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  • NNPC: The rough road ahead for Ojulari

    NNPC: The rough road ahead for Ojulari

    • By Dan D. Kunle

    By Wednesday, it will be one week since President Bola Ahmed Tinubu sent seismic shockwaves through Nigeria’s oil and gas industry with a decisive shake-up at the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPC Ltd). The announcement triggered boardroom reshuffles and a clear-out at the top management level. The impact was immediate—and national. From Abuja to Lagos, Nigeria’s commercial nerve centre, stakeholders have been scrambling to recalibrate. Some welcomed the shake-up with cautious optimism. Others reacted with anxiety. All agree: the stakes are high.

    For years, many of us in the industry have called for deep reform. NNPC Ltd.—a company that ought to be the heartbeat of the Nigerian economy—has instead become a cautionary tale. The corporation, once a symbol of state-led ambition, has long lost its competitive edge, weighed down by inefficiencies, overstaffing, opacity, and the dead hand of political interference. Tinubu’s move, though politically risky, signals a belated but necessary acknowledgement that the status quo has failed.

    Let me begin by quoting the president’s directive to the new board: “Restructuring is crucial for enhancing operational efficiency, restoring investor confidence, boosting local content, driving economic growth, and advancing gas commercialisation and diversification.”

    This is a weighty mandate—and it reflects the true scale of the crisis. Alongside this charge, the president added another critical assignment: “Conduct a strategic portfolio review of NNPC-operated and Joint Venture assets to ensure alignment with value maximisation objectives.”

    These are not empty words. They reflect years of accumulated dysfunction and missed opportunities—failures that have brought Nigeria’s hydrocarbon sector to its knees. The president appears ready to let technocrats lead. Now, the question is whether the leadership of NNPC Ltd., under its new Group CEO Bashir Bayo Ojulari (BBO), can rise to the occasion.

    The long decline

    For more than a decade, Nigeria has underperformed in a world rapidly shifting its energy frontiers. While other nations discovered new reserves, developed integrated energy strategies, and adapted to the shale and renewables revolution, Nigeria stalled. Major international oil companies (IOCs), frustrated by insecurity, regulatory inconsistency, and policy flip-flops, began to divest. These are not just business decisions—they are loud warnings that the Nigerian energy environment is no longer attractive.

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    Oil production has dropped from over 2.6 million barrels per day in the 2000s to a current average of 1.7 million. Even this is unstable, vulnerable to theft, vandalism, pipeline sabotage, and community unrest. Natural gas production is also in sharp decline. Nigeria LNG’s six-train complex at Bonny Island—designed to deliver 22 million metric tonnes annually—now operates far below capacity due to inadequate gas feedstock. Investment has dried up across the board.

    At the heart of this is a trust deficit. Host communities feel abandoned. Joint venture partners are disillusioned. Investors are sceptical. NNPC Ltd. has, for years, failed to meet its counterpart funding obligations. It has also failed to operate as a truly commercial entity, despite its transition into a limited liability company under the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA). The result? A sector in freefall.

    This is the terrain that Ojulari must now navigate. His appointment as Group CEO comes at a time of immense fragility, but also possibility. There is a window—brief and narrow—to reset the narrative. But make no mistake: the task is enormous.

    First, he must rebuild confidence. This will not happen with speeches or photo-ops. It requires action. Trust must be re-established with internal staff, the board, the National Assembly, oil-producing communities, IOC partners, PSC managers, off-takers, and financiers. Each group is watching closely, and each expects something tangible.

    Second, the upstream segment must be revived. NNPC E&P assets in Benin and other areas need urgent attention. Dormant fields must be activated. OML 11, long held up due to political and environmental issues, should become a symbol of a new approach—one built on transparency, negotiation, and execution. Likewise, valuable yet idle blocks like OPLs 245, 321, and 323 should be resolved. These Atlantic Basin blocks have the potential to reposition Nigeria’s oil future, if only the government and the regulator can break the legal logjam.

    In addition to exploration and production, gas must be taken seriously. Nigeria’s gas reserves are among the largest in the world. Yet they remain underutilised. A comprehensive gas development strategy—focused on domestic use, industrialisation, and export—is overdue.

    Don’t compete with private capital

    Just as the upstream needs revival, the midstream and downstream sectors demand a different approach. For too long, the federal government and NNPC have tried to control every link in the value chain. This must end. The midstream and downstream are now dominated by private players who have staked enormous capital—often borrowed at high interest rates—to build depots, pipelines, and filling stations. These investors should not be undercut by a state-funded competitor that operates without commercial discipline.

    A truly reformed NNPC Ltd. must leave fuel importation, retail marketing, and depot operations to the private sector. Where the state is needed—such as in regulatory oversight, quality control, or strategic reserves—it should act with restraint and professionalism.

    One success story stands out: the Dangote Refinery. At $20 billion, it is Africa’s largest industrial project and a powerful symbol of what private capital can achieve. NNPC Ltd. should collaborate with Dangote, not compete. Crude-for-products exchanges, equity swaps, and supply agreements could all be explored. This is the model for the future.

    A house in need of repair

    NNPC Ltd. itself is a sprawling, bureaucratic behemoth. Its corporate structure is bloated. Its operations are riddled with inefficiencies. Many of its subsidiaries are redundant. Internal accountability is weak. Digital transformation is long overdue. BBO must undertake a comprehensive audit of staffing, operations, and procurement practices. Streamlining is not just desirable—it is existential.

    Reducing the cost of production is key. Nigeria’s oil currently costs over $30 per barrel to produce—among the highest in the world. This makes our crude uncompetitive, especially when benchmark prices are volatile. BBO must cut costs, eliminate waste, and standardise operations to global benchmarks.

    Moreover, BBO’s leadership style will matter. He must be decisive, transparent, and professional. He must insulate the company from politics—no easy task in Nigeria—and let performance, not patronage, guide decision-making. If he succeeds, he will redefine what is possible in Nigerian state enterprise management.

    Time is a luxury BBO does not have. With the 2026 election cycle looming, attention will soon shift away from policy to politics. If reforms are not initiated quickly—within the next 12 to 18 months—they may never happen. Vested interests, both inside and outside government, will regroup and resist change.

    This is why the president must not only appoint professionals—he must protect them. If BBO is to succeed, he needs political cover. He must be allowed to operate with independence. Meddling must end. Institutional sabotage must be punished.

    A test of national will

    As someone who has advised and studied this industry for more than 25 years, I have seen its peaks and its plunges. I know what is possible. But I also know what is likely, if courage fails. Nigeria is on the verge of energy irrelevance—not because we lack resources, but because we have squandered time.

    We are sitting on ageing infrastructure built in the 1970s and 80s. Pipelines are leaking. Refineries are obsolete. Power plants lack gas. Meanwhile, the global energy conversation is shifting—towards decarbonisation, green hydrogen, and energy storage. We are being left behind.

    If BBO and his team can arrest this decline—if they can restore credibility, efficiency, and commercial focus—NNPC Ltd. will not just survive, it will lead. But if they fail, the cost will be monumental: lost revenue, lost jobs, lost national relevance.

    This is not just about fixing a company. It is about rescuing a country.

  • Dele Giwa’s assassination: More questions than answers

    Dele Giwa’s assassination: More questions than answers

    • By Ray Ekpu

    Dele Giwa and I were close friends and colleagues at Concord and Newswatch. At Concord some colleagues called us Ray Giwa and Dele Ekpu, an attempt to emphasise the closeness of our relationship. And when Dele was badly treated by Chief MKO Abiola, the sole proprietor of Concord, I resigned my appointment as the chairman of the Editorial Board even before Dele did. And when Dele was assassinated, I lost 10 kilogrammes within two weeks and lost my memory for one year. That was how deep the relationship was. But at the 10th anniversary of his assassination, we, his colleagues, decided that despite the depth of the loss, we needed to forgive those who killed him and move on.

    However, the former president, Ibrahim Babangida has laboured to explain in his autobiography, A Journey in Service, why, according to him, the investigation of his assassination was not concluded by his government. But his explanation has produced more questions than answers, while he was trying to defend the officials in his security services who were fingered for the crime.

    In the book he says: “The insinuation that the parcel may have come from the headquarters of the administration was cheap and foolish. Why would an officially planned high-level assassination carry an apparent forwarding address of the killer? Why would a government-planned and executed crime point directly at the suspect? All this did not make sense to me.” That did not make sense to Babangida but it made sense to other people when we explained that Dele had received letters from President Babangida which had the inscription “From the Office of the C-in-C” and the address was always to “Chief Dele Giwa” although Dele was not a chief. And written on the parcel was “To be opened by the addressee only.”

    I had seen one letter addressed that way when Dele asked me to join him in drafting a speech for Babangida. Dele was angry that General Muhammadu Buhari was in power for 18 months without starting a programme for return to civil rule. So he wanted to draft a speech for Babangida that made a statement on return to democracy. I joined him to draft the speech. So anyone who sent the parcel bomb must have been familiar with how Babangida’s speeches or letters were dispatched to Dele. And to ensure that the envelope was opened only by the addressee, it was important to state so. That is why Kayode Soyinka, who was in the study with him did not seek to open the parcel. That mystery about writing the address of the sender is cleared. In any case, when the parcel exploded, what was written was wiped off but Dele’s son Billy saw what was written on the parcel before giving it to his father. That is point number one.

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     Point number two: When Dele was questioned by Col. A. K. Togun a couple of days before his assassination, they asked him four questions. One of the questions was about Alozie Ogugbuaja, a policeman who had a problem with the police authorities. The discussion about Ogugbuaja was on telephone between Dele and me. In 1986, only the federal government controlled telephones in Nigeria. I discovered later that our phones were bugged by the government and had to get a security expert to come and “sweep” our residence.

    Point number three: After Dele’s assassination Augustus Aikhomu, the number two man in the government addressed the press on the issue but never allowed any questions to be asked on the matter or to be addressed to the suspects. Why?

     Point number four: A day before Dele’s assassination, Brigadier Halilu Akilu phoned Dele’s wife Funmi and asked for the address of Dele’s residence. Funmi asked why he wanted the address. Akilu said he intended to stop there and see Dele on his way to Kano. Did he stop there? No. Did he go to Kano that day? No.

    Point number five: In July 2001, Abubakar Tsav, who investigated the case appeared at Oputa panel in Abuja. He said that he wanted permission to interrogate both Akilu and Togun but he was not allowed to interview or question them. And when he submitted the case file to the DIG in charge of the CID, Chris Omeben, he neither got the case file back nor was he allowed to proceed further with the case. The matter was simply closed and he was left hanging in the air.

     Point number six: The suspects in the matter went to the High Court in Abuja to stop the Oputa panel from inviting them to appear before the panel. One would have thought that people who were accused of murder would be eager to appear at a duly constituted panel to clear their good names instead of going into hiding through litigation.

    Point number seven: Our lawyer Chief Gani Fawehinmi went to courts at all levels seeking to be allowed to independently prosecute the accused persons but the authorities devised all kinds of harassment strategies to frustrate him. Police helicopters were used to intimidate him around his office. Why did they do that if they were not guilty of something?

    Point number eight: Omeben accused the directors of Newswatch of being the suspects because there was, according to him, a crisis in the Newswatch Communications Limited board. But there was no crisis. The executive directors, Dele, Dan Agbese, Yakubu Mohammed and Ray Ekpu were all earning the same salary and allowances and each of them was entitled to write a column a week. The external directors were our friends and only invested in the company because they wanted to help us.

    Point number nine: Omeben also accused Kayode Soyinka of being the accused person since he was in the same room with Dele when the bomb exploded. How can any sane man stay in a room where he knew that a bomb was likely to explode? Obviously Kayode was not a suicide bomber. He had a family he cared very much for.

    Point number 10: If Omeben and the police thought that Kayode was the accused person, why did they not ask Interpol to arrest him in London? Kayode came to campaign in two election cycles in Ogun State for the governorship of the state, why did the police not arrest him?

    Point number 11: When I was awarded the International Editor of the Year honour in 1987 in New York, United States, the Babangida government sent some security men to monitor our movements and speeches because they thought we were there to scandalize the government on the Dele Giwa affair. When one of the officers, Major Debo Bashorun thought the government was unfair in the way it was targeting us, they harassed him out of the service.

    If Babangida thought that Dele’s death was being politicized by those who were opposed to his government’s policies, why didn’t he use his friendship with Dele and the novel manner of the assassination as genuine excuses for bringing the matter to a conclusion? His excuse is untenable, unviable and unacceptable.

  • Like Kogi, like Bayelsa

    Like Kogi, like Bayelsa

    Nigeria’s democracy may be far from perfect. But there are basic laws in place that should guide us towards perfection in the country. The Constitution is the grundnorm, as they say. And it provides for fundamental rights to personal liberty; freedom of thought, conscience and religion; right to peaceful assembly and association; and right to freedom of movement, among other basic rights. These are rights that were hazarded in tussles over scheduled rallies in Kogi and Bayelsa states.

    In Kogi State, suspended senator representing Central senatorial district, Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, was at war with the state government over a rally staged by supporters in her honour last Tuesday. The lawmaker, who had faced a recall bid by her constituents until the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) ruled their petition incompetent, had a grand reception arranged by same constituents for her homecoming to celebrate the Eid-el-Fitr. Natasha obviously wanted that reception, if only to show up the touted recall bid a ruse. But Kogi government imposed a preemptive ban on public gatherings, convoy movements and ancillary activities across the state on the eve of the Natasha reception. Why it did that is curious if not prevent the reception simply to sustain a narrative she was in trouble at the grassroots, which the reception could give the lie.

    A statement by the state government cited security fears for its constriction of constitutionally-guaranteed freedoms. Information Commissioner Kingsley Fanwo said there were intelligence reports of security threats occasioned by planned rallies and public gatherings in the state. But there was also an omnibus canvass. According to Fanwo, fishing activities had fomented crisis in Kogi West, communal clash between two communities in Ankpa council area was creating tension in Kogi East, while Intel showed certain elements were planning violent rallies in Kogi Central. Dispassionate analysts would argue that Kogi Central was the target, with other districts being only collaterals of a sweeping security abridgement of freedoms. “These flashes of disturbances are raising tension in the state and threatening to breach public peace and security. In view of this, and effective immediately, the Kogi State Government has placed a total ban on all forms of rallies or public gatherings that have the potential to disrupt public peace,” the commissioner stated. “This decision has been necessitated by intelligence reports indicating that certain individuals are plotting to infiltrate the state under the guise of organising rallies, using fake security personnel to foment trouble and compromise the security of law-abiding citizens of our dear state. While the government recognises the constitutional rights of citizens to gather and express themselves, security considerations must take precedence in the interest of public safety. As such, no individual, group or organisation is permitted to hold any form of rally within the state until further notice,” he added.

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    Reports said Okehi council chairman, Amoka Monday, reinforced the ban with imposition of a curfew on the area, and this was complemented with stern warning by the police to cancel the planned  event involving the controversial senator.

    Natasha has a reputation for being defiant, however, and she insisted on proceeding with the reception. “As the senator representing Kogi Central, Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan remains committed to engaging with her community and fostering a spirit of unity and cooperation,” her media team said in a statement ahead of the event.

    On Tuesday, the embattled lawmaker arrived to a rousing welcome by her supporters and residents of her native community. It so happened that far from being a trigger of public unrest, the event was festal. Reports said as early as 8a.m., supporters from the five council areas making up Kogi Central flooded Ihima community to welcome the suspended senator. Local musicians took turns to entertain the people while they awaited Natasha’s arrival; and when she arrived at the place in a white helicopter, she elicited excited applause from her jubilant supporters. “Yesterday, we heard on the news that rallies and gatherings will not be allowed, that roads will be blocked, and convoys leading into the state will not be allowed. I knew that we were the target. But then, I said, this is not political season, this is not campaign time,” she told the crowd. “We’re not having a rally. This is just me, the senator representing Kogi Central, coming down to her people to celebrate the Sallah with you, and there is nothing wrong with that. I am breaking no law. This is Nigeria. We have the right to be free, to express our choice in gatherings and celebrations,” she added.

    In the aftermath of that event, there were calls for the lawmaker to be arrested by the police for defying the security ban. But you wonder on what basis, since there was no disruption to public peace resulting from the reception. The way things panned out actually showed the security alert and associated prohibitions to be a needless red herring. In other words, Kogi government owed both Natasha and people of the state an apology for superfluously curtailing their rights.

    Same logic applies to a proposed solidarity rally scheduled for this Saturday in Bayelsa State for Federal Capital Territory Minister Nyesom Wike, which State Governor Douye Diri insists shouldn’t hold. Supporters of the minister have argued that the governor is dealing in rights infringement, and I hold that they have a point.

    A group known as The New Associates, Bayelsa State chapter, recently announced plans for what it called an ‘Inauguration and Mega Rally’ scheduled for 12th April in Yenagoa. A leading promoter of the event and Bayelsa politician, George Turnah, was reported saying the planned rally was aimed at showing support for President Bola Tinubu and Wike, and that no effort is being spared to ensure a peaceful event. According to him, proper notifications have been sent to security agencies.

    Diri, however, objected to the proposed event, alleging that the rally and inauguration of a political group loyal to Wike were aimed at destabilising his state. Speaking during separate meetings with the Bayelsa Elders Council and the 37th session of the Bayelsa State Security Council, he argued that the event has the potential of importing the political crisis in neighbouring Rivers State into Bayelsa. “The political crisis in Rivers State is already a threat to us, and we will not allow it to spill into Bayelsa This is not Rivers State. Bayelsa is the cradle of every Ijaw man. I have always said that being peaceful is not cowardice. We are very courageous, and we can stand up for the truth at all times,” he stated. “We will resist any attempt to import the Rivers crisis into Bayelsa. I urge security commanders in the state to be on the alert,” he added.

    The governor declared that no state-owned facility would be allowed for any gathering without explicit approval by his government, which obviously would be withheld from organisers of the pro-Wike rally given his upfront objection. He urged elders to take responsibility for younger ones, saying: “Parents and traditional rulers should discourage their wards and children from being used by unscrupulous elements to cause trouble in the state.”

    Wike’s camp responded to the governor and accused him of hunting ghosts. Spokesman for the minister, Lere Olayinka, described Diri’s claims of a threat to public peace as “shamefully baseless” and accused the governor of using the minister’s name as a foil for his own shortcomings in governance. “It is unfortunate that a governor with all the security apparatus at his disposal would go on national television based on mere suspicion of people planning a rally,” he said in a statement, explaining that if Wike had any intention to attend a political event in Bayelsa, he would personally pre-notify appropriate security agencies. “Nigerians have the right to express their support for anyone, anywhere and at anytime,” he added.

    Olayinka is right. The Bayelsa governor treaded amiss by seeking to curtail basic rights of some Nigerians, and he should return to the path of rectitude by allowing the rally to go ahead. If truly there’s potential threat to public peace from the proposed rally, a better option is to post security personnel at the venue to oversee but not constrain the ralliers unless there is actual trouble warranting containment through their intervention. Security personnel should indeed provide protection for the rally participants on Saturday – same as they should have done for Natasha and her constituents at the reception accorded her last Tuesday.

    Meanwhile, it is duplicitous to support the prohibitions by Kogi government obviously targeted at Natasha while taking issue with the ban by Bayelsa government targeted at Wike. Neither is justified nor healthy for our democracy and should be roundly condemned.

    •Please join me on kayodeidowu.blogspot.be for conversation.  

  • NERC: A case of more bark than bite

    NERC: A case of more bark than bite

    • By Elijah G. Adeniran

    “More bark than bite” suggests that the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) makes loud noises and threats, but lacks the effectiveness and enforcement powers to back up its words. NERC is responsible for regulating the electricity industry, including the Distribution Companies (DisCos). However, many stakeholders, especially consumers, have expressed frustration with the commission’s effectiveness in regulating the DisCos.

    As the regulatory body responsible for overseeing the electricity sector, NERC’s inability to effectively address this issue raises serious questions about its effectiveness and commitment to protecting consumer interests.

    NERC has received numerous complaints from consumers about outrageous billing, yet the commission has not taken decisive action to address these concerns. NERC lacks effective enforcement mechanisms and has and failed to deliver on promises while the DisCos continue to engage in outrageous billing practices.

    Outrageous billing occurs when the DisCos bill consumers based on estimated energy consumption rather than actual meter readings. This led to inaccurate and inflated bills, causing financial hardship for consumers. However, owing to the outrage over estimated energy billing system, the DisCos surreptitiously changed the name to REAL Energy Consumption to give the electricity bill a semblance of real consumption. The DisCos found a way to circumvent the statutory regulation to the financial detriment of its customers.

    The DisCos have cleverly changed the Estimated Billing system “Units of Electricity Consumed” without NERC raising an eyebrow. The questions naturally arising from this new billing system is: how have the DisCos arrived at the ‘Units of Electricity Consumed’? How does Ikeja Electric, for example, calculate the units of electricity consumed by its customers without pre-paid meters? What is the basis of the electricity calculation?

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    Take for instance, this writer’s experience. I live in Owode-Onirin area of Lagos State and had a pre-paid meter from April 2021 to April 2024. Thereafter, the meter became faulty, although there were still unused units in it. During that period, I was loading an average of N7,000 per month as a single owner-occupier user. Ikeja Electric was contacted about the fault and its staff came to remove the meter with a promise to repair/replace it within a month. However, instead of repair/replacement, Ikeja Electric started sending me a monthly bill of more than N38,000. Among the items on the bill for December 2024, for example was ‘Consumption – 576.00, Current Charges – N38,687.60.’

    Why does Ikeja Electric arbitrarily increase the consumption to 567 units without an explanation of how it arrived at that figure? At age 71, why does Ikeja Electric make it financially difficult for me and the masses to pay our electricity bills?

    Why is it so difficult for a government that is supposed to be committed to good governance and welfare of the masses to be so insensitive to this exploitation by the DisCos? This is legalized daylight robbery where consumers are forced to pay units of electricity they did not consume. Why does Ikeja Electric carry out this exploitation of its consumers?

    For example, it supplies a particular transformer with say, 50,000 units of electricity in a month. At the end of that month, it deducts the consumption of those with pre-paid transformers, the rest of unconsumed units are shared/distributed to those without pre-paid meters, whether they consumed it or not. This does not take into account the many periods of power outages.

    There are many reasons why acquisition of prepaid meters is not in the interest of DisCos like Ikeja Electric. First, DisCos benefit from estimated billing now labelled consumption without any calculation, which allows them to charge consumers for electricity they have not consumed. On the other hand, prepaid meters eliminate estimated billing, reducing Discos’ revenue.

    Secondly, there is over recovery of revenue: with post-paid meters, DisCos can over-recover revenue from consumers due to inaccurate and blind billing. Prepaid meters prevent this over-recovery. Thirdly, increased transparency: Prepaid meters provide consumers with real-time information about their energy consumption, making it harder for DisCos to charge inflated rates or engage in other exploitative practices such as overbilling. By not promoting prepaid meters, DisCos can maintain their current revenue streams and continue to benefit from outrageous billing and other practices that may not be in the best interest of consumers. It is now virtually impossible to obtain a pre-paid meter through the normal channels. As we speak, there are gangs of Disco staff roaming about communities disconnecting the electricity of those who cannot pay the outrageous estimated bills.

    Disconnection of electricity supply due to non-payment of bills is a disturbing and persisting practice in areas controlled by Ikeja Electric. On a daily basis, we see gangs of Ikeja Electric staff in branded pick-up trucks disconnecting lights of consumers who cannot pay the high estimated bills. However, when customers are being billed outrageously due to estimated billing, disconnection can be particularly harsh. We never imagined that with the advent of pre-paid meters, the Discos will still be going about disconnecting electricity from the houses of their customers. This is unacceptable. When the Ikeja Electric staff were confronted, they responded by saying that they were under pressure to collect revenue in respect of electricity ‘supplied’ but not paid for. This was a common practice in the era of NEPA that we thought ended with the advent of pre-paid meters. What we are now witnessing is ‘jungle justice’ whereby Ikeja Electric charges outrageous bills and proceed with brutal force to disconnect electricity if the customers cannot pay. In this arena of high petrol and diesel costs, which consumer would not succumb to this kind of pressure? What is NERC doing about these high-handed tactics and rip-off?

    What is the purpose of NERC if it cannot protect consumers against the discos?

    That’s a critical question. NERC was established to regulate the electricity industry, including the Distribution Companies (DisCos) but many people are not satisfied with its performance. The purpose of NERC include: Protecting consumer interests – ensuring that consumers receive safe, reliable, and affordable electricity; Promoting competition – encouraging competition in the electricity market to drive efficiency and innovation; regulating industry practices and setting and enforcing standards for the generation, transmission, and distribution of electricity and to protect consumers against the greed of the DisCos.

    NERC can also use regulatory measures to protect consumers. It can establish and enforce strict regulations to prevent DisCos from engaging in exploitative practices, monitor tariffs to ensure they are fair, reasonable, and reflective of the actual cost of electricity.

    •Adeniran is a chartered insurer and management consultant. He writes from Lagos.

  • UK police charge Russell Brand with rape, s3xual assault

    UK police charge Russell Brand with rape, s3xual assault

    British actor and comedian, Russell Brand has been charged with rape and multiple counts of assault. 

    The allegations, which involve four separate women, date back to between 1999 and 2005. 

    Brand, who was previously married to US pop singer Katy Perry, has repositioned himself as an internet social commentator in recent years.

    The charges against Brand include one count of rape, one count of indecent assault, one count of oral rape, and two counts of sexual assault. 

    The Metropolitan Police’s investigation is ongoing, and detectives are asking anyone with information to come forward.

    “The Met’s investigation remains open and detectives ask anyone who has been affected by this case, or anyone who has any information, to come forward and speak with police,” the statement said.

    This is not the first time Brand has faced allegations of sexual misconduct. In 2023, four women accused him of sexual assaults, including a rape, between 2006 and 2013. 

    Brand has previously denied having non-consensual sex.

  • Of realities and imperatives of immunity

    Of realities and imperatives of immunity

    • By Onogwu Muhammed

    One of the most pressing debates in Nigeria today revolves around the continued retention or removal of the immunity clause enshrined in Section 308 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended).

    Scholars and political analysts have long advocated for its removal, arguing that it contradicts the government’s commitment to eradicating corruption and misappropriation of public funds. Others have defended its retention, while another group has suggested extending it to cover the leadership of the National Assembly and state Houses of Assembly.

    In line with these discussions, the House of Representatives recently introduced a constitutional amendment bill proposing the removal of immunity for the vice president, governors, and their deputies.

    The bill successfully passed its second reading in the lower chamber of the National Assembly. However, it was quickly rescinded, signalling the deep divisions surrounding this contentious issue.

    From the legal and constitutional perspectives, immunity refers to an exemption from duties, penalties, or liabilities that ordinarily apply to other citizens.

     According to Black’s Law Dictionary, immunity encompasses various categories, including absolute, congressional, constitutional, diplomatic, and discretionary immunity.

    Section 308 of the Nigerian Constitution grants immunity from legal proceedings to certain public officeholders, specifically the president, vice president, governors, and deputy governors.

    This form of immunity has historical roots in the concept of “sovereign immunity,” which originated in the era of absolute monarchs under the belief that “the king can do no wrong.”

    The rationale behind this provision is to allow incumbents to discharge their official duties without the distraction of litigation. However, this immunity does not prevent criminal investigations while the officeholder remains in power.

    Despite these legal justifications, there have been numerous instances where officials shielded by immunity have engaged in corruption and abuse of power with impunity.

    This has led many to question whether the clause still serves its intended purpose or if it merely provides cover for wrongdoing.

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    Unlike the case in Nigeria, the immunity clause is not explicitly enshrined in the Constitution of the United States of America.

    However, as a well-established principle under common law, the courts have recognized various forms of executive immunity, particularly for the president. While the U.S. president does not enjoy blanket immunity from all legal actions, he is granted absolute immunity from civil liability for official acts performed in the course of his duties.

    A notable example of this principle in practice is the landmark case of Nixon v. Fitzgerald.

    The case originated in November 1968, when Ernest Fitzgerald, an Air Force management analyst, testified before a congressional subcommittee, revealing that certain aerospace developmental projects would lead to a cost increase of over $2 billion. His testimony exposed financial mismanagement and inefficiencies within the U.S. military-industrial complex. Following his testimony, Fitzgerald was dismissed from his position in January 1970 during what the Pentagon described as a cost-saving reorganization.

    Believing that his termination was a direct act of retaliation for his public disclosure of military cost overruns, Fitzgerald sued President Richard Nixon, along with several of Nixon’s administration officials, alleging violations of his First Amendment and statutory rights.

    In its ruling, the United States Supreme Court, through a lead judgment delivered by Justice Lewis Powell, held that the president is entitled to absolute immunity from civil damage actions for all acts performed within the “outer perimeter” of his official authority.

    The court reasoned that the president’s responsibilities include broad discretionary powers, such as overseeing military affairs and making personnel decisions within the armed forces. Given this authority, Nixon was deemed immune from liability for Fitzgerald’s dismissal, even if the act had been carried out with malicious intent or in an unlawful manner.

    This case illustrates the principle of qualified executive immunity as practiced in the United States.

    While the president enjoys absolute immunity from civil liability for acts performed in an official capacity, this protection does not extend to all aspects of presidential conduct. For instance, a sitting president is not immune from criminal investigations or lawsuits concerning actions taken outside the scope of official duties. Thus, unlike Nigeria’s constitutional provision, which grants broad immunity to certain officeholders, executive immunity in the United States is subject to judicial interpretation and is more narrowly applied.

    By the provision of section 308 of the Nigerian constitution, the person holding the office does not even have the right to waive the immunity because any such waiver is ineffective as the immunity is not that of the person holding the office but of that particular office he represents during the tenure of the office.

     A fundamental legal issue arises from the proposal to remove immunity for the vice president, governors and deputy governors while retaining it for the president will simply occasioned legislative bias and constitutional abnormalities.

    This proposition contradicts the constitutional framework governing the nomination of candidates for executive offices.

    Sections 142(1) and 187(1) of the 1999 Constitution establish that a candidate for president or governor must nominate a running mate from the same political party as a prerequisite for a valid nomination. The Supreme Court has repeatedly affirmed that this electoral conjugal between candidates and their running mates are inseparable, indissoluble and legally binding.

    A plethora of Supreme Court decisions has conclusively settled the legal question regarding the conjugal nature of the relationship between the candidates and their running mates in an election.

    The Court has affirmed that this union is indissoluble, inseparable, and watertight, akin to the phrase “till death do us part” marital vows. Once a candidate and a running mate enter the electoral process together, their fates are permanently intertwined.

    This principle was firmly established in Senator Duoye Diri & Ors v. Biobarakuma Degi-Eremienyo & Ors. In this case, the first respondent, Biobarakuma Degi-Eremienyo, who was the running mate to David Lyon, was found to have submitted false information regarding his name. The Supreme Court, in its judgment, handed down an irrecoverable and unforgettable punishment not only on the running mate but also on David Lyon, the gubernatorial candidate of the APC who had won the election.

    The ruling underscored the fact that a deputy governor’s ticket is inseparable from that of the governor. Since Degi-Eremienyo was disqualified, both he and Lyon were deemed,, ab initio ineligible to have contested the election in the first place.

    The legal rationale behind this decision is deeply rooted in the principle established in McFoy v. UAC, which states that “nothing can be built on nothing and be expected to stand.” Since Degi-Eremienyo was ineligible, the entire ticket was deemed invalid from the outset, as one leg of the structure was faulty.

    Against this backdrop, the recent legislative proposal seeking to remove immunity from the office of the vice president, governors, and their deputies while exclusively reserving the protection of Section 308 for the president is not only legally defective but also fundamentally flawed in intent.

    The bill was clearly proposed mala fide, reflecting a lack of legislative understanding of the nomination process for these offices. By failing to recognize the joint nature of candidacy for these executive positions, the proposal ignored well-established judicial precedents affirming the principle that a candidate and their running mate share the same legal destiny.

    In conclusion, any attempt to strip governors, deputy governors, or the vice president of constitutional immunity while retaining it exclusively for the president defies logic and legal principles. The Supreme Court has repeatedly reinforced that executive tickets are indivisible, and any legislative action that disregards this reality is bound to be legally unsustainable and unenforceable.

    •Muhammed, ANIPR writes from Abuja

  • Tale of two Natashas

    Tale of two Natashas

    •  By Tayo Ogunbiyi

    In our nation, Nigeria, we have witnessed several seasons. For instance, there was a season of oil boom, just as there was also a season of oil doom.

    From all indications, this seems to be the season of the Natashas. In the past few months, two powerful Natashas have consistently been in the news, either for the right or wrong reasons.

    Welcome to the world of Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan and Hon. Natasha Osawaru.

    Curiously, there seems to be a whole lot of similarities between the duo. One, they are both beautiful women. Former Minister of Works, Senator Adeseye Ogunlewe, affirmed this when he claimed that the beauty of Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan poses a problem for her in politics, stating that men find it difficult to ignore her presence.

    As for Hon Natasha Osawaro, such is her irresistible beauty that legendary Nigerian singer, Tuface Idiba, aka 2Baba, is willing to surrender all to her.

    The similarities do not, however, end in their beauty. No!

    They both seem to be women who dare to fish in waters exclusively reserved for men. They are both successful politicians in their own right. Those who have deep insight into the country’s political landscape will readily tell you that it is only strong women who can survive it.

    Are the Natashas strong women politically? I dare to say yes, they are. 

    Besides representing Kogi Central Senatorial District at the National Assembly, it is on record that Senator Natasha fought the former governor of Kogi State, Yahya Bello, to a standstill before she eventually reclaimed the victory that gave her the right to become a senator. Now, if you know former governor, Yahya Bello very well, you would know that he is not a politician who runs away from the battlefield.

    On the other hand, Hon. Natasha Osawaru has also proved that she is an astute politician. The granddaughter of Edo billionaire, Chief Gabriel Igbinedion, represents Egor Constituency at the 8th Edo State House of Assembly. She is also the Deputy Majority Leader of the state House of Assembly, which makes her a formidable force in Edo politics.

    Read Also: Sanwo-Olu swears in Oluwaloni as Ayobo-Ipaja LCDA chairman

    Aside from being both politicians, the Natashas are also both leading members of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). They both love to take refuge in the party with the big umbrella.

    The duo also appears to love controversies, especially the ones that have to do with romance. Presently, the most trending series appear to come from the stables of the delectable Natashas.

    Currently, the Nigerian Senate is embroiled in an allegation of sexual harassment levied against the President of the Senate, Godswill Akpabio, by Senator Natasha. A flurry of reactions has greeted the allegation, with the Kogi Central Senator utilising several media outlets, including influential foreign platforms, to push her case.

    Note that this will not be the first time that Senator Natasha will be involved in a sexual harassment issue. She once claimed that former presidential aide, Reno Omokri, sexually harassed her, which was later found to be a false allegation.

    Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan was suspended on March 6 for “gross misconduct” after failing to appear before the Senate Ethics and Privileges Committee.

    Now, the Kogi-born Senator has been going around giving account of what she says were inappropriate advances made by Senator Akpabio both inside and outside the Senate chambers.

    She recounted one such incident at Akpabio’s country home, where she alleged that he touched her suggestively while showing her around.

    Also note that this is not the first time that the Senate President and Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan will be having a face-off. In February 2025, Senator Akpabio faced criticism for his remarks towards Senator Natasha during a plenary session, a comment widely perceived as sexist and demeaning.

    As for the other Natasha, Hon. Osawaru, what started as a rumoured relationship with ace singer, Innocent Idibia, appears to be heading toward the altar. Idibia (2Baba) recently sparked conversations about his personal life after hinting at a romantic relationship with the Edo State lawmaker.

    First, he addressed the swirling rumours, denying that Hon. Natasha played any role in his split with his now estranged wife, Annie.

    He said: “… Hon. Natasha is a young, brilliant, amazing woman, and she had nothing to do with what is happening between me and Annie in our marriage. Yes, I love her, and I want to marry her.”

    This comes shortly after his separation from his wife Annie.

    A surprise appearance at the Edo State House of Assembly during plenary further intensified speculation, especially after a video of them at a Lagos nightclub also surfaced.

    Ever since, Hon Natasha has become the top-trending topic on social media platforms after 2Baba’s declaration towards her, and visiting the Edo State House of Assembly.

    While Annie Idibia has not publicly confirmed the separation, many social media users and celebrities have criticised 2Baba’s declaration about Natasha.

    Many expressed dismay that the decision of the 49-year-old father of six to openly acknowledge his intention to marry another wife within two weeks of announcing his separation from his estranged wife, Annie, was unreasonable.

    In another twist to the Natasha-2Baba’s romance drama, the mother of the singer, in a viral video, pleaded for her son’s freedom.

     “Nigerians, this message is for Natasha. I am calling on all mothers in Nigeria to help me beg her to free my son. My son is going through a divorce, and he is clearly not in his right senses,” she said.

    “I know my son—this is not him. Please, Natasha, the beads you put on his hand and around his neck, remove them and let him go.”

    Despite growing disapproval of their romance amid the marital crisis between 2Baba and his estranged wife, Annie, there are hints that wedding bells are ringing sooner than expected between 2Baba & Hon. Natasha.

    It was recently observed that the pair visited popular Abuja-based clothier Seyi Vodi, and Natasha, seemingly unaware that cameras were rolling, casually asked when the wedding dress would be ready.

    The slip has since set tongues wagging, fuelling speculation about their impending nuptials.

    From Abuja to Edo, and from Kogi to Lagos, the Natashas appear to be eager to hold their own against any force threatening their respective space. As for what the future holds for these amazing amazons, only the future itself could tell. 

    •Ogunbiyi is of the Ministry of Information & Strategy, Alausa, Ikeja.

  • Remembering Abubakar Rimi

    Remembering Abubakar Rimi

    • By Adebayo Bodunrin

    His demise quickly bounced on me like an apparition. His death was saddening. It was tragic WHY, just a three letter word, but one that insists on an answer. When Mohammed Abubakar Rimi passed on, I joined grieving family members, friends and political associates in either whispering or screaming the question WHY?

    Why should he be a victim of the state of insecurity which allowed dare devil criminals to roam the highways without inhibitions? Even though he was unhurt when he ran into armed robbers on Bauchi – Kano road, but his shocking experience triggered severe health complications, which eventually led to his death.

    And so Rimi who struggled in life as a gallant Politician, went the way of all flesh in a most disheartening way. The end of his earthly sojourn was in the late hours of Sunday, April 4, 2010, exactly 15 years ago.

    The news of his demise spread fast like the harmattan haze, eliciting torrents of tributes as the mighty and the low stood-out to be counted in the outpouring of superlative adjectives on his worth, stuff and essence. Within hours, a crowd that could best be described as an assemblage of a sea of heads converged on Kano to either witness or participate in his funeral activities. In tears, he was laid to rest with a huge crowd wailing, an indication of a memorable heartbroken demise of a political juggernaut.

    Rimi was a Nigerian citizen of considerable national influence. His fingers were in several pies. He earned reputation as a renowned scholar. He was a civil servant. He plied his trade as a journalist as well as Nigeria’s information and cultural attaché` to the Middle-East. He was very active in the diplomatic circle particularly at the foreign policy think tank, Nigerian Institute of International Affairs, NIIA.

    What actually ballooned Rimi into limelight was 1979 when he emerged as the first democratically elected governor of old Kano State in the Second Republic. His initial ambition was to seek for a seat in the senate. He was elected as Deputy National Secretary of PRP when the party came into being on October 21, 1978. He was then an example in youthful vigour, enthusiasm and passion to put the people first in political articulation which endeared him to Mallam Aminu Kano who picked him as a replacement for late Salihi Illiyasu whose choice as governorship standard bearer was disqualified by the then apex electoral body, Federal Electoral Commission, FEDECO.

    Read Also: Sanwo-Olu swears in Oluwaloni as Ayobo-Ipaja LCDA chairman

    It is a historical fact that on his first day in office, October 1, 1979, Rimi abolished two oppressive and exploitative taxes, Jangali (Cattle tax) and Haraji (Community tax) which before then were a basis of struggle for freedom by the peasant cattle farmers. He fired up the low spirit of the weak, helpless and vulnerable groups through the establishment of Mariri rehabilitation and skills acquisition centre for the blind, deaf and physically challenged people. Rimi similarly became a dependable ally of the voiceless with the establishment of Kano State City Television, CTV, expansion of Radio Kano and the Triumph newspapers which then published Daily Triumph, Sunday Triumph, Albishir (Hausa language tabloid) and Alfijir (Ajami Arabic tabloid). He faithfully helped to end homelessness through the completion of the Kandila Housing Estate, unarguably the biggest housing scheme by any state government then.

    Kano is a reputable commercial city and Rimi, re-wrote the story of traders through massive expansion of markets and the gigantic City Centre Project which was tailored to creating a Dubai in Kano which unfortunately successive administrations mismanaged.

    Another aspect of Rimi’s governance that still holds special fascination to many was his rural transformation agenda with emancipatory touch which changed towns and villages from planet of abandonment into centres of modernity with well-paved feeder roads, electrification initiatives and water schemes executed by government owned Water Resources and Engineering Construction Company, WRECA.

    Rural farmers also leaned on his tall and massive frame as he facilitated access to fertilizer, agro-chemicals, high yielding seedlings, pesticides, farm implements and a comprehensive extension services without tears with the establishment of Kano state Agricultural Supply Company, KASCO.

    His politics was also driven by passion for workers’ welfare as Civil Servants in Kano state then enjoyed the highest minimum wage in Nigeria. It is also on record that Rimi and the then governor of Kaduna State, late Balarabe Musa were the first in 1980 to declare May 1 as public holiday in solidarity with Nigerian workers. The federal government took a cue from the duo the following year in 1981 to declare the day as national holiday.

    Rimi took untiring interest in the sighs and groans of the people on religious matters and traditional institution which led to the creation of new emirates of Dutse, Auyo, Gaya and Rano to correct historical errors by a man who was erroneously perceived as anti-traditional rulers.

    Additionally, Rimi carved a niche for himself in politics with elevating thoughts on women and national unity. He recorded an outstanding legacy as the first elected governor in the north to appoint women into a state cabinet. He was unapologetically bold as a crusader for national unity, strong cohesion and stable democratic government. He demonstrated this strong belief as he built bridges across the state through the appointment of strategic personnel into key offices.

    Before the appointment of Kassim Musa Bichi as Finance Commissioner, his predecessor was of Yoruba parentage. Such other appointees were Asikpo Essien Ibok, Director of Research and Political Affairs, Governor’s Office from Akwa-Ibom (then Cross River), Edet Uno from Cross Rivers as Chief Information Officer, late Bala Mohammed, Political Adviser from Bauchi State and Sully Abu, then from Bendel State, the part that now falls under Edo State as Media Adviser. Yours sincerely played a similar role much later.

    Other progressive intellectuals from other states that worked closely with Rimi were late Usman Jalingo, Haroun Adamu and Lekan Balogun who later in life became a senator and the Olubadan of Ibadan.

    He was one of the 12 progressive governors of the Second Republic – UPN, PRP, NPP and GNPP – who met periodically on the basis of progressive politics. He turned Kano into a Mecca for progressive minded political activists. Twice in 1980 and 1982 he organized huge conferences – Towards a Progressive Nigeria, to chart a path for a national rebirth. That was at a time when ideas mattered in politics. The effort to move beyond conversation and float a new political party for radical intellectuals and progressive-minded politicians and activists was aborted by the December 31, 1983 military coup.

    Just as he had happy days, Rimi also experienced sad days. Two of such hurtful experiences were the December 1980 Maitasine religious uprising and the July 10, 1981 political rampage. Between December 18 and 29, 1980, a major religious riot led by controversial Muslim preacher, Muhammed Marwa and his Maitasine followers engulfed Kano. It was quelled by the military but led to several deaths. Even though, the bloody riot was politicized, Rimi crossed the political hurdle.

    Several people will remember with nostalgic pain the July 10, 1981 political rampage in Kano which reduced to debris, several government edifices and claimed the life of Rimi’s Political Adviser, Bala Mohammed. He was set ablaze. Even though, the upheaval was traceable to a peremptory note issued to the late Emir of Kano, Ado Bayero, but perspective political observers said that politicians used the slight against the revered traditional ruler to expose the usual fissures in Nigerian politics.

    There have been free comments on what some perceived to be his weakness. To some, he was too outspoken. Others saw his rift with his mentor and quintessential populist, Malam Aminu Kano as an act of ingratitude.

    Like everyone else, Rimi’s weakness is an attestation to the ageless Shakespearean saying that “the web of life is a mingled yarn, good and ill together”. But history would absolve him of all that were established as his weakness. He certainly spoke truth to power with courage, clarity and conviction.

    Notwithstanding his disagreement with the archetypal populist, Mallam Aminu Kano, Rimi jettisoned opportunism as he withdrew his PRP membership and resigned as governor of Kano State because he was no longer a member of the party that sponsored him before the 1983 elections and sought for re-election on the platform of NPP. He experienced a setback in his bid to secure a second term in a general election that was massively rigged.

    Rimi will gleefully be remembered as a political figure who unquestionably exhibited unbending passion for not sitting on the fence whenever the subject of discussion was related to Nigerian nation. He was still dreaming about a great country when the sun lamentably set on his life.

     •Bodunrin, an Abuja based journalist was a one-time Media Adviser to late Governor Rimi

  • Where is Bobrisky as Nigeria makes progress?

    Where is Bobrisky as Nigeria makes progress?

    • By Prince Charles Dickson

    A prisoner is told – “If you tell a lie, we will hang you, and if you tell the truth, we will shoot you”

    What did the prisoner say to save himself? The prisoner can create a paradoxical statement that prevents the guards from carrying out either punishment consistently by saying: “You will hang me.”

    This creates a logical contradiction: If the statement is true (they hang him), then he should have been shot for telling the truth. If the statement is false (they don’t hang him), then he should have been hanged for lying.

    Neither punishment can be applied without violating the original rule, forcing the guards to spare him.

    Nigeria’s social media space has forgotten Bobrisky?” The self-styled transgender icon and socialite vanished after his arrest in April 2024 for naira abuse, leaving gossip mills churning. Yet, while Bobrisky has stopped captivating tabloids, a far deeper narrative unfolds—one that transcends celebrity scandal and speaks to Nigeria’s democratic resilience.

    To understand this, we must look beyond the noise and interrogate history: How does Nigeria’s 25-year democratic journey since 1999 compare to the formative decades of even the world’s oldest democracies, like the United States?

    The answer reveals a story of paradoxical progress, where flaws coexist with strides forward, much like the prisoner’s clever escape from his captors’ logic.

     The prisoner’s dilemma—“If you lie, we hang you; if you tell the truth, we shoot you”—is resolved through a statement that collapses the system’s logic. Nigeria’s democracy, too, operates within contradictions. Critics highlight its imperfections: electoral violence, corruption, and inequality. Yet, like the prisoner’s paradox, Nigeria’s progress defies simplistic judgments.

    When measured against the early years of the United States (1776–1806), a period romanticized as democracy’s “golden age,” Nigeria’s Fourth Republic emerges not as a failure but as a work in progress—messy, flawed, but undeniably alive.

    Existential crises marked the United States’ first 30 years. The Articles of Confederation collapsed under economic chaos, Shays’ Rebellion exposed federal weakness, and the 1800 Jefferson-Burr electoral tie nearly triggered a civil war. Voting was restricted to white male landowners, and dissent was criminalized under the Alien and Sedition Acts. Progress was halting, violent, and exclusionary.

    Nigeria’s Fourth Republic, by contrast, has maintained uninterrupted civilian rule since 1999—a feat in coup-prone West Africa. Despite flawed polls, four presidents have handed power to rivals, including the 2015 defeat of Goodluck Jonathan, a first in Nigeria’s history. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has digitized voter registration, with 93 million Nigerians registered in 2023—a figure unimaginable in 1800s America, where voter participation rarely topped 10%.

    Nigeria’s system is imperfect, but its continuity amid ethnic diversity (250+ groups) and extremist threats like Boko Haram underscores a resilience the early U.S. lacked.

    In 1806, the U.S. economy relied on enslaved labour and small-scale farming. Infrastructure was sparse; innovation lagged. Nigeria, however, has leveraged globalization to diversify beyond oil. Start-ups like Flutterwave and Paystack dominate African fin-tech, attracting $2 billion in investments since 2020. Lagos, once a congested megacity, now rivals Nairobi and Cape Town as a tech hub. Agricultural reforms have revived cocoa exports and slashed rice imports by 60% since 2015. Though 40% live in poverty, GDP has tripled since 1999, and the middle class has surged from 4% to 23% of the population.

    This trajectory mirrors America’s 19th-century industrial rise but at a 21st-century pace. Where the U.S. needed 100 years to build railroads, Nigeria’s digital economy leapfrogs traditional stages—mobile money adoption outpaces banks, and remote villages access global markets via WhatsApp. The challenges—corruption, and inequality—are real, but so is the progress.

    The U.S. Founding Fathers feared direct democracy, designing a republic buffered from “mob rule.” Nigeria’s civil society, however, thrives on chaos. Movements like #EndSARS (2020), which forced the dissolution of a brutal police unit, showcase a digitally empowered populace. Courts have overturned fraudulent elections and jailed once-untouchable figures—former governors, ministers, and even Bobrisky, whose prosecution, however performative, signals declining and sometimes topsy-turvy tolerance for impunity.

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    Compare this to early America: the 1798 Sedition Act jailed critics of President Adams, while the Supreme Court’s 1857 Dred Scott decision entrenched slavery. Nigeria’s judiciary, though sluggish, has no equivalent stain, yet stains for those that don’t understand what it did in Imo State. Its media, ranked among West Africa’s freest, amplifies dissent in ways America’s partisan 18th-century press could not.

    Nigeria’s struggles—corruption, terrorism, ethno-religious strife—are real but not unique. The early U.S. normalized slavery, genocided Native Americans and weathered a Civil War. Nigeria’s Boko Haram insurgency and farmer-herder clashes are devastating, yet the state persists. Corruption, though rampant, is being challenged: the EFCC recovers billions annually, and whistle-blowers expose graft via social media.

    Even Bobrisky’s trial reflects this duality: His arrest for naira abuse was criticized as selective, yet it sparked debates about currency respect—a discourse inconceivable in 1800s America, where elites burned banks without consequence.

    Bobrisky’s absence symbolizes a shifting Nigeria. His fame relied on outrage—a society wrestling with gender norms, wealth display, and moral hypocrisy. But as Nigeria matures, a new generation seeks substance over spectacle. They care less about “Mummy of Lagos” dramas than holding leaders accountable. They build tech start-ups, vote with PVCs, and demand climate action.

    Nigeria’s democracy, like America’s at 25, is raw and fragile. But history teaches us that democracies grow through crises. The U.S. needed centuries to expand rights; Nigeria, in 25 years, has navigated coups, insurgencies, and pandemics while expanding civic space.

    The prisoner’s paradox teaches that systems can be confounded by their contradictions. Nigeria’s democracy, too, defies doom prophecies. Its progress is nonlinear—a dance of setbacks and breakthroughs. Bobrisky’s theatrics fade, but Nigeria’s youth, tech, and tenacity endure.

    Where is Bobrisky? He is a footnote. The real story is Nigeria—a nation scripting its future, not in isolation, but as part of democracy’s arduous, global march. As America’s past shows, the path to stability is long. But Nigeria, against the odds, is walking it—May Nigeria win!

    • Dickson PhD, development and media practitioner sent this via pcdbooks@yahoo.com
  • Ghana under an Nkrumaist president

    Ghana under an Nkrumaist president

    • By Banji Ojewale

    Here in Anyaa, Accra, capital of Ghana, I’ve come across some of the country’s leading newspapers. Their contents—news reports, opinions, vox pop, book reviews, cartoons, (dearth of these), sports, photo stories, advertorials etc. – give me a larger-than-life image of the Ghanaian society.  The two oldest journals, Daily Graphic and Ghanaian Times, with their sister weeklies, The Mirror and The Spectator respectively, are on parade.  The later appearances, Daily Guide, The Ghanaian Chronicle, Modern Ghana (online), The Insight, Finder, Business Ghana, and Statesman etc. have also been consulted, considered or captured for this short essay.

    Ghana no longer has evening sheets. Kwame Nkrumah, the country’s founding president, introduced an Accra evening paper in the late 40s to fight colonial rule and give a voice to the local population. In the 60s, there was also the popular Evening Times. Since then, there’s been no serious contention for a comeback.

    The national broadcaster, Ghana Broadcasting Corporation, GBC, together with a rash of a mixed multitude of FM stations and TV outlets across the Black Star country, constitutes bottomless depths of resources to guide a sweeping view of life in this former Gold Coast land.

    Therefore, whether what you get from them comes down as skewed or straight, embellished or exposed, some wandering warts would rebel and escape through to settle the argument. So you can’t but end up with a fair grip of the unhidden state of the society. This is in defence of the media–of any hue. I don’t believe we should be paranoid about perceptions of the media’s so-termed anti-system or anti-social bent. They are better to be with us, than not to have them. A necessary ‘evil’, some might conclude. An iconoclastic American president, Thomas Jefferson, said long ago that he preferred a society with newspapers without a government to one with a government denied the media.

    So, from the press, I have observed Ghanaians welcoming their new leader, John Dramani Mahama, a left of centre Nkrumahist. He swept the ballot last December with the flag of National Democratic Congress, NDC, the party formed by the very much admired Jerry Rawlings. At most campaign scenes, Mahama told wild ecstatic crowds that he’d return to what Nkrumah stood for: developing a progressive and organic society, freeing the grassroots from elite control, pursuing Pan-Africanism, reviewing Ghana’s relationship with Western financial institutions, International Monetary Fund, IMF and the World Bank etc. He says also that Founder’s Day, as Nkrumah’s birthday is called, would receive more national acclaim.

    The point critics are raising, however, is that although this great African seems to have been fully rehabilitated over the decades after the February 24, 1966 coup overthrew him, there remains the ideological business of rebuilding the Convention Peoples Party, CPP, Nkrumah formed to propel Ghana into history. For many, it’s not enough that we already have Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah’s totems of homage all over: Mausoleum, a university, streets, intersection, and research centres etc. But many wonder why all who were nostalgic about Nkrumaism went on to form their own political parties instead of simply going back to their hero’s dear old organization. A military ruler and closet Nkrumah sympathizer, Ignatius Acheampong, frittered the opportunity to recall Nkrumah from exile in Guinea in 1972 for his reinstatement.

    Read Also: Why I visited Tinubu, by Ghana’s President Mahama

    Then there’s the Kotoka International Airport, Accra, matter. The hawks want the president to rename the facility. They argue that you can’t claim to honour Nkrumah and still celebrate Emmanuel Kotoka, the military officer who led the United States’ Central Intelligence Agency-inspired putsch against the revered Ghanaian leader. 

    Meanwhile, when Ghanaians celebrated their nation’s 68th Independence in March, the new government came up with this mantra: Reflect. Review. Reset. It is the charge that the citizens must reflect on the past; they would then review it, and reset it. Partly, it’s a huge and disconcerting admission that Ghana isn’t where the founding fathers projected it. Hence, there’s urgent need to reset (redirect) the journey. The administration just displaced didn’t face these challenges squarely, Mahama says. It left behind a lot of rot. Fiery cabinet member, Sam Nartey George, says the old government operated on legislation that “belonged to the museum.” The sitting government has also alluded to a frenzy of embezzlement under the ancien regime. It has set up Operation Recover All Loot, ORAL, whose ruthless agents crash into bedrooms seizing cash and jewellery of ex-public officers.

    The government is in high spirits, saying its policies and new budget would truly ‘reset’ Ghana to the vision of the Nkrumah era. Ernest Kofi Adu, who covers the parliament for the Daily Guide newspaper says the “2025 (projections) present a blend of ambitious policies and potential challenges.” The opposition New Patriotic Party, NPP, has acidic comments on the budget, however. It says it’s lopsided, as it gives more funds to satisfy the palatial palate of the Presidency than it has given the youth and women ministries put together.

    The government has dismissed the charge, referring to its 24-Hour Economy Agenda, 24-HE, as the magic lever “ensuring that employment opportunities are not dictated by location, but talent and competence… equitable employment, economic flexibility and sustainable business growth.”

    Ghanaians are also debating the petitions said to have been sent to President Mahama for the removal of the Chief Justice. What she’s accused of, is still shrouded. But there are strong indications she would go. Liberal watchers want Mahama to be gender-smart. His NDC has been accused of not being friendly towards the fair sex, despite having a female as his vice. They are pointing at Namibia where a woman has just been sworn in as the president. They are also reminding him of the 30th anniversary of the Beijing Affirmative Action on women this year.

    Ghana under an Nkrumaist is still at war with galamseyers, the armed illegal miners destroying the forests and water sources of the land. The Bawku communal crisis in the far north hasn’t abated, in spite of security intervention and pleas by Mahama.

    The stakeholders on the religious front are not missing from the media watch. There’s Reverend Tayo Aremu of Mark Hayford Memorial Baptist Church on Hansen Road, Accra. He refuses to be addressed as the shepherd of the assembly, preferring to be called undershepherd. His Master Jesus Christ, he says, is the Shepherd. It was the first time I saw such ecclesiastical self-effacement in Ghana. Elsewhere, on the other hand, another ‘man of God’ asked his audience on the radio to come for coins that would lead them to breakthroughs. At a session, when a caller said his ailment was addiction to akpeteshie (ogogoro), the ‘servant of heaven’ asked the drunkard to come along for healing with a bottle of the drink!

    On the sports scene, Ghana under an Nkrumaist is returning to old-time blaze in football. In two 2026 World Cup qualifiers, home and away, the Black Stars have scored eight goals, conceding none. For a country once hosting the best of African football, the citizens are not composing new victory songs. They are going into the archives, looking for what the people sang to hail the all-conquering Black Stars of old.

    • Ojewale, an author, sent this article from Accra, Ghana.