrichment and the accumulation of private property are discouraged. This approach is evident in the execution of budgetary allocations to various sectors of the state. Furthermore, the governor emphasizes the importance of fairness, justice and transparency in the discharge of duties by commissioners, underscoring his commitment to accountability.

    His primary concerns appear to be increasing prosperity for all, reducing the cost of governance, and improving living standards. To achieve these goals, he has prioritized the fair and just allocation of state resources across the state’s local government areas, while also facilitating pay increases for workers through enhanced productivity. In the years to come, political analysts, human rights activists, and concerned citizens will surely have reason to discuss the developmental strides made by Oyebanji in charting a path towards economic emancipation for Ekiti State.

    • Adeniran wrote from Osogbo, Osun State, Nigeria.