Category: Comments

  • Plateau: How long will the carnage continue?

    Plateau: How long will the carnage continue?

    SIR: In the early hours of Friday, April 12, Zike village in Bassa Local Government Area of Plateau State was reduced to a theatre of blood. At least 40 people, including women and children, were brutally killed by armed assailants who invaded the community under the cover of darkness.

    Homes were set ablaze, farmlands destroyed, and hundreds displaced — once again. This is not an isolated tragedy. In less than four months, Plateau State has lost over 400 lives to mindless violence across Mangu, Bokkos, Riyom, Barkin Ladi, and Bassa LGAs.

    According to data from local community leaders and humanitarian groups, more than 150 villages have been attacked since January 2024, with thousands displaced and properties worth billions destroyed.

    Yet, the response from the relevant authorities has been chillingly muted. Standard condolence statements have followed each carnage, but little in the way of justice or proactive security. For many in Plateau, it feels like being condemned to die in silence.

    The question is painfully simple: for how long will this continue? The victims of these attacks are not armed militias or combatants. They are mostly farmers, traders, women, and children — people asleep in their homes, completely unprepared for war but caught in its crosshairs.

    The attackers, on the other hand, are described as well-coordinated, heavily armed, and operating with an eerie sense of impunity. The carnage in Plateau should not be seen as just a “communal crisis.” It is terrorism — plain and simple.

    Any act that involves the targeted killing of innocent civilians on such a consistent and organised scale deserves to be treated as a national security emergency. The lack of urgency from both the federal and Plateau State governments is not just disappointing — it is dangerous.

    The time has come for both levels of government to stop playing to the gallery and act. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Governor Caleb Mutfwang must confront this crisis with the seriousness it demands.

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    The people of Plateau need protection, justice, and healing — not promises. There must be an immediate and thorough investigation into the Zike killings and all previous attacks across Plateau State. The security agencies must identify and arrest the perpetrators. Communities cannot continue to bury their dead while those responsible roam free.

    Beyond this, a special joint military-police operation should be launched in Plateau — not as a temporary show of force, but as a sustained mission to flush out criminal elements and restore peace across all hotspots.

    Such an operation should be intelligence-led, with active engagement from community leaders, local vigilantes, and civil society actors. Security operatives must also be properly funded, equipped, and monitored to ensure professionalism and accountability in the course of duty.

    Furthermore, there should be a comprehensive resettlement plan for displaced persons. The IDP camps in Plateau are filled with women and children who have been forgotten by a country that swore to protect them. The government must provide support to rebuild destroyed homes, schools, and clinics in the affected communities. Most importantly, the culture of impunity must end. When killers are not punished, others are emboldened.

    Nigeria cannot claim to be fighting insecurity on one hand and tolerating unaddressed massacres on the other. This country must no longer treat the deaths of rural Nigerians as a footnote in national discourse. The tears in Plateau are real. The graves are real. The trauma is real. And so must be our response. Plateau State is bleeding. Its people are tired. And the time to act is now — not with words, but with swift, firm, and visible action.

    • Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu, Centre for Crisis Communication, Abuja.
  • Tinubu administration and verity of inclusion

    Tinubu administration and verity of inclusion

    SIR: Inclusion is an inexorable ingredient for national cohesion. It is an ideal that demands deliberate and methodical enactment. It is largely potent, not as an abstract concept, but as the praxis for promoting peace and harmony and holding it all together at the umbilicus.

    The Bola Tinubu administration has been conscientious and pragmatic about building an egalitarian Nigeria; a nation where ethnic or religious complexion does not supplant excellence and performance; a nation where no Nigerian will need to know anyone to enjoy the harvests of good governance; a nation where all are equal before the law, God and man; a nation where that orphan, Chinedu, in the quiet town of Obosi, can enjoy higher education without the constraints of finance; a nation where all citizens regardless of their tongue, tribe, or religion matter in the minutest scheme of things.

    It is reductive to abridge or pigeonhole the conversation on inclusion. It is broader as an ideal. It is all-encompassing; affecting all facets of society.

    In terms of appointments, the line-up is balanced and well-spread, especially matching diversity with competence and character. More importantly, as regards the policies, programmes, and projects of the administration, all Nigerians enjoy equal patrimony.

    For instance, the Consumer Credit Scheme has beneficiaries drawn from different working strata and diverse taxonomy. The Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUND) has over 200,000 beneficiaries drawn from across universities in all the geo-political zones, with over N32 billion disbursed as of February.

    The free C-Sections for women in need and the president’s approval of an 80% subsidy on kidney dialysis, reducing the cost from N50,000 to N12,000 per session, are tangible initiatives that directly impact the lives of Nigerians of all phyla.

    These programmes and initiatives are implemented across the geo-political zones with absolute fidelity to the sworn oath of fostering unity, peace, and progress.

    It is important to mention that under the N50 billion Presidential Conditional Grant Scheme for one million nano-businesses spread across 774 local government areas, with a minimum of 1,000 beneficiaries, over N41 billion has been disbursed to over 828,564 beneficiaries across all the local government areas.

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    Also, under the FGN N75 billion MSME Intervention Fund, N659,376,800 has been disbursed to 714 beneficiaries. This is in an effort to support young Nigerians and, most importantly, the live-wire of the economy, MSMEs.

    The president recently signed some regional development commission bills, giving every zone the muscle to accelerate its development. This shows even-handedness and large-heartedness.

    In terms of roads and other infrastructural projects, they are equitably distributed, with work going on across all geo-political zones — the Abuja-Kaduna-Kano highway, the Sokoto-Badagry road, Enugu-Port Harcourt dual carriageway 2, the Lagos-Calabar Coastal highway, and many others.

    The Tinubu administration is building an inclusive society where everyone has a sense of belonging not just in the psychological sense of it but also in the very essence of life, making sure the benefits of governance percolate to every man and woman — even to the last man.

    • Fredrick Nwabufo, SSA to President on Public Engagement, Abuja.
  • Omololu Olunloyo: Uncommon brilliance

    Omololu Olunloyo: Uncommon brilliance

    • By Kolade Mosuro

    On at least two different occasions, the rumour was rife on social media that he was dead. To be falsely deceased, I teased that he, like Alfred Nobel, had had the chance to read his own obituary. In a particular instance, a family rebuttal revealed that he was in intensive care at the University College Hospital (UCH), Ibadan. I made for the Intensive Care Unit, UCH, the next day, a Saturday morning. I was not going to disturb their care or protocol. I just had to be there in case he needed me. Expectedly, and rightfully so, the nurses barred visitors from seeing him. I wrote my name on a sheet of paper and gave it to a nurse to hand over to him, just for him to know I was outside in case he needed anything. The nurse came rushing back and said that he wanted to see me immediately.

    As I got to his bedside, he held my hand tightly and, to the amazement of the medical staff around, quoted the melancholy words of Jacques in Shakespeare’s As You Like It:  “All the world’s a stage, And all the men and women merely players; They have their exits and their entrances, And one man in his time plays many parts…”

    Right there, I stopped him in his tracks that he should quote no further. Instead, to his smile, we both said in unison that the exit was not now. He lived another three years after, but poorly. Finally, with every man inevitably to his exit, death, not wholly unexpected, came calling on April 6, after he had played many parts following an innings of 89.

    The preparation for these many parts began from Government College, Ibadan (GCI) in 1948, although he was scion to an illustrious family, the first educated elite and early Christians in Ibadan. When David and Anna Hinderer, the first CMS missionaries, came to Ibadan in 1853,  they were placed in the care of Balogun Olunloyo, a warlord and high chief of Ibadan. Balogun Olunloyo’s children, Akinyele, male, and Yejide, female, found play and school with the Hinderers. Akinyele became the first male literate of Ibadan, while Yejide became the first female literate. Yejide Girls Grammar School, Ibadan, is named after her. The Olunloyos prominently took up early church, civil, and administrative roles in Ibadan. The Akinyele line produced Horatio Vincent Olunloyo, who was Victor Omololu’s father.

    The brilliant signs of Horatio’s first son, Victor Omololu Olunloyo, were there even precociously from primary school. He took the common entrance examination, which was a global examination for all leaving primary school students, and he was first in 1946 and 1947 in the whole of the Ibadan District Church Council schools from Ibadan to Gbongan, Ikirun, and Osogbo. It was while at St. Peter’s Aremo Primary School that he was introduced to mathematics by an impressionable teacher, J.A.F Sokoya, in a remarkable and inspiring way. He saw early and clearly the relations of integers and that there was a concrete connection between mathematics and real life. Here, foundational mathematics was planted to flourish in him for the rest of his life.

    In 1948, he entered Government College, Ibadan (GCI) from Standard Five, as the youngest in his class, when most of his classmates came in from Standard Six. It took him some time to rally. Once he found his stride in the second year, he never let go of the first position in Mathematics. To be first meant not just to score high but to get everything. An illustration will suffice.

    A mathematics examination was going to be served by the teacher, W.H. Browne. The teacher aimed to write the questions on the board, exit to have tea in the staff room, and come back to collect the students’ scripts. As he wrote the first question, he asked the students to commence. There were five questions, and they were to answer all of them. As he finished writing the fifth question and just as he was gathering his papers to go for tea, Olunloyo raised his hand. ‘What is it Olunloyo?’ the teacher queried. ‘I have finished, sir,’ Olunloyo replied. The teacher first thought it was a prank, remonstrated Olunloyo and then collected his papers for marking to see that, indeed, he had finished and got everything!

    Of his brilliance, everybody took notice; some took a special interest. Adegoke Adelabu and Emmanuel Alayande saw in him a very special Ibadan poster boy, a pride. M.S. Sowole, Ambassador and Agent-General for Western Nigeria in the UK, his father’s contemporary and bosom friend, and Lady Kofo Ademola and others saw in him a national academic prodigy. They leaned to an overseas university training. For overseas universities, Olunloyo’s heart was really in Manchester University. Manchester then was one of the leading universities in the UK offering Technology. But Kofo Ademola was pushing differently. She wanted Olunloyo to go to Cambridge to be a part of that reputational institution that had graduated some of the best minds in Mathematics—Isaac Newton, Alan Turing, Carl Gauss, etc. and to go to Cambridge just as did her husband, Sir Adetokunbo Ademola. But Cambridge offered a one-year deferred admission because the session was already on. Olunloyo was not in any mood to wait idly for one year. Kofo Ademola was challenged to find another great university which offered immediate admission, which was what led him to St. Andrews College.

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    At graduation in 1957, six academic medals were available in his department; Olunloyo won five, and the sixth was won by Ifedayo Oladapo, both Nigerians, both old boys of Government College, Ibadan, and both classmates at GCI. Olunloyo recorded, of course, a first class in Mechanical Engineering. So did Ifedayo Oladapo, who went on to do his PhD at Cambridge.

    Olunloyo was exempted from a Bachelor’s and Master’s degree in Mathematics and instead went straight on to do a PhD, a four to seven-year programme. He did it in a record time of two years with outstanding merit, finishing in 1959. He was 24. He was one of Nigeria’s most brilliant men. His brilliance was proudly extolled both overseas and in Nigeria.

    When Lekan Are, his friend and classmate was going to be 80, I teased him that Lekan’s GCI school number was 514 ahead of his at 546, making Lekan a quasi-senior boy. His mind went in a different direction. He said to me, ‘Lekan’s number at 514 is very interesting. That is, two to power nine (512) plus two to power one (2), making 514, which in binary language is 1,000,000,010 for the computer’. Anyone who thinks like that must be crazy. Olunloyo was crazy about mathematics.

    For his work life, he took up an academic position as a lecturer at the University of Ibadan, then the University of Ife; he was later Rector, Polytechnic Ibadan and briefly Polytechnic, Kwara; he held variegated positions with government and academic institutions—55 in total spanning 45 years of service.

    He served as Commissioner for Economic Planning and Community Development, and Commissioner for Education in Western State. At some point, he held two portfolios at the same time as Commissioner of Education and Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs. In a number of these institutions, never mind his title, he served as a trouble-shooter, an ombudsman, a cracker to solve any and every problem, and an interventionist minister.

    It was against this background that he set his sight on politics and was sucked into serving fleetingly as the governor of Oyo State.

    For all his brilliance, he lacked financial intelligence. This dogged him in his twilight because of the huge expense over many years for his medical care. His family’s medical care was also, for many more years, quite exorbitant. People like him ought to have been kept in the financial court of the government or academic institution. They were not to be disturbed by mundane matters such as finances. Their focus had to be entirely scholarship—morning, day and night. He was on scholarship throughout his academic career. He could have been a national scholar for life.

    I am sure Olunloyo would not mind me mentioning his debt to his family and to the late Abiola Ajimobi, late Lekan Are,  late Alafin Oba Lamidi Adeyemi, Enoch Adeboye, Rasheed Ladoja, Seyi Makinde, Bode George, Wale Babalakin, William Kumuyi, Olusegun Obasanjo, Gabriel Ogunmola, Kola Daisi, Lekan Ademosu, and Ibrahim Babaginda. Friends do not often reveal what friends do. He repeatedly sang their praises because they extended to him.

    I will miss his endless stream of conversation from Beethoven to Newton, Einstein to Awolowo and Akintola and, of course, Euler, Ramanujan, Hawkins and Archimedes—his fellow mathematicians. He was a polyglot, a polymath, an iconic, itinerant teacher, a maverick, and a restless politician. Such was the ease with which he could move from Pythagoras through Aristotle and Dante to Nietzsche and Shakespeare with relative ease. He was truly well-cultured.

    When death finally came, even though previous rumours and hospitalizations had prepared me, I shed a tear.

    • Dr Mosuro is a publisher, bookseller, and trustee of Government College Ibadan Old Boys Association.
  • Towards a greener future, sustainable furniture planning

    Towards a greener future, sustainable furniture planning

    • By Emmanuel Mark

    As Nigeria continues to grow in leaps and bounds, the importance of sustainability in the built environment cannot be overstated. Among the many contributors to environmental degradation, the furniture industry plays a significant, though often overlooked, role.

    Every year, millions of tons of office furniture are discarded worldwide, and in Nigeria, where effective waste management systems remain underdeveloped, the consequences are particularly severe. Improper disposal leads not only to environmental pollution but also to health risks that disproportionately affect urban populations.

    Despite these challenges, a promising shift is taking place across Nigeria. A growing number of organizations and individuals are embracing sustainability, rethinking traditional approaches to design, procurement, and facility management. In the furniture sector, this shift is being defined by a new wave of sustainable furniture planning—a philosophy and practice that prioritizes environmentally friendly materials, reduces waste, and encourages a circular economy approach.

    A fundamental aspect of sustainable furniture planning is material transparency. Many conventional furniture products are made using harmful chemicals such as flame retardants, volatile organic compounds (VOCs), and per- and poly-fluoroalkyl substances (PFAS). These chemicals are not only hazardous to human health but also have lasting negative effects on the environment. To address this, forward-thinking organizations must demand full disclosure of the materials used in furniture products and choose those that meet recognized safety and environmental standards.

    International certification bodies such as the International Organization for Standardization (ISO) offer guidelines that can help organizations make informed purchasing decisions. Locally, there are promising examples of companies that are already championing sustainability in their product lines. Brands like Taeillo and Pearl Recycling are pioneering the use of recycled and sustainably sourced materials, such as reclaimed wood, natural fibres, and low-emission finishes. These companies are proving that sustainability and style can go hand in hand, offering functional and aesthetically appealing furniture solutions that do not compromise the planet.

    Beyond materials, the way furniture is manufactured also plays a critical role in sustainability. The processes involved in furniture production—from sourcing raw materials to factory operations and transportation—contribute significantly to carbon emissions. Therefore, selecting manufacturers that prioritize environmentally responsible practices is essential. In Nigeria, some manufacturers are making commendable progress in this area. For example, Vitafoam Nigeria has incorporated eco-conscious practices in its manufacturing processes, producing mattresses and furniture items that are free from formaldehyde, flame retardants, and other harmful substances. Their focus on using locally sourced, eco-friendly inputs, reduce transportation emissions and supports the local economy.

    Sustainability must also be embedded in the early stages of furniture procurement. The product specification phase is particularly critical. Specifications dictate the design, materials, performance, and lifespan of the furniture being acquired. By integrating environmental considerations into these documents, organizations can ensure that sustainability is a non-negotiable aspect of their procurement process. This means selecting materials that are renewable or recyclable, opting for modular designs that can be repaired and reconfigured, and prioritizing items that have a long life cycle and require minimal maintenance.

    In addition to product-level decisions, sustainable procurement requires systemic changes in how organizations engage suppliers. Requests for Proposals (RFPs) serve as powerful tools for communicating values and expectations to potential vendors. When sustainability criteria are embedded in RFPs, it sends a clear signal that the organization is committed to environmental responsibility. Nigerian companies can ask vendors to provide detailed documentation on the environmental impact of their products, including third-party certifications, material origin, energy use, and waste management practices. This not only increases accountability but also encourages suppliers to innovate and align with global sustainability trends.

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    However, even the best policies and procurement processes will fall short if they are not supported by a cultural shift within the organization. Sustainable furniture planning, like all sustainability efforts, must be rooted in a shared mind-set and collective action. This means fostering awareness at every level of the organization—from senior leadership to facility managers and procurement officers. Creating sustainability committees, hosting regular training sessions, and integrating environmental performance into corporate goals are practical steps that can lead to meaningful change.

    Encouragingly, many Nigerian organizations are beginning to recognize that sustainability is not just a corporate social responsibility initiative, but a strategic imperative. As the Nigerian government continues to prioritize green development and environmental protection, aligning with these national objectives will surely position organizations for long-term success. It enhances their public image, attracts sustainability-conscious clients and partners, and ensures compliance with emerging regulations.

    Moreover, sustainable furniture planning contributes to a broader circular economy model—an approach that seeks to minimize waste, maximizes resource efficiency, and promote regeneration. This model challenges the traditional linear economy of “take, make, dispose” and instead fosters systems where products and materials are reused, repurposed, and recycled.

    Ultimately, sustainable furniture planning is not just about the furniture itself—it’s about building healthier, more resilient, and future-focused organizations. It’s about making thoughtful, informed choices that benefit people, communities, and the environment.

    As Nigeria moves forward, the organizations that embrace these principles today will be the ones leading the charge toward a greener, more sustainable tomorrow.

    • Mark, PhD, FNIVS, writes from Port Harcourt, Rivers State.
  • Soga: A giant in spirit and deed

    Soga: A giant in spirit and deed

    • By Louis Odion

    It is impossible to track the torrents of eulogy and heartfelt testimonies that have trailed his transition since February and not come to one indubitable conclusion: Dr. Olusoga Sofolahan Atibioke lived a life of great impact.

    At 56, this illustrious son of Ibaramu (mother hailed from Okeagbe-Akoko) could not, by any stretch of imagination, be said to have attained the ripe age. Even when life expectancy is 53 in contemporary Nigeria, he ended far short of the biblical three scores and 10.

    As if he knew his earthly sojourn would be short, he packed a lot into that short time. The monumentality of those feats achieved across varied human endeavours is perhaps only matched by his towering physique.

    Boxing immortal, Muhammad Ali, would have captured the possible spirit behind such relentless daring — that quest to always hunt the bigger game — in these words: “Don’t count the days of your life. Make the life in your days count.”

    So, even as we mourn this untimely passing, we must draw consolation from Soga’s glittering legacy of impact. In the materialist world, the easy metric is to count brick and mortar. But as Albert Einstein, the immortal physicist, tells us: things that count don’t matter and what matters often don’t count. 

    The formula for quantifying Soga’s impact would be in fond memories of his countless civic exertions forever etched in our collective subconscious.

    For validation, we only need to turn the pages of our minds slowly. Avert our minds to some of the photographs that went viral on social media following the shattering news of his death. Recall the one where his giant frame is squeezed into the Boy Scouts’ iconic regalia of short-sleeved green shirt, khaki shorts, beret and group scarf … In another, he poses with a platoon of younger Boy Scouts at a parade… Yet in another, he toils alongside a group of labourers rehabilitating a building at the Victory College, Ikare campus …

    That was the essential Soga.

    Among Boy Scouts, the corporate mantra is, “Be Prepared”. It was a message Soga took to heart and carried everywhere from 1974 when he joined the voluntary association under Pa J. O. Ojo (of blessed memories) at Local Authority Primary School, Ilepa, Ikare-Akoko.

    Between 1981 and 1983, he became the Troop Leader of the Boy Scouts of Victory College under the leadership of Okhale Momodu. He would later lead the Scout Association of Nigeria (formerly known as the Boy Scouts Association of Nigeria).

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    Like sunshine, some individuals light up a room with their incandescent aura. I count Soga among this unique tribe. To encounter him is to feel the force of passion and a commitment to the public spirit. For him, life was only meaningful when lived for others, and positions were only good when leveraged to help people in need.

    In his native of Ibaram town in Ondo State, Oba Mofolorunso Samuel Adegboyega Arasanyin, the Ajana of Afa Okeagbe, described Soga’s passing in the following tearful words: “We’ll deeply miss your invaluable contributions to our community. Your wisdom, expertise, and selfless service have left an indelible mark on our lives. Your absence will be felt in every aspect of our community, and we can only imagine the great things you would have continued to achieve.”

    It is a measure of his significant impact in his community, even within a short-lived existence.

    Again, it is a measure of his extraordinary networking skill that, despite being of the 1986 set, he had a direct personal relationship with not a few members of our 1988 set of VICOSA.

    In a way, with the power of personal example, Soga would challenge us never to be passive wherever we find ourselves. To keep testing the limits and pushing the boundaries. We saw this in the muscular campaign he ran to clinch the national leadership of the Victory College Old Students Association (VICOSA) in 2022.

    Of course, VICOSA remains perhaps the most veritable platform for preserving our common heritage — Victory College Ikare. Founded in 1947, its illustrious alumni include late Admiral Mike Akhigbe (aka Fearless), deputy to Head of State, General Abdulsalami Abubakar, between 1998 and 1999; iconic lawyer, Gani Fawehinmi; Olukare of Ikare-Akoko, Oba Akadiri Momoh; Professor Michael Faborede, one-time Vice Chancellor of Obafemi Awolowo University; and Bashorun Seinde Arogbofa, a celebrated author and respected Afenifere leader.

    With the energy and creativity Soga brought to bear in 2022, you would think he was gunning for the presidency of Nigeria! Again, following his emphatic victory at the highly competitive polls, we saw a continuation of that commitment in the zeal he brought to office. Determined to make a difference, he tweaked VICOSA’s governance structure. He came out with a new organogram with the infusion of fresh ideas. Yours sincerely was conscripted into one of such agencies. Not surprisingly, it was the unit saddled with publicity.

    On a personal note, my last physical contact with Soga was in Lagos in the summer of 2021. It was at the reception to climax the obsequies of Mama Aregbesola, the mother of one of us, Bode Aregbesola (ARESCO BODMAS), then the Managing Director of United Bank of Africa Plc (Senegal branch). Of course, a respectable number from VICOSA 88 graced the marquee, including Abiodun Oloruntoba and Mutiu Mesioye (aka Alhaji).

    While the soirée lasted, it was impossible to miss the commanding presence of Soga in his immaculate green Agbada. He mixed freely with everyone. We posed for photographs as well. When told my daughter would be travelling out the next week to the United Kingdom, having just gained a university admission, Bode and Soga felicitated with her with an exhortation to take her studies seriously and forever remember the daughter of whom she is.

    Characteristically, on top of the wise counsel, Soga dipped a hand into his pocket and gave her a generous dash.

    Good night! Soga is one of our shining stars.

    • Odion, FNGE writes from Abuja.
  • Trump’s tariffs and Africa’s place in the new trade order

    Trump’s tariffs and Africa’s place in the new trade order

    • By Magnus Onyibe

    In slamming Mexico with a high reciprocal tariff—which has now been suspended for 90 days—the President of the United States of America, Donald J. Trump, did not take into consideration the provisions in the US-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA), which precludes member countries from being levied tariffs on certain products.

    Upon discovering the breach, Mexico pointed it out to the US, and promptly, the concern was addressed with the USMCA exemption recognized and the aberration corrected.

    Like the USMCA, the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), introduced in 2000 under President Bill Clinton’s administration, grants African countries exemptions from paying tariffs on some items exported to the US.

    With the 10% across-the-board tariff that the US has imposed on all her trading partners worldwide—and the reciprocal tariffs (currently paused for three months) that raised tariffs on Nigerian goods to 14%, and up to 50% for a small African country like Lesotho—the US may have breached the AGOA pact with Africa.

    So, the question is: has Africa, like Mexico, approached the US to inform her that the AGOA arrangement has been breached, so that an adjustment can be made accordingly, in the same manner that a similar breach of USMCA was addressed when it was brought to the US’s attention?

    That task squarely falls within the purview of the African Union (AU); it is a responsibility that rests directly on its shoulders.

    If peradventure, Africa has not yet made that move via the AU, the 90-day pause announced by President Trump is a veritable window for the pan-African organization to engage with the relevant authorities in the US to resolve the matter.

    That said, at this juncture, it is appropriate that we take a look at Africa’s uninspiring place in the world order and try to figure out how to reposition the continent to become a more active player in the new global trade framework being reshaped by President Trump through his sweeping tariff changes.

    Incidentally, the justification for President Trump’s ongoing tariff war includes not only an effort to stem the illicit drug fentanyl from entering the U.S. but also to correct what he considers unfair trade practices by the rest of the world against the United States. So, with its economic and military clout as the world’s global hegemon, and under the leadership of a bold and unorthodox President Trump—who was voted into power based on his reputation as a change agent, although a political outsider—the U.S. is using tariffs to fight for balanced trade with its partners.

    But from the narrative about trade between Africa and other continents, as earlier highlighted, it is disheartening and disappointing that Africa has been a perennial and perpetual victim of unfair trade. Sadly, the continent lacks the clout to fight for itself, as the U.S. is currently doing.

    Operating in an unstructured—and some may say ungoverned—environment, where six countries (Niger, Burkina Faso, Chad, Guinea, Mali, and Sudan), mostly located in the Sahel region, have reverted from democratic governance to military dictatorships, forging a common front to assert herself as a unified continent has remained a mirage since the time of the founding fathers of the Organization of African Unity (OAU)—Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Nnamdi Azikiwe of Nigeria, Julius Nyerere of Tanzania, among others—who convened in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia in 1963.

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    Although the OAU was later renamed the African Union (AU) in Durban, South Africa in 2002—likely inspired by the somewhat successful European Union (EU)—the change was largely nominal. The continental body has never been able to transform Africa into a powerful trading bloc like the EU.

    Instead, the continent has remained a mere source of raw materials and not a producer of value-added products that could have engendered prosperity for its people when it becomes the new manufacturing hub for the US.

    Perhaps the recently formed African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) will make a difference by triggering the desired positive change.

    Also, the recent appointment of Massad Boulos, former Group Managing Director of SCOA Nigeria Plc, as Senior Special Adviser to President Trump on Africa affirms growing optimism that Africa will be a focal point for U.S. economic cooperation. Already, Boulos has initiated meetings with the presidents of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Kenya, Uganda, and Nigeria to promote peace in conflict zones and foster mutually beneficial economic partnerships.

    If Africa is to thrive in the emerging world order, it must seize this moment not as a threat, but as a strategic opportunity to renegotiate its place in global trade—by adding value, fostering local production, and becoming an active partner in global manufacturing and economic integration.

    Apart from its vast mineral wealth, Africa holds a global comparative advantage in agriculture. However, subsidies provided by industrialized nations to their farmers significantly neutralize any potential gains for African producers. For instance, eggs that were once produced in excess in the U.S. used to be dumped locally or even thrown into the ocean during gluts, rather than being exported to famine-stricken areas in Africa—especially in the Horn of Africa—where people have died from hunger-related diseases. Ironically, the U.S. is now experiencing an egg shortage. Hopefully, when the egg surplus returns, the U.S. will remember to ship excess produce to Africa, where the need is dire. This is especially critical given that the continent is increasingly unable to feed itself due to unfair global trade practices orchestrated by powerful players in the developed world.

    Against the backdrop of Trump’s ongoing reciprocal high-tariff upheavals, one might have thought this would be an opportunity to bring Africa more squarely into the global trade framework—especially now, as a new world order seems to be emerging under Trump.

    Take, for example, the case of avocados. High tariffs imposed on Mexico—currently the largest supplier of avocados to the U.S.—has created a supply gap. Africa, also a major grower of avocados, could potentially fill that gap under a tariff-free framework such as the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), introduced by President Bill Clinton in 2000. AGOA significantly boosted trade between the U.S. and Africa’s 54 nations.

    Unfortunately, that might no longer be the case. That is because as earlier noted, AGOA which has been in practice for 25 years seems to have been side-lined under the current administration’s reciprocal tariff regime.

    What remains Africa’s biggest handicap in becoming a manufacturing hub for U.S.-bound exports is the lack of infrastructure. This, coupled with financing deficits and debt traps, has made the continent less attractive compared to Asian countries such as Vietnam, Malaysia, and Thailand, which are now thriving manufacturing hubs serving the U.S. market.

    The bottom line is this: Africa needs industrialization and trade, not aid. And both President Trump, leader of the world’s most powerful country, and Elon Musk, the world’s wealthiest man, can make it happen.

    Musk has already explored the unknown in space with his SpaceX program. Now it’s time to explore Africa—for real, and for good.

    •Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, sent this piece from Lagos.

  • Ake Pavilion controversy and Ogun’s political crossroads

    Ake Pavilion controversy and Ogun’s political crossroads

    • By Kunle Somorin

    In the bustling heart of Abeokuta, an elderly Egba artisan once remarked, “A pavilion is not just a roof over our heads; it is a symbol of our pride, our unity, and our future.”

    His words, spoken during the early days of the Ake Pavilion project, resonate deeply today as the controversy surrounding its completion unfolds—a litmus test for leadership, legacy, and the priorities of Ogun State’s political elite.

    At the centre of this debate lies the allegation by Senator Ibikunle Amosun’s team that Senator Solomon Adeola diverted funds earmarked for the Ake Pavilion project to other initiatives, including a library in Ewang Estate Extension, interestingly also located in Abeokuta. However, the facts tell a different story. The budgetary allocation in question explicitly stated “Renovation of Ake Pavilion Roofing and Other Facilities, Ogun State,” making it clear that the funds were not exclusively designated for the Ake Pavilion. Senator Adeola’s facilitation of the library project, funded through federal appropriations, exemplifies an inclusive approach to governance that transcends political rivalries and geographical boundaries.

    The irony of these accusations becomes even more pronounced when one considers Amosun’s own record on project completion. His tenure as governor was marked by numerous abandoned initiatives, including the Ogun State Airport, Deputy Governor’s Office complex, the Lambe-Akute-Alagbole-Ijoko Road, Abeokuta-Sagamu road, and a phoney 250-bed hospital, among many others. For a man who championed the mantra of “building the future,” these unfinished projects serve as a poignant reminder of missed opportunities. It is, therefore, particularly ironic for his team to critique Adeola, whose track record exemplifies a results-oriented approach to governance.

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    Philosophically, this controversy invites a broader reflection on the nature of leadership. Is governance a platform for self-aggrandisement and legacy-building, or a sacred trust to serve the people? The vilification of Senator Adeola, whose actions have consistently aligned with the welfare of Ogun State’s people, raises troubling questions about the priorities of his detractors. Could this be part of a broader tenure elongation agenda, aimed at planting a loyalist in Government House, Ibara? Or might it hint at unresolved political ambitions, as evidenced by two failed gubernatorial bids for his stooges in 2019 and 2023?

    Adding another layer to this discourse is the zoning agreement in Ogun State, which rotates the governorship among the three senatorial districts. Senator Adeola’s rumoured interest in the 2027 governorship has intensified political manoeuvring, with groups like the Egba Coalition’s “Egba Lokan Agenda 2027” tossing up other candidates. While denying endorsements, another splinter—more influential and intellectual—faction of the same group insists that Adeola is as qualified as any other Egba aspirant owing to his mother’s ancestry of Kemta, Abeokuta. His widespread popularity and proven track record, according to them, should suffice. Cultural and regional jingoism notwithstanding, the heightened stakes and strategic positioning that characterise Ogun State’s political landscape should assuage parochial sensibilities.

    Equally significant are the allegations regarding the supposed implications of Senator Adeola’s actions in Ogun Central. Is it truly an affront to Amosun’s legacy for Adeola, as a representative of Ogun West, to undertake development projects in Abeokuta? Or could his actions, rooted in his maternal ties to Egba Alake and his broader commitment to Ogun State, be seen as an inclusive approach to governance? These are questions that merit not only answers but a willingness to move beyond narrow interpretations of regional politics.

    It is on record that Adeola has similar welfare projects even in Ogun East and does not appear to toe the line of sectionalism like Amosun. After all, the resources being expended belong to all the regions.

    The timing of this controversy, coinciding with the Lisabi Day celebration—a moment of pride for the Egba people—adds another layer of complexity. Senator Adeola’s Empire Pavilion, funded principally with personal resources, mirrors the purpose of Amosun’s Ake Pavilion, which Amosun claims as his legacy project. Adeola completed this project before switching to Ogun West in furtherance of his progressive politics. The fact that Amosun could not complete the Abeokuta Palace Pavilion during his tenure only amplifies the irony of his criticisms.

    How, then, does one reconcile the fact that Senator Ibikunle Amosun, with 16 uninterrupted years in government—both as a senator and two-term governor—could not complete the Ake project, with his vilification of a man who has barely begun his journey as Ogun West’s representative? The apparent irony in the timing and tone of this critique raises larger questions about legacy, priorities, and governance.

    In the spirit of unity, the Amosun camp owes the Egba people an apology for the numerous unfinished projects that mark its legacy. Recognising past shortcomings is not a sign of weakness but a gesture of strength—one that could foster collaboration and shared vision. Why not seize the moment to rally behind a man whose focus on progress, rather than bickering and red herrings, could signal a new dawn for Ogun State?

    Worse still is the cacophony of claims and counterclaims on social media, which, while spirited, risks overshadowing the greater purpose of governance and progress. Politics, at its best, is a contest of ideas—a platform for visionaries to articulate solutions that uplift communities and inspire collective action. When discourse devolves into personal attacks and petty squabbles, it diminishes the very essence of leadership and distracts from the pressing needs of the people. Ogun State deserves better than the fleeting theatrics of online hirelings; it deserves leaders and citizens who prioritise substance over spectacle.

    Let us rise above the fray and embrace a higher calling—one that seeks unity in diversity and progress through collaboration. The challenges facing Ogun State require thoughtful deliberation, innovative solutions, and a shared commitment to the common good. Those who wield influence, whether in politics or public discourse, must temper their words with wisdom and their actions with integrity. Only then can the politics of ideas thrive, paving the way for a brighter future where Ogun State’s leaders and citizens work together to build a legacy of excellence and inclusivity.

    Clearly, the Ake Pavilion controversy is emblematic of broader tensions within Ogun State’s political landscape, one shaped by legacy disputes, zoning agreements, and governance priorities. At the centre of this discourse lies Senator Adeola—a progressive welfarist whose actions have consistently aligned with the welfare of the people. This is not the time for infighting or political mudslinging but an opportunity to unite behind shared goals. Ogun State’s future will be brighter if its leaders work together to harness the power of collective vision and action. After all, what is politics if not the art of the possible?

    •Somorin writes from Crescent University, Abeokuta, Ogun State.

  • Seyi Tinubu as presidential asset

    Seyi Tinubu as presidential asset

    • By Jack Okude

    Seyi Tinubu, the son of President Bola Tinubu, is up and about; touring Nigeria from north to south, east and west. The First Son has been full of doings. He has done welfare and other humanitarian services. If he wasn’t paying school fees, he’s offsetting hospital bills of indigent Nigerians across tribes and tongues.

    In this 4th Republic and probably beyond, he stands out as the most visible First Son. However good intentioned his actions have been, some Nigerians have deprecated him for being excessive and too visible on the nation’s public circuit even when he was not the one elected as president. They argue that he is usurping state powers and undermining the duties of official appointees of his father.

    Yet, there are some Nigerians who support Seyi Tinubu’s socio-political adventure. They argue that as an adult, he has a right of association, liberty to frolic with Nigerians of his choice and as a member of the First Family, is entitled to privileges that accrue to his father. He cannot be denied the love, care and support of his father just because he’s the president.

    Whichever way, the argument swings, it’s expedient to interrogate historical antecedents from other lands with stronger and longer democratic cultures. The United States runs one of the world’s oldest democracies and its democracy has been fraught with quirks and oddities that strip it of imperfection. American democracy has also presented strong attributes that make democracy rank as the best form of government especially with its safety valves of checks and balances.

    How has First Children of US Presidential families fared over the years? Were there cases where first children became real assets for their fathers while they were presidents? Or cases that mirror Seyi Tinubu’s disposition and behaviour during his father’s presidency?

    Joshua Kendall, editor, writer, political watcher and authority on US politics, in his book, First Dads: Parenting and Politics from George Washington to Barack Obama, provides deep insights into roles played by some first children who helped their fathers in office while they minded the business of America from the Oval Office. Kendall’s no-holds-barred 391-page book painted the picture of some children as assets and others as liabilities to their fathers.

    Kendall wrote in his 2016 article in the PolitiCo magazine: “In every presidential contest since 1789, the American people have been elevating to power not just one person but an entire family, usually including several adult children. These children aren’t forced to debate each other; they don’t release their financial or health records, or face endless scrutiny on their policy positions—and yet a tour through history shows that they sometimes turn out to have a significant impact on the presidency. Some have provided valuable assistance to their fathers and the nation, serving as trusted advisers or surrogates.”

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    On this list of first children is John Quincy Adams, eldest son of John Adams (second US President), who became US president in 1797 at 61, succeeding George Washington. President Adams appointed his eldest son minister to Prussia (German territory which later aided America in the Revolutionary War). This infuriated the Republican opposition. The president was setting a dangerous precedent by giving a job to a family member, they raged. As soon as the dust settled, the young Adams went to work and under his father, he renewed a treaty with Prussia and went on, under later presidents, to play a key role in ending the War of 1812. The young Adams was so smart that even George Washington never hid his admiration for him.  He would later become the sixth president of the United States, making him the first president’s son to later become president.

    President Rutherford B. Hayes (19th US President) appointed his second son, Webb, at just 20 years old at the time, as his private secretary after President Hayes took office in 1877. Webb later became an incredible asset to his father including playing the role of official greeter at White House social functions—a duty typically served by the Marshal of the District of Columbia. That position was then occupied by Frederick Douglass, a black slave, who was resented by southerners. To avoid further resentment, Webb took on the role of greeter. Webb’s political career grew and he later served in three wars—the Spanish-American War, Philippine-American War and First World War—and won the Congressional Medal of Honour.

    And then there was Anna Roosevelt, Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s (FDR) daughter, who was said to have saved the president’s (her father) life. In 1944, the 37-year-old mother of three, working as a journalist in Seattle, moved to Washington to settle into the Lincoln Suite and become her father’s unpaid personal assistant. From being close to her father, Anna noticed that Dr. Ross McIntire, the president’s personal physician, had not been monitoring FDR’s blood pressure regularly. At her request, the sickly president was moved to Bethesda Naval Hospital for a full medical check.  FDR was diagnosed with congestive heart failure and proper medication was then administered.

    Anna became her father’s constant companion, confidante and gatekeeper, and as such “wielded enormous influence.” It was said that Anna convinced her father to choose Harry Truman rather than Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas as his next vice-president, prompting Life magazine to assert: “Daddy’s girl is running Daddy.” Anna became part of FDR’s international trips and diplomatic shuttles and was reported to have helped the terminally ill FDR function at a high-level even in his dying days.

    President Bill Clinton’s only child, Chelsea, according to those close to the Clintons, “shapes almost every significant decision her parents make.” Donald Trump in his first term in office has four adult children, all trusted members of his inner circle. Ivanka Trump served as a surrogate and adviser on the campaign trail.

    In Nigeria, Seyi has stepped up the dais. He is building bridges, making friends for his father and connecting with Nigerians especially the youths. What he is doing is historical. Nigerians did not have to vote for him before he could make friends and connect with Nigerians. Besides, it is within his remit, a successful businessman, an adult and a freeborn citizen to move round the country to meet with old friends and make new ones. His actions are nationalistic. He did not pander to any particular ethnic or religious group. He is a friend of one and all. His hand of friendship stretches across social strata, across religion and across ethnic nationalities. This is who he is. A nationalist who loves his country and its people. The fact that he’s the First Son should not strip him of his humanity. It is not his fault that he came from a privileged family. He has not broken any law by making friends of all tribes and tongues. Being the son or daughter of a president should not be a curse. First children in older and more sophisticated democracies have been known to become integral parts of their father’s inner cabinet and think-tank. Seyi Tinubu is working hard to help his father build a better Nigeria as did other children in other democracies. Critics should take a break and offer suggestions on how to deliver value in the nation’s young democracy.

    •Okude, public policy analyst, writes from Jalingo, Taraba State. 

  • Uromi lynch mob and rising insecurity

    Uromi lynch mob and rising insecurity

    •  By Mike Kebonkwu

    Uromi killing is a consequence of massive security failure, absence of the rule of law in the country, lack of confidence in our law enforcement and security agencies and drift into anarchy. These are factors and invitations to self-help and mob justice.  Uromi is happening in Benue State, Plateau State, Kaduna State, Katsina State, the entire stretch of Northeast, Sokoto State and the Southeast.  People resort to mob or jungle justice whenever there is collapse of law and order and the state becomes lethargic and unable to provide security and protection of lives and property. 

    Who were the victims of the Uromi killing apart from the general tag of ethnic identity of being from a particular geo-political zone and going on a religious holiday for celebration?  Where were they coming from, and were they found with any incriminating thing to suggest they were criminals by any means, or just  innocent wayfarers and victims of mistaken identity?   To be clear, it does not even matter whether they had weapons or not; mob justice and unlawful killing is punishable by law.  You cannot arrest someone and conclude on his guilt and mete out punishment whatever evidence you found on him. 

    The Uromi incident as it is customary is being viewed through ethnic lens and religious prism without any attempt to conduct thorough investigation.  And finally, the incident   is wearing political toga with over-sized cap with the governor of Edo State going to commiserate with his Kano counterpart on the sad incident and promising compensation for the families and punishment for the culprits.  No preliminary investigation; yes even though mob action is unlawful ab initio. 

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    Well, it is good to douse political tension and prevent reprisal but first, there ought to have been some form of investigation.  There have been unwarranted killings and kidnappings in our local communities without response from security agents although this does not also mean people should take the laws into their hands. The Uromi killing should not be treated in isolation if we must deal with the rising tempest of insecurity.  Government should first disarm ethnic militias that have virtually become private armies in their regions and across the country. The question of marauding armed herdsmen, wherever they are coming from should be decisively contained; they should be forcefully disarmed.   The clips we watch daily on social media platforms of armed gangs brandishing offensive military grade weapons and mounting road blocks on major highways or taking over some communities in the North and Southeast is a symptom of a failing state. 

    As it is today, you cannot travel on the roads without fear of being kidnapped or killed whether ransom is paid or is delayed.  People are abducted or kidnapped from their homes, farms and business places.  Yet, we are talking about food security when farmers can no longer go to farm.  The media hypes from government and security agencies about the number of bandits and insurgents neutralized or killed does not reflect the reality and objective condition on ground.

    While some analysts say the victims of Uromi killing were hunters, others said they were found with huge sums of money in different currencies.  However, there is no whimper or scintilla of evidence from the government to shed light on the issues.  At the end, nobody knows or appears to know what the issues are apart from the  the usual ethnic refrain of some Muslim youths travelling for the Sallah celebration being killed and their bodies set ablaze at Uromi in Edo State. Just to ignite ethnic conflagration!

    Sadly, Edo State and Esan communities to which Uromi belongs had become a killing field as a result of activities of marauding herdsmen and kidnappers without intervention by the security agents.  This is also true of most communities in the surrounding contiguous states of the South without exception, up to Ondo and Ekiti states, and Oyo in Oyo State.  Senseless killings and kidnappings have become national malaise from North to South, and East to West.  Should people fold their arms and watch while they are being slaughtered?  The people have right to collective self-defence whenever there is invasion of their communities by armed men. 

    If the story of hunting is correct, what weapons were they found with and were they licensed?  Again, in the midst of insecurity across the country, why would there be such herd movement and exodus of hunters in their numbers across regions and communities under siege by kidnappers and bandits like Edo State and indeed many other states? There is something that is not just adding up!

    If our laws are working and the law enforcement agents and the judiciary are living up to their biddings, citizens will not take laws into their hands and employ jungle justice.  But where there is a perception of cover or obvious protection of criminals because of their tribes and connection, it is an invitation to anarchy. 

    Just as one was contemplating and reviewing all the reactions and comments on the Uromi killing, another Uromi was playing out in Jos, Plateau State.  There is also Uromi going on in Benue and Kaduna states; people continue to count their losses as many of them are displaced and living in IDP camps. 

    We have been witnessing a spiralling insecurity since 1999 at a level we had never witnessed before. Security agents appear either compromised or complicit in the security gap in the country.  We are drifting into a state of anarchy even with tribal militias masquerading as vigilantes across the geopolitical zones. Boko Haram, banditry and armed herdsmen are ethnic response to political issues manipulated by politicians and elite as bargaining chips.  The same is true of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), “Unknown gunmen”, Eastern Security Network (ESN) and Ebube Agu in the Southeast.  These groups are the forces behind insecurity that have turned kidnapping into a thriving industry and also attacking the economic arteries of the state. 

    The police and security forces who are supposed to hunt down criminals prefer to negotiate and rehabilitate them.  To negotiate with criminals and insurgents is a sign of the weakness of the state to exercise its coercive power to protect citizens. Politicians and clerics engage in advocacy for bandits, insurgents and other criminal gangs across the country for religious and tribal reasons with the exception of Southwest where the political leaders and elite have wisely reined in the Odua People Congress (OPC) for good. 

    It must bear repeating that Uromi killing should not be treated in isolation.  We must go further to disarm ethnic militias masquerading as vigilantes; Boko Haram, bandits, armed herders operating from the north, Middle Belt down to the south; “Unknown gunmen”,  IPOB, Eastern Security Network and Ebube-Agu operating from the Southeast. 

    We should also be ready to retool the military and make it operationally effective with enhanced capacity without political interference and manipulation.  We should also not ignore the need for the equipment of the Nigeria Police Force  as first line of defence and protection of lives and property.  If bandits attack military convoys and their bases without consequences or kidnap a retired or serving officer or soldier without repercussion, then we are not winning the war against insecurity.  The former NYSC Director General, Brigadier General Tsiga admitted that his family and friends raised money to pay the huge ransom demanded by the bandits.   He could not have been lying about it so why would any sane or rational institution refute that?  We cannot just continue like this! 

    Where “herdsmen” traverse regions and occupied forests and terrorize communities with offensive military grade weapons slung on their backs, then there is a huge national security problem.  The stage we are now, individuals and communities do not have much choice but to help themselves when they are vulnerable; after all, criminals arrested in the past and handed over to the security agents were never brought to book but allowed to go scot-free.  We cannot continue the funeral dirges, mass burial and payment of ransom to criminal gangs. The security agents need not lay siege to Uromi for collective punishment and make them scapegoats.  Government should provide security for lives and property in order to put an end to lynch mob, jungle justice and drift to anarchy.

    • Kebonkwu Esq is an Abuja-based attorney.

  • Fajemirokun at 75: The apotheosis of a positive deviant

    Fajemirokun at 75: The apotheosis of a positive deviant

    • By Babatunde Jose

    Positive deviance is a behavioural and social change approach that identifies and learns from individuals or groups who have better solutions to problems than their peers. It is based on the observation that in every community, there are certain uncommon but successful behaviours or strategies that enable them to overcome similar challenges, constraints, and resource deprivations. Positive deviance is based on the idea that within any community, some individuals or groups find better solutions to problems than their peers, despite facing similar constraints.

     Positive deviants are individuals or groups whose uncommon behaviours or strategies lead to positive outcomes. It is based on the idea that, within a community, some individuals engage in unusual behaviours allowing them to solve problems better than others who face similar challenges, despite not having additional resources or knowledge.

    Among the qualities of the positive deviant is creativity – the ability to form novel and valuable ideas or work using one’s imagination. Thinking about a task or problem in a novel way and using the imagination to generate new ideas.

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    Émile Durkheim 1858-1917, the French sociologist believed that deviance is a necessary part of a successful society and that it serves three functions: 1) it clarifies norms and increases conformity, 2) it strengthens social bonds among the people reacting to the deviant, and 3) it can help lead to positive social change and challenges to people’s present views.

     Durkheim argues that even in a “society of saints” there would still be deviance. In other words, as deviance describes any behaviour that goes against the norms, values and expectations of a society, all societies have deviance, even though the sorts of behaviour considered deviant might vary from society to society.

     I met the subject of this discourse, Baba Oba Oladele Fajemirokun, three scores and five years ago and in an unbroken relationship that has spanned primary schooling in Ikenne, secondary schooling in Ibadan and universities in Ibadan and Ife and our youthful peccadilloes in Apapa and Ikoyi, he has not changed his nomenclature. Because of his non-conformist behaviour, my father gave him the sobriquet – ‘Dele Times, Dele Trouble’!

    He would carry his deviance to secondary school where he earned expulsion in Form 4, only for his father to intercede with the school authorities who permitted him to attend school as a day-student from 8am to 2pm after which he must vacate the premises.

    The positive deviant decided to sit for only six papers in the West African School Certificate (WASC) examination, as against the conventional practice of sitting for eight subjects. This was a dangerous gamble; a fail in any subject meant a fail in all of them.

    “But I was undaunted. Just like most of the risks that I take in life, I never thought about the consequences. I had decided; and that was that. Of course, I passed my School Certificate with a Grade 1, but my classmate and friend, who had copied my audacity, paid a huge price. He failed and had to go on to Igbobi College to re-sit his exam. I was an early bad influence on his life. He is today a successful legal practitioner…” – to quote from his book – The Making of Me. His father now added a moniker, ‘suicidal’ to his already bad name.

    This ‘bad penny’ will later transmute into an ‘angel investor, entrepreneur and a boardroom Samurai who some of the younger fellow directors would later refer to as the’ Oracle’.

    Writing about himself in his epic book, The Making of Me he said: “I developed a survivalist spirit very early on in life as a result of the special upbringing my father gave me; something that he did not do for the other children. All my life I have been a survivalist – a fighter – and this has been the hallmark of my existence. I have fought for everything I have done. I have won many battles and have lost some too. But, on the whole, life has been kind to me. Despite the unconventional life that I have lived, I have been blessed, and my children too. I have prospered where many have failed. I have been able to wine and dine with kings where others have wallowed in penury. I have trodden where angels fear to tread. I have been very tenacious and forthright in all my dealings with my fellow men. I have tried all my life to channel my energy into building a good name for myself and, above all, to maintain my family’s honour. I am a ‘positively deviant’ son of my parents”.

    At 75, Oladele Fajemirokun has sheathed his sword; age and time have mellowed him. He had gone ‘from the valley to the mountaintop’ in his health challenge a few years ago, which had opened his eyes to the magnificence of the living God.

     “And We will surely test you with something of fear and hunger and a loss of wealth and lives and fruits, but give good tidings to the patient”. (Quran 2:155).

    Blessed with eight children comprising seven married girls and the only boy in the pack also married, all with children, Del Faj has a full house of grandchildren.

    Today, the sprawling edifice of Onikoyi has shrunk in living space; from room to the pool and whirlpool and back to the room, bypassing the sitting rooms and the cold room with its state-of-the-art Bang Olufsen designed television, with its open and close speakers. This is what we all become at 75. Nothing more to prove and to offer attraction again. We have moved into the twilight of life. The old warriors have left the battlefield for the next generation. We have fought a good fight and are now having a deserved rest till when our boarding will be called. May the good Lord bless us with good health and good children to carry on our legacy. Not many are given that grace. We pray to Allah to give us Jannatul Firdous in this world and in the Hereafter.

    Dele, Ekeji mi, here is wishing you a happy 75th today, Wednesday April 16.

    •Jose, a retired publisher, writes from Lagos.