Senator Dino Melaye, representing Kogi State in the Senate last week raised an alarm over the refusal of the acting President, Prof Yemi Osinbajo (SAN), to assent to a bill, passed by the National Assembly and sent to the President for assent in accordance with section 58(1) of the 1999 Constitution, as amended. Senator Melaye claimed that the President or the executive has no powers to refuse to assent to a bill duly passed by the legislature; more so, when the reason adduced for refusing the assent is spurious. He called on the Senate to rise to the challenge posed by such waywardness
The acting President had refused to assent to the said bill seeking to amend the National Lottery Commission Amendment Bill because, as he informed the Senate, in his ‘back-to-sender’ letter, there is a pending case in court. Section 58(1) provides: “The power of the National Assembly to make laws shall be exercised by bills passed by both the Senate and the House of Representatives and, except as otherwise provided by subsection (5) of this section, assented to by the President.” (Emphasis mine). Subsection (5) grants the National Assembly power to override the President, if: “the bill is again passed by each House by two thirds majority….”
The beef of the effusive senator is that democracy will be imperilled if the executive can withhold assent, simply because, some ‘meddlesome interloper’, decided to challenge the constitutional prerogative of the legislature: ‘the power to make laws’; instead of the right of a citizen, to challenge the validity of a law, if it is invalidly made. The argument of the senator, in my humble view, is tenable only to the extent that generally, the court cannot intervene to stop the exercise of a legislative process, but it can declare a legislative exercise, as invalid, where there is procedural or substantive irregularity, which renders the action, ultra vires.
In A. G. Bendel State vs A. G. Federation & 22 ors, (1981) All NLR 85 SC, the Supreme Court, per Fatai-Williams CJN, said: “In my view, a legislature which operates a written constitution in which the exercise of legislative power and its limits are clearly set out has no power to ignore the conditions of law making, that are imposed by that constitution which itself regulates its power to make laws.” In the United States of America, the Supreme Court, in Marbury vs Madison, (1803) 5 US 137, per Chief Justice John Marshall, held: “Certainly, all those who have written constitutions contemplate them as forming the fundamental and paramount law of the nation, and consequently the theory of every such government must be that an act of the legislature repugnant to the constitution is void.”
Of course, the dictum of the CJ of Nigeria, Fatai-Williams, and that of the CJ of the US, John Marshal, quoted above, is with respect to the validity of laws made by the respective legislatures. Obviously, the averments do not extend to the courts having inherent powers to prevent the legislature from embarking on the legislative journey, however, an April fool’s journey it may turn out to be at the end. In my view, the courts can only intervene in a legislative process, where manifestly, a legislative assembly, for instance, is abundantly improperly constituted, or engaging in a manifest illegality, like when a minority number acts as the majority.
So, when the acting President writes to the legislature to say that he withholds his assent because there is a suit pending in court seeking to stop the making of the law in question, Senator Melaye, raises an alarm that the republic is threatened. That is not true. For Section 58(5) of the constitution, did not provide or infer that the President, or his vice, acting for him, should convey to the legislature, the reason or reasons for withholding his assent. The subsection merely provides that: “Where the President withholds his assent and the bill is again passed by each House by two-thirds majority, the bill shall become law and the assent of the President shall not be required.”
Probably, Senate Melaye is just raising the political temperature of the National Assembly, in an effort to mobilize and propel his colleagues to muster the required two-third majority to override the acting President with respect to the bill which he sponsored. But could the court in an action, enquire, whether the reason adduced by the acting President for withholding his assent is tenable; considering that it was an exercise of a discretionary power? Perhaps. For while the acting President cannot be compelled to state his reason for withholding assent; where he does, the courts may declare such reason untenable and improper in an action.
Professors Wade and Phillips, in their book, Constitutional Law, quoted by Professor Ese Malami, in his own book, Administrative Law, stated: “The exercise of a discretion without taking into account all relevant considerations is equivalent to a failure to exercise it. The exercise of a power for an improper purpose is not an exercise of a power conferred for purposes defined in the statute which confers it. Acts, which are prima-facie lawful, may be invalidated, if they are done for a wrong purpose, or by a wrong procedure.” But if the National Assembly as a public policy, do not act on a matter that is lis pendis, (pending in a court), can it expect the acting President not to defer to the pendency of a matter in court and offer that as a good reason to withhold his assent?
Again, the acting President may just be showing respect by taking pains to write an elaborate letter to the National Assembly detailing his reasons for not assenting to the four bills over which he withheld assent, instead of just writing to say, I withhold assent; or alternatively ignoring the bill, and playing the politics. Well, unless of course, withholding his assent, while he is in charge, was a better politics in the circumstance. But having showed his hand, for a reason which some consider untenable, will the grudging senators test their complaints in court?
In Adesanya vs President of Nigeria (1981) All NLR 1 SC, an attempt by Senator Abraham Adesanya, to shoot down, an Act, which he considered unconstitutional, was itself shot down, on a constrictive interpretation of the doctrine of locus standi, of the petitioner. In the words of Obaseki JSC: “The mere fact that an act of the executive or legislature is unconstitutional, without any allegation of infraction of or its adverse effect on one’s civil rights and obligations, poses no question to be settled between the appellant and the respondents as to the civil rights and obligations of the appellant.”
But interestingly another distinguished panel of the Supreme Court, in Fawehimi vs Akilu, (1987) 1 NWLR Pt 67, at page per Uwais JSC, held: “There can be no doubt that by section 342 and 343 of the Criminal Procedure Law… every citizen of Nigeria or any person for that matter has a right to private prosecution… if the Attorney General does not wish to do so.” Going forward, will the loquacious and pugnacious Senator Melaye test his will against the cerebral and perspicacious acting President Osinbajo, (SAN)? We wait and see.
Category: Comments
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Dino Melaye’s alarm
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Arik: Coming to terms with reality
A Failure should be our teacher, not our undertaker. Failure is delay, not defeat. It is a temporary detour, not dead end” Denis Waitley.
The concluding part of the above quote from the American writer is just as compelling: “Failure is something we can avoid only by saying nothing, doing nothing and being nothing”.
Arik Airline filled a vacuum left by the failure of government-run Nigerian Airways and, after its demise, other efforts to float a national carrier. They provided us with an expansive fleet for domestic air services and even forayed into the international route for our sake. They made it look like something good could come out of the African giant of a country, Nigeria. The combination of robust demographic and economic potential enabled the airline to grow in leaps and bounds.
But why did Arik Airline so suddenly take a plunge? That’s the question that its owners must ask themselves in a genuine soul search – instead of weaving conspiracy theories or engaging in an unnecessary fight against Asset Management Company of Nigeria (AMCON) for intervening in the management of their organization.
Nigerians are not gullible lots; we can discern truth from fairy tales. We need no one to trivialize the issues with emotive terms like “cabals”, “hidden agenda”, etc, to divert attention from the real issues.
Despite the setback, people still have fond memories of their efforts to fill a yawning gap in Nigeria’s economic development. Arik Airlines’ promoters must seize the opportunity to redeem their hard-earn reputation and accept their failure with courage. At the risk of repetition, whatever comes out of the current situation of Arik Airlines, the organization has earned itself a permanent place in Nigeria’s Aviation Hall of Fame.
The myriad of problems of Arik Airline today cannot be swept away under the carpet as “some challenges,” as some people would like us to believe. The dangers of Arik’s failure were not limited to passenger disenchantment and failing to pay staff, debilitating as these were. Also affected were much wider stakeholders—bankers; lessors; insurance companies; food vendors; tax authorities; and our reputation as a nation abroad. All these translate to N300 billion-naira debt overhang!
Efforts to blame Arik’s predicament on the economic circumstances of Nigeria cannot hold water either, as its failure is a sad commentary on the management of the nation’s economy that led to the current recession and forex squeeze. We need to look beyond the macro- factors and focus on some micro factors—the question of governance; of how Arik was being run of late.
Nigeria’s economy is now a complex one. Wherever you see a multi-billion Naira worth of investment, you will find out a complex maze of investors are involved. Mr. Joseph Arumemi-Ikhide may be the initiator of the ARIK, a named conjured from his, but the Arik of today is by far more than the creature of the Ikhides. Bank finances in billions are involved. Creditors of different services that the airline relied upon are intertwined. Not to talk of other interests such regulatory institutions and tax authorities. The workers’ union is a critical stakeholder; recall that the recently flexed their muscles by shutting down the offices of Arik across the country over unpaid wages of staff.
It is precisely this complexity of our rapidly growing economy that brought the need for the establishment of institutions like AMCON in the first place. We need to have an institution that will give our much needed investors the confidence that their investments in our capital market or banking system (sources of finances for our business ventures) will be protected.
Established in 2010, AMCON is the innovative idea thought of to initially help stabilize the banking system from systemic collapse after going through well-conceived structural reforms, which involved bank consolidations, recapitalization and managerial changes at some banks, and portfolio clean-ups. These reforms provided a solution to the banking crisis that Nigeria experienced few years ago and eventually the soundness in the banking sector was restored.
Its objectives include assisting eligible financial institutions to efficiently dispose of eligible bank assets; efficiently manage and dispose of eligible bank assets acquired by it; and obtaining the best achievable financial returns on eligible bank assets or other assets acquired by it. It is through this process that AMCON came to acquire some of the NPLs Arik has accumulated to the tune of over N100 billion.
When AMCON intervened in our banking industry, it acquired about 13,774 Non-Performing Loans (NPLs) worth N3.6 trillion from 22 commercial banks and thus saved our banking system, while its provision of financial accommodation of N 2.2billion protected about N 4.7trillion of depositors’ funds and interbank takings as well as saved approximately 14,000 jobs.
Five years ago it intervened in the aviation industry by saving Aero Contractors from closing shop. Today it is intervening to save Arik from eventual and total collapse under a whopping N300 billion debt overhang.
Sentiments should be put aside. AMCON has a responsibility to save a business in which the public has colossal stakes, to mitigate loss of huge sums invested with grave risks to creditors, avert disruption of domestic and international air services, and save jobs. These are the grounds for AMCON’s intervention. Arik Airline must positively come to terms with the change of its management. Let the owners heed Denis Waitley’s words of wisdom and not see failure as defeat!•Bagudu is a financial analyst based in Abuja
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INEC, N111m bribe and the new sheriff in town
Few weeks ago, Nigerians watched in awe as a police panel constituted to investigate misdemeanours that characterised the controversial December 10, 2016 Rivers State’s rerun elections displayed a raw cash of N111 million. The huge amount of money, which has the capacity to make mockery of bank vaults, was allegedly recovered as bribe from 23 Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) officials that participated in the poll.
The 15-man panel, headed by Deputy Commissioner of Police (DCP), Mr. Damien Okoro, revealed to Nigerians how top ranking officials if the commission cornered N20 million each out of the total N360 million spoils that was allegedly doled out to them by Governor Nyesom Wike of Rivers State in order to influence the outcome of the election. The panel, which received the full cooperation of the Prof. Mahmoud Yakubu led INEC, also implicated some few other officials of the electoral umpire in the alleged ‘bribe for votes’ racketeering.
To many close observers of the country’s polity, the startling revelation of the panel was hardly surprising. Corruption, especially bribe taking, pervades the nation’s political culture and saps its economy and democracy. It has been a recurring decimal in government agencies and the problem goes beyond a single commission or agency. In fact, I doubt if there are institutions in this country that are not riddled with corruption from top to bottom — police, courts, parastatals, parliament, just to mention a few.
But apart from the recovery of the bribe and the accusations and counter-accusations between the police panel and the Rivers State government over the veracity of the report, there is one major lesson that the report has thrown up to Nigerians, which is INEC did not trot out any justification for the action of its indicted personnel. In fact, the electoral umpire collaborated closely with the panel to unravel what transpired in the rerun poll.
This has shown that there are still individuals with high moral compass in Nigeria like the INEC chairman, Prof. Yakubu that can summon enough courage to cooperate with other relevant government agencies in fighting corruption no matter whose ox is gored.
Before the inauguration of the police panel on the Rivers rerun polls, Prof. Yakubu had left no one in doubt of his unwavering commitment to root-out bad eggs from INEC when he announced the readiness of the commission to prosecute any of its officials that engage in electoral fraud. This was marched with action when he again disclosed that the electoral umpire has successfully prosecuted 61 officials over electoral fraud.
But it did not stop there. INEC set up a panel to probe reports which revealed that more than 200 officials received around N23billion bribe in 2015 elections. In addition, a panel was also instituted to probe the reported violence that marred the parliamentary election held in Rivers State last December. Recently, the panel submitted a report on its findings which even indicted security operatives.
“One of the low points of the Rivers re-run elections of December 10, 2016 was the flagrant intervention of security operatives in the process,” the report said. “This was widely identified by staff of the commission and independent observers alike as one of the major factors that led to the failure of the process in some local government areas.”
It said there were too many security agencies involved in the process outside the framework of the Interagency Consultative Committee on Election Security (ICCES). According to the report, it was not clear whether many of them were acting as part of their various organisations or as groups and individuals serving political interests.
The report added, “But the most mind-boggling were cases of hostage taking, hijack of materials and physical attacks on INEC officials perpetrated by security operatives. Of singular note was a certain policeman named Akin Fakorede, who ostensibly is a commander of the special anti-robbery squad (SARS) in Rivers State.”
With these actions, Prof. Yakubu has not only set a commendable example by confronting the bad eggs in INEC, his incurable penchant to ensure that there is zero tolerance for any level of corruption in the commission has further restored the confidence of Nigerians in the electoral umpire ability to always conduct credible elections.
The cleansing of corrupt elements in INEC is critical if the country democracy is to be well-nurtured, hence, it is proper for Nigerians to rally more support to the present management of the commission’s quest to ensure that issue of bribe-taking during election become a thing of the past. It is also fair to give all the necessary accolades to Prof Yakubu for sanitising the nation’s electoral system through the prosecution of individuals who engage in acts of electoral malpractices.
This is the first time in the recent history of INEC that the electoral umpire is not only embarking on self-cleansing but has further taken a step further to ensure that those that benefited from untold millions of naira from politicians to influence the outcome of elections are not only docked in the conventional courts but are also made to face the public shame of their appalling escapade.
Nigerians are heartened by the renewed vigour by the present INEC leadership to ensure elections in the country are not polluted by bribe-taking elements. Other staff of the commission must buy into this impressive record of attacking corruption which the INEC chairman is known for.
Though it is still early to know how deep the anti-corruption measures taken so far by the commission will impact in subsequent elections in the country, it is not debateable that there is a new sheriff in town in the person of Prof. Mahmoud Yakubu. Yes, a new sheriff has come to INEC.
- Audu, a public affairs commentator, wrote in from Kaduna.
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Of economy, pulpits and Nollywood expectations
Sometime in 2016, #Bringbackourcorruption began to trend on the social media. Nigerians disenchanted with the dire state of the economy in the midst of a war on corruption launched by the APC-led federal government, began to wax nostalgic about yester-years, the glory days of corruption. In their warped view, if the return of corruption is what it will take to put food on their tables, they are all for it. Considering that the government of President Muhammadu Buhari had been in government for barely a year then, the campaign surely did not signify a policy failure on the part of government. Nobody would reasonably expect the government to have resuscitated the then comatose economy within so short a period.
Nor can it be argued that corruption has no direct bearing to the country’s economy slipping into recession. As the Acting chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Ibrahim Magu declared recently, “About 90% of the cause of recession is corruption, because there was fund and people stole the funds and kept them where they cannot be reached. If we can lay hands on this hidden wealth, it will be sufficient for us to get out of recession”.
In other words, the campaign did not arise because corruption is not an issue or that the President has demonstrably failed to tackle our declining productivity as a nation. Rather, the #Bringbackourcorruption crusaders are, like us all, victims of the cumulative effect of new fad religion and nollywood on our collective psyche. Nigerians no longer believe in hard work and sacrifice as a path to success. To many Nigerians, the no pain, no gain mantra is outdated and not fit for the times. The new mantra is instant gratification and miracles. Patience and diligence is no longer a virtue.
New religion has destroyed our work ethics and the Nollywood industry has firmly cemented the connection between the church and instant solution to problems. Religious leaders in the churches and mosques have joined the witch doctors in preaching a gospel of instant prosperity over and above hard work and perseverance. At the expense of logic and wisdom, their adherents follow whatever instructions they are given in order to achieve instant success. The Rev. Fr. Boniface Ezeoke of St. Agnes Catholic Church, Ichida, Anambra state recently encapsulated this in his homily. According to the reverend father, “Our messages of instant gratification have created a generation of people, who only want to see instant results, immediate relief, and a painless profit. This is not the natural course of nature or a normal way of doing things”. Even then, the Nollywood industry has made this belief in instant results and immediate reliefs more popular among Nigerians. In all the home movies, the theme is the same. A visit by a character to the pastor or witch doctor produces instant result with no further contribution from the character.
The damage to our psyche as a nation is in fact what has held us back as a country. Our desire to reap without sowing, eat without working and run without walking is the bane of our economic development. Past administrations deferred the restructuring of our economy because Nigerians were not willing to bear the necessary pain that will accompany such restructuring. Against economic sense, the Nigerian state for decades, subsidized fuel consumption by the populace because the citizens have developed a sense of entitlement. Mounting evidences of sleaze and looting of the treasury by those in the corridors of power were ignored and the looters held up as manifestations of God’s blessings and prosperity. Any government that tried in the past to correct this trend and restore sanity had been harangued out. A new government comes in with instant appeasement and is hailed as a messianic one. And the rot continued.
Today, we are presented with yet another chance to get it right. Yet again, some Nigerians will have none of it and will go to any length to truncate any efforts towards laying a solid foundation for the future. Such people are more interested in sharing the so-called national cake than in creating wealth. For them, consumption comes before production and profits before investment.
Yes, the economy is in dire straits. The citizens are suffering. The government is working very hard to reverse the rot and put the economy back on the path of growth. The citizens must understand however that miracles and instant solutions have no place in nation building. We are where we are today because we had before now not taken the hard decisions to restructure the economy. The government must be supported to do so now if we are going to enjoy the prospect of a long term improvement in quality of life for every Nigerian. According to the minister of finance, Kemi Adeosun, Nigerians’ tax contribution to GDP is only 6%. That is one of the lowest anywhere in the world and reflects decades of the population’s unwillingness to contribute to government revenue. What economic miracles do we expect from government if, as citizens, we do not pay our fair share of taxes? We are quick at comparing the living standards of Nigerians to those of other nations but forget (conveniently) to point out the disparities in tax compliance.
Years of deterioration in infrastructure and the economy cannot be remedied overnight. Such only happen in Nollywood movies where one’s personal circumstances are reversed instantly on the intervention of a pastor, and that diabolic uncle or step-mother who had been responsible for that person’s woes immediately confesses and dies and all that the person lost over the years is restored to him. Such do not happen in real life. It took a good two years for former president Barack Obama’s policies to impact on the economy of the United States of America on his assumption of office in 2008. Americans kept faith with him, stayed the course and are better for it today.
Rebuilding infrastructure, dealing with corruption, securing lives and properties across the federation, restructuring the economy and fixing Nigeria generally is doable. Patience and sacrifice is required however on the part of Nigerians. The government of the day must be encouraged and supported to see through its various programmes aimed at achieving the listed objectives.
- Dr. Ezejiofor is Executive Director, Green Women for Change and Empowerment Foundation (GWC), Abuja.
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50 years on: Tribute to Isa Wali
Half a century ago, on 19th February 1967 to be specific, Ambassador Isa Wali, Nigeria’s High Commissioner to Ghana, left us suddenly—without saying good-bye. Today, we remember with pride that he left us, not in utter nakedness, as when he was born, but clothed in trailing clouds of glory. It is our memory of him of a life well spent for others that has brought us together today, to honour this most illustrious citizen, and remind ourselves that life is measured and assessed, not by its longevity, but how well it was lived.
And so, who exactly was Ambassador Isa Wali?
Usually in life, only deeds (good or bad) are remembered, long after we ourselves are dead and utterly forgotten. But what is extraordinary about late Ambassador Isa Wali is that his deeds or legacy, and the man himself are inextricably intertwined and inseparable; but why? Because he himself was unforgettable, by virtue of his infectious humility and the way his deeds of kindness touched many lives.
An encounter with the late Ambassador Isa Wali left you aglow, as if you have been touched by the wings of a passing Angel. Indeed, he must be numbered among those immortals in history, of whom the English Poet Henry Wordsworth Longfellow wrote:
“Lives of great men all remind us,
We can all make our lives sublime;
And departing, leave behind us
Our footprints on the sands of time”.
Ambassador Isa Wali was, physically, not a giant of a man, although his presence radiated seismic gravitas. He was also not a war hero or a great statesman in political terms. Indeed, as a diplomat he served as Ambassador and Head of Mission in only one mission–Accra, Ghana. What made his Ambassadorial tenure trailblazing must therefore be examined against the background of the intense political rivalry then subsisting between Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa’s Nigeria and Dr. Kwame Nkrumah’s Ghana in the early sixties.
Dr. Nkrumah regarded Nigeria as an impediment to his delusionary dream to become the undisputed leader of Africa; never mind that Ghana, both in population and size, was only about one tenth of Nigeria. Towards that end, he embarked on a series of subversive activities to destabilize Nigeria. This posed the most existential threat to Nigeria’s political stability, and its rightful claim to the leadership of Africa.
Ambassador Isa Wali, as Nigeria’s High Commissioner to Ghana, orchestrated and led the diplomatic manoeuvers to challenge and outflank Dr. Nkrumah at every turn. In frustration, Dr Nkrumah resorted to the mistreatment and persecution of Nigerians in Ghana, who at this time numbered in excess of 250,000. Large numbers of them were capriciously retrenched from the Ashanti and Obuasi goldmines without benefit. Undaunted and without flinching, Ambassador Isa Wali stood in the gap for Nigeria, by making the well-being of Nigerians in Ghana his foremost diplomatic priority, and in this he was highly successful.
Indeed, it can be said, that the concept of “citizen’s diplomacy” as an integral and tangible aspect of Nigeria’s Foreign Policy, began with Isa Wali. It instilled hope and confidence in Diaspora Nigerians in Ghana, and made them feel that they were not a forgotten race.
As High Commissioner, he was extraordinarily passionate to visit and know how Nigerians in Ghana lived among their host communities. Week after week, he left the comfort of Accra to visit Nigerians in their diverse communities and it didn’t matter that there were only 20 or 100 Nigerians there. On arrival, he would greet each out-stretched hand with both hands hug them in tight embrace while his eyes gleamed with pure joy. He was their “Big Brother”. Each poor and impoverished looking person, received cash, which he dug from his deep pocket and gave out generously, without counting how much he gave out. He never once claimed “miscellaneous or traveling expenses” on his return to Accra.
His attitude towards Ghanaians also came gift-wrapped in friendship and high esteem, and this at a time Dr. Nkrumah was less than friendly towards Nigerians. Indeed, ordinary Ghanaians equally reciprocated with much love and friendship, and the news of his death was received by Ghanaians with much public grief and genuine regret. Indeed, had he died in Accra, Ghanaians would have, without doubt, accorded him something close to a state funeral.
When by the grace of God, I succeeded him ten years later as High Commissioner, Ghanaians remembered that I had been with the great Ambassador Isa Wali, and all access and hospitality doors, were thrown open for me.
Ambassador Isa Wali’s acts of goodness and generosity are too many to be listed here. it is comforting to see that his amazing and gifted children (retired Major-General Yaro Wali, Mrs. Fatima Abdurrahman, Mrs. Mariam Uwais, MFR and Mrs. Hadiza Wali-Oniyangi) have continued his legacy of acts of public charity and philanthropy, through the Isa Wali Empowerment Initiative Foundation, whose mantra is service to the weak and economically under-privileged; assisting primarily women and children.
Ambassador Isa Wali was unique in many ways. At the time of his appointment as High Commissioner to Ghana in 1963 at the age of 35, he was the youngest Nigerian diplomat to be appointed as an Ambassador. Incidentally, he was also the first Nigerian career Ambassador, in the history of the Nigerian diplomatic service, to have died at Post. It has been said by the ancients, that stars differ from stars in splendor and that those who are wise will shine like the brightness of the heavens, and those who lead many to righteousness, like the stars, will forever shine!
Of the many bright stars that adorn the pantheon of past great Nigerian Ambassadors, Ambassador Isa Wali stands out as Shakespeare’s “constant Northern Star, of whose true fixed and resting quality, there is no fellow in the firmament!” He was gentle and mild, but firm in upholding truth and justice. In life, he embraced and personified those eternal virtues that do not fade away or die–selfless love, humanity, righteousness, fairness, honesty, integrity, and above all, he was robustly and proudly a Nigerian patriot.
As is sadly the case in our nation today, and I might add to our shame, our National Pledge to ensure that, “the labours of our heroes past shall never be in vain”, is honored more in the breach, than in the observance. Ambassador Isa Wali died in the course of duty; without being honoured by the government he served so well. It is time to rectify this anomaly; and to mark this Golden Jubilee anniversary of his death, we appeal to the government to honour him by renaming a major street in Abuja, Ambassador Isa Wali Street. Let’s now collectively resolve and ensure that this happens; not only for the sake of Ambassador Isa Wali, but also for the sake of all our tomorrows.
However, whether the powers that be, or we ourselves, respond positively to these appeals or not, Ambassador Isa Wali’s place in history is assured and secure, because of the enduring legacy he left behind. Like most of the great immortals in history, the virtues he embodied and personified, which are eternal in themselves, will make a mockery of those who belittle his achievement and refuse to honour him in death.
Somewhere, in a valley among the rolling green fields of Southern England, at Stratford –upon-Avon, William Shakespeare lies buried. The be-spoke Epitaph on the tomb-stone above his grave could, with equal validity, be also applied to Ambassador Isa Wali:
“His life was gentle,
And the elements so mixed in him;
That Nature might stand up
And say to all the world,
This was a Man!”
- Keynote address by Ambassador Sagay, a retired diplomat, at the 50thmemorial lecture in honour of the late Ambassador Isa Wali last Sunday in Abuja
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‘Take a message to Mary ….’
I saw an interview of a debutante actress in The Nation‘s Flair segment last Sunday; when the lady was asked who her favorite musician was, she said Jim Reeves! Leading me to take the above lyrics for this title, believing many generations can connect to the sentiment.
Yep, gone are the days! Certainly gone in Nigeria, OYINKAN MEDUBI described it as WEIRD, the sight of a great big thanksgiving service for ex-Governor James Ibori on his safe return from: JAIL, I only saw the pictures, but she watched it and said the preachers (imagine) likened him to one of the Apostles of old. Probably back from an ‘apostolic’ trip to prison.
Only in Nigeria.
These Political Pastors I call them, forget the biblical admonishment to men not to complain when they are punished and imprisoned for their own offences not to talk complaining when harassed and jailed for preaching the gospel.
Yes the anti-corruption war is reaching international dimensions and is a battle to be fought indeed. But for the battle to be fought AND WON, the deep-seated and generational causes of corruption have to be uprooted from the foundation level, or we will never ever get there.
The emasculation of the youth – the mass of the population will keep violent social interaction and corruption ongoing and increasing.
Not addressing Governments very deliberate attempt to increase the gap between the rich government fat cats and the ordinary workers is the breeding ground for corruption.
Paying most slave wages for work done, and selected others receiving jumbo pay and emoluments with all privileges – these are some of the causes of corruption.
According to Sam Adeyemi*, it is not smartness to:
(a) Make money by stealing it.
(b) Make money but not doing any work to have it.
But NIGERIA has always preached these 2 messages to its citizens – fueling generational cycles of corruption!
Yes, Nigeria needs to fight Corruption. But we’ve got to fight Corruption (the Symptoms) AS WELL AS Corruption (the Causes). That’s my Take.
- Sam Adeyemi, Pay the Price for the Prize. Success Power CRBC TV. Tuesday, 21stFebruary.
HOW DO MEN DETERMINE A BABY’S SEX?
This title is paraphrasing one by Doctor SUN, whose column in Sunday sun a couple of weeks back was a great big eye-opener. Dr. Ogwo (real name) had said that his previous article had virtually opened a Pandora’s Box unto him over determining the sex of a child. He expressed shock that the questions he was bombarded with were not coming from his “Great Great Grandfathers” or people of the “Stone age”, but that people from this digital age were writing and asking him: ‘Doc, you say men are responsible for the sex of their child, how?’ even ‘Doc – please text me how my wife can give birth to a male child.
Meaning this discourse on male child syndrome needs as much awareness, as there can be even till now.
There is a certain Ibo man who is a financier of one of the political parties.
One time, he held a child dedication that tipped the scales in dedication ceremonies. With at least 10 serving governors in attendance, in addition to many other high ranking officials present, the attendance was indeed a roll call of the who is who from across the country. Indeed, all the high society magazines (Ovation et al) were on hand to cover the event.
A first thought would be that the man and his wife might have been married for 21 years or something, and this was their first child.
But no, that was their 8th (eighth) child being dedicated. The first seven children were All Girls!
Yep, it was the search for a Male Child that had made this man send his wife to the delivery room year after year, until his quest was actualized. Then and only then were the drums rolled out, and then dignitaries invited round.
But I wonder, do these people ever think how their other children must feel? It must be awful for a child, to know for certain that She’s not wanted.
And that is one of the direct consequences of the male child syndrome in families.
All other children are made to feel inferior, unwanted; an unpleasant arrival. This baggage they have to carry and go through life with; all the while watching as the one who is the ‘real’ child is treated like an egg. The male child in that home is the apple of the parents’ eyes – the other children of the home are mere occupants.
Sometimes, I sit and imagine the trauma of the childhood of girls in this kind of home. It would seem as if an abandoned child or an orphan were better off! Because in that case, they would then be adopted, and made to feel wanted and a part of a family unit.
Oh indeed, food, clothing and education would be provided for the girls in these circumstances but I daresay that if food were provided in abundance, and yet you were made to feel unwanted, you would never even want to eat of the sweetmeats!
Meddlesome in-laws on the husbands’ side also play a big role in cementing the male child syndrome in the society.
Oftentimes, rather than appreciate the new addition to their family, they go taunting the mother of the child, asking why SHE is unable to “produce” a Male child. The really bad ones, especially the bad mothers-in-law encourage their sons to go into immorality, in order to have a son by all means possible.
They actively encourage their sons to keep concubines, to commit adultery and polygamy and put many other women in the family way in a bid to produce a male child and heir. After all, it’s the boy who will inherit the family name: I just wonder – WHAT NAME IS THIS?!
A look into the belief system of those with this syndrome will reveal that they are actually religious people. Because most often, the celebration of the arrival of the sought after son is preceded by a church dedication or by some form of religious naming ceremony.
But there is no man who does not know that he can neither create himself, nor create another man!
A child is a gift from God. THAT LITTLE GIRL is a gift from God.
Importantly, also that little came from the MAN, it is only the man that possesses the chromosomes of both sexes, male and female, in his reproductive organs. Yet it is the same man, the father, that would make a home totally uncomfortable for everyone because of his inordinate desire for a male child. That is playing God. And that, no man can do. It is time for a rethink.
Doctor Sun ends his piece with this take: “Every man should know that he is responsible for the sex of his babies. If he blames his wife again,… Holy Ghost…! Remain medically guided.”
MY POSTSCRIPT
Mr. Ifeanyi Ubah and his wife forged ahead with babymaking, still searching for a second son. THEIR NINTH CHILD WAS A GIRL.
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BRF: How not to work
It was like a shuttle in a projectile – let’s call it the BRF projectile. Of course, BRF being Babatunde Raji Fashola, the three-in-one federal minister in charge of Power, Works and Housing. He has been on a blitzing visit of major road projects across the country. Starting a few weeks back with on-going roads in the southeast zone of Nigeria, his last run was across seven states of the Niger Delta – in three days.
As one of the reporters in the shuttle, my verdict is: how not to work. Imagine starting a trip by road from Calabar to Uyo, then Aba to Yenegoa, Port Harcourt to Sapele and then Benin City – in just three days!
On paper, it may look easy and straight forward, but out there on the poorly kept and dangerous Nigerian roads, it surely is an excruciating way to carry out a task. Of course, there are modern digital mapping devices that can locate projects even in the most remote outposts and highlight them with real life high definition. But understandably, such facilities are not available to the ministry right now but that must be the way forward.
The first call of the inspection was the over 200 kilometres Calabar – Akampa – Ikom – Ogoja – Ugep – Katsina Ala highway. A long-winding, seemingly interminable and indeed treacherous road. After travelling for about two-hours of twisting and turning and side-tracking endless streaming of heavy-duty trucks, it turned out that one of them had upended ahead before the project site. BRF had to make a U-turn, missing the first target.
This road which connects about four states and leads up to Makurdi in Benue State is as strategic as highways go. It is a single-carriage road, which is bad enough; but it is dilapidated and derelict in many sections. When the rains come, according to Cross Rivers State deputy governor, many sections are flooded impassable.
The contractor, Messrs Sermatech that had abandoned site for over two years for lack of payment is back at work. He was mandated to commence remediation work quick before the rains. Important too is that hundreds of people are back to work once again: goods and service will move and zonal economy will flourish.
From the Akwa Ibom axis, the Ikot-Ekpene – Aba Road has suffered total collapse at Umuakpo. The minister had to do a detour through bush paths and remote village tracks to re-enter the highway. This road that connects two very important towns of Ikot-Ekpene in Akwa Ibom State and Aba in Abia State was also awarded but unfunded. The contractor abandoned site. They are back now.
On the Aba – Port Harcourt section of the now notorious Enugu – Port Harcourt highway, BRF and his team did on foot, a very long stretch of the project under-going massive renewal and expansion on foot. It has numerous on-site workers and as we learnt, is generating hundreds of auxiliary jobs in material supplies, food and drinks vending.
A much reported and indeed maligned road, it is the scrawny signature of the last government’s insouciance. This most important road covering about 10 states of the Southeast and South-south had been in decline for many years. The heedless Goodluck Jonathan administration played game with it during his time. Contractors abandoned site for many years due to poor funding and corruption.
In Rivers, the most compelling job apart from the expressway is the Bodo – Bonny 39km road with a bridge across the Opobo channel. This is the Saro-Wiwa country, the heart land of Ogoni. A most serene and idyllic land but for the evident crude curse. It is part of the area an environmental cleanup is on-going right now.
The contractor had abandoned project for many years. A new one has been raised and work has started. Bonny Island is the home of the Nigeria Liquefied Natural Gas (NLNG) and Nigeria’s, if not Africa’s gas hub. It can only be accessed by speed boats and choppers. But when this road is completed, that island is bound to come alive with all the attendant socio-economic activities.
While Bayelsa has the Yenegoa – Okaki – Kolo road (if we discountenance the shoddy show piece known as East-West Road) Delta and Edo States hold very big road projects recently getting much attention.
A marble plaque decorates a roundabout where the big ticket Sapele – Ewu – Agbor highway begins. It bears the marker, “This road is flagged off today 12th February, 2015”. It must have been an elaborate ceremony denoted by drumming, dancing and much fun fare. But no sod was turned thereafter. The road never got started. What happened was a ceremony for the 2015 general election; cruel symbolism.
Work only started November 2016 after a mobilization of N1.3 billion was paid by the Buhari administration. Work is ongoing now on the 110km road by Messrs CGC as contractors.
It is the same story with the 47.4km Lokoja – Benin City road dualization project. Awarded in 2012 but work didn’t start until 2016. These two roads spanning Delta, Edo, and Kogi states apart from easing commuters’ pains, are currently providing jobs to thousands of Nigerians among other benefits.
As stated at the beginning, three days of dawn to dusk shuttle across a vast area of land may not be the best way to work, and not many previous ministers are known to have subjected themselves to such punishing rigor.
At every capital city, BRF paid courtesy call on the state governor in his domain. At every state boundary, he would pick up the next state’s Controller of Works. He has rechristened them federal government ambassadors in their states of operation. He introduced them to the state governors as such and urged them to cooperate as partners and not as competitors. Even the states’ commissioners of Works are co-opted at every point by BRF, winning their buy-ins.
The state Controllers of Works are the key and indeed crucial to the success or failure of most projects especially in far-flung areas of the country. As they joined the BRF train, they were armed with well-documented report on the project in question. Faced with BRF’s grilling, some answer some stutter some suffer butterflies in the tummy, but eventually, he makes them take the lead, showcasing the projects to press; presenting to governors.
There were a total of 12 road projects in seven states of the Niger Delta visited by BRF in three days. While these are by no means the only abandoned roads being reactivated by the current administration in the zone, it is no mean task either.
At an average of 1,000 jobs per site, that would be a minimum of 12,000 jobs. If we multiply this by six zones, we have roughly 72,000 mainly direct jobs created by the works sector of the ministry alone.
“The president has told me not to embark on any new road projects until the numerous abandoned ones are completed”, BRF said to reporters at one stop. “How could so many roads have been abandoned in a time of boom when crude oil sold for $100 per barrel?” He asked rhetorically.
Finally, it was relatively easy for BRF to hop from state to state in the Southeast and South-south zones. How would he do it in the vast lands of the northern zones? A tough road to travel indeed.
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On Ekiti South governorship agenda
The Ekiti governorship election comes up in 2018. There is a lot of agitation from the South Senatorial District that it is now their turn to produce the next governor. This reminds me of similar agitation in 2014. While crossing from PDP to APC then, following Fayose’s bullish emergence as PDP candidate for the 2014 election, I wrote as follows:
There was the clamour for a Southern Senatorial candidacy which I fully endorsed. To recall, following Fayose’s impeachment in 2006, there was a Pan-Ekiti conference in D’Rovans Hotel in Ibadan. The conference was co-chaired by the late Professor Aluko and the Chief Afe Babalola SAN. Professor Akin Oyebode and I were the Rapporteurs at the conference.
One of the decisions reached at the conference was that the governorship candidate of all political parties should come from the North Senatorial District while the Deputy Governorship slot should come specifically from Ado Local Government Area. For balance, it was agreed that the Speaker of the House of Assembly would then come from the South. After the North might have exhausted its tenure, the governorship was to move to the South Senatorial District after which zoning as an idea would be jettisoned. It was for this reason that the PDP and the AC candidates both came from the North Senatorial District (Engr. Segun Oni and Dr. Kayode Fayemi) while the two Deputy Governorship candidates came from Ado-Ekiti, Dr. Sikiru Tae Lawal and Late Mrs. Funmilayo Olayinka.
The agitation has now been renewed more virulently. I share some understanding with the Ekiti South Senatorial District on their agitation for the governorship slot. I supported the campaign in 2014 as indicated above based on the D’Rovans 2006 agreement. However, the feeling and sentiment is not the same today as it was then in 2014 for reasons I shall now proceed to state as clearly as I can.
In the context of the two dominant parties in Ekiti, only PDP had the moral burden of a shift to the South in 2014. APC was on first term and could legitimately claim and indeed claimed the right to second term. Most progressives within the PDP enthusiastically endorsed South Senatorial candidacy. However, given the Jonathan-Fayose abracadabra then and the hurried endorsement of that rigged Fayose outcome by the erstwhile candidates from the South, the South lost that claim and the moral argument. Many of us proclaimed then that we have seen the end of zoning of the top post in Ekiti. Indeed, considering that a South Senatorial person took up the deputy slot and many South Senatorial people actively collaborated and supported the stabilization and subsequent emergence of the Fayose governorship, there is no longer any fundamental basis for continuing with this claim. I sincerely believe that privilege is forfeited. But PDP is free to decide its preferences.
As for APC, zoning is not recognized in the party constitution. The general position even at the national level is to throw the No.1 positions – President and Governors – open to all, while positions below them are then zoned to ensure balance in representation and governance. Competence is not held subordinate to any parochial or primordial considerations.
Interestingly, in all parties, aspirants for the top offices have always emerged from all areas without much consideration for zoning. In effect, what is emerging and becoming very clear is that zoning is more of a strategic tool for making a choice within and by the respective parties and not an imposition on all that requires uncritical acquiescence. In truth, the more advanced we become on the human evolution order, the less we will place emphasis on narrow parochial consideration. More emphasis will be on the broad interest and competence as is the case with the USA if we discount the Trumpian error that has just occurred.
The case for Ekiti is even more unique. We are a homogeneous people. Homogeneity is a very important virtue that binds Ekiti people together. It is our unique characteristics and heritage. It should help us move in the direction of broad common interest away from the narrower sectional interest. Even within the South-west, we do not have the kind of ethnic cleavages prevalent in some states. Ekiti does not have the Ondo/Owo/Akoko type cleavage; nothing like Ibadan/Oyo/Ogbomosho relational nuances; no Egba/Ijebu dichotomy, and so on. This unique attribute of ours must always be allowed to supersede senatorial interest and not be watered down. Ekiti does not need any form of fragmentation into narrow interest that can undermine or erode the benefits of our homogeneity.
As alluded to earlier, there have always been governorship aspirants from the South Senatorial District, from all parties, in all elections. This should continue to be so being in the greater interest of Ekiti as a homogeneous entity that places a lot of premium on competence and intellect.
There is a small observation to be made though. No former governor has had the privilege of second term in Ekiti State. May be that jinx is designed by God to be broken by a governor from Ekiti South Senatorial District when one eventually emerges! Several black folks ran for President of the United States in the past but Barack Obama was the one destined by God to be the first and he successfully served eight years! That jinx breaker from the South Senatorial District will eventually emerge. But we should note that it is God that elevates (wo)men to positions. No matter the opposition, if God says yes, so shall it be. In the same vein, no matter the support, if God says no, so shall it be also!
For me personally, there is another very important reason I am supporting the return of Engr. Segun Oni as Ekiti State governor apart from his very outstanding performance and personal integrity in governance first time around. The reason would likely appear to many as sentimental, but it contains some cold reality. We could wait till judgment day when the truth can finally be revealed. But as human beings, we have been sufficiently endowed to be capable of rational decisions.
There was an unfortunate self-inflicted crisis and a consequent split within the ranks of the elites in Ekiti State. The period of April 2007 to February 2014 was very agonizing and heartbreaking for the elites and progressives in Ekiti State. When Oni switched camp and declared for APC in 2014 following the emergence of Fayose as the PDP flag bearer, a major burden was lifted off the head of the progressives and the elites. Much of the elites were visibly relieved. Oni’s total and very active support for Fayemi’s re-election bid wiped out the doubt in some quarters that Oni might be insincere. Ever since, Oni and Fayemi with the active embracement of the Omoluabi par excellence of Ekiti, Otunba Niyi Adebayo, have been collaborating with each other to collectively stabilize the party in Ekiti and rescue the state from the impetuous, highly value corrosive governance of Fayose. Indeed, Ekiti people deserve good governance.
Now in the eyes of the law, as a direct consequence of the self-inflicted injury of the elites, Oni’s claim to governorship is technically invalid before the law. Of course he served as a governor and his achievements during his tenure are tangible and there for all to see. However, no thanks to Salami, that tenure within the legal circle is said to be ultra vires. If that remains the status quo, there may never be real closure to that dark period in Ekiti history. Yet we need to bring closure, one that finally puts to rest the fratricidal feud among the progressives and elites in the state; one that also rekindle the trust the progressives and the elites have in each other. Segun Oni deserves to have his legitimacy restored in the interest of all. This is one more reason why the South Senatorial District needs to show understanding and just present their candidates without the pressure of group advocacy for a south senatorial governorship.
All told and irrespective of how things play out, we all need to eschew violence, threats and coercion as we position ourselves for the 2018 race. Ekiti politics and politicians can set the pace in constructive, rational, intellectual political engagement devoid of violence and intimidation. Above all, we must give our people a chance to make their rational, free decision as to who can and should govern them. The ascendancy of Fayose to the governorship in Ekiti was fraught with so much deceit, brigandage and a host of anti-democratic conducts. This should not be allowed to continue in Ekiti. We really need a reset.
- Otunba Oguntuase writes from Lagos.
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Xenophobia and Nigeria/South Africa relations
The latest wave of violent attacks on the Nigerians living in South Africa has generated local and international condemnation. This article examines the core issues of racial intolerance and dislike for foreigners, particularly Nigerians in South Africa, within the broader historical framework of the apartheid regime and the post-apartheid socio-economic relations which have over time shaped the existential notions of false community, vague entitlement and empty sense of belonging amongst a number of black South Africans. It further highlights and provides fresh perspectives to addressing reverse migration and building for Nigeria a positive foreign policy template that promotes genuine national pride and national interest.
Indeed, the issue of xenophobia in contemporary South Africa in my view is profound psychosomatic carryovers and the negative product of the apartheid regime that cannot be wished away from the collective consciousness of the people of the rainbow nation. This is even more so, given the attendant dispossession of their heritage and personal pride by the despicable and repugnant apartheid regime, which exploited them in their own land. The reality of these historical facts has continued to obstruct the wheel of progress and development. Furthermore, the political crisis of that dark era led to social dislocation, which in turn affected their economic means, educational advancement and developing the required skill sets that would have prepared them for high-level jobs and proper integration into a new South Africa promising a brighter future.
While xenophobic violence is not a new phenomenon in post-apartheid South Africa, the sudden explosion of violence has been attributed to a combination of factors which include local political pressures over time, increases in prices of basic goods, high levels of unemployment estimated at 25 percent and growing concerns and frustrations at the inability of the South African government under incumbent President Jacob Zuma to provide essential services to poor people and the resultant economic hardship and tensions surrounding crime and competition over scarce resources by non-national population. The continued socio-economic issues are pushing the average Black South African into extreme poverty in the midst of plenty and there is a high level of dissatisfaction with the scheme of things after the fall of the apartheid regime.
It would be recalled that between May and June 2008, there were 135 separate violent incidents that left 62 people dead, at least 670 wounded and unfortunately, dozens were carnally assaulted and many properties destroyed and looted. In addition, the South Africa domestic environment has been hostile to non- nationals particularly, undocumented migrants and there is implicit culture of impunity, which encourages mob justice in most communities. Interestingly, South African state security institutions such as the police and immigration services show no sympathy to black settlers from other African countries; the xenophobia appears institutionalized. Therefore, Nigeria’s international diplomacy should not dwell much on the criticism of the recent xenophobic attacks in South Africa, but rather much attention should be placed on understanding the dynamics of international politics, which is a game of selective morality, outrageous paradox and double standard. Hence, concrete efforts should be made at home to culture an enabling environment that would create jobs and livelihoods for the common people in Nigeria. In addition, Nigeria must re-jig her diplomatic institutions to engage the South African government.
It is important to note that people migrating in search of safer and more prosperous living conditions is as old as man and the right of any person to leave any country is enshrined in the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the 1965 International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination.
While it is not possible to eliminate social tensions in any country, it is expedient on the part of the South African government and its nationals to respect universal and regional treaties, declarations, norms, protocols and conventions rather than resort to barbarous acts that have outraged the conscience of Nigerians and Africans. Indeed the unwholesome politicisation of migration as an excuse for xenophobia in South Africa must be addressed by diplomatic means by both countries. The issues and factors of migration that include increased unemployment, poverty and greed must be top in re-tooling the new Nigeria-South Africa partnership. Both countries must promote and sustain protection mechanisms for human rights and conducive environments for decent work by migrant workers and their families whether documented (economic) migrants or undocumented migrants.
Sadly, one major challenge in Nigeria-South Africa relations over years, beyond the recent violent attacks on Nigerians and other Africans, is lack of mutual diplomatic and tactful reciprocity on the part of the South Africa government and the country’s non-state actors for the strategic role Nigeria played in the struggle against apartheid. In addition, this is why Nigerians are angry at the latest attacks. Nigeria played a frontline role in ensuring freedom for black South Africans through the mobilisation of international opinion to isolate the apartheid regime in the global community, business and sports.
Equally, Nigeria has also provided a robust and unrestricted market for South African businesses like MTN and Multichoice. Therefore, Nigeria must also forge strategic business alliance in South Africa to balance the insalubrious business equation. Furthermore, beyond the existing skewed bilateral and economic relations in favour of South African businesses in Nigeria, there is an urgent need for both countries to initiate a liberalised migration regime and a robust migration management capacity towards enhancing and strengthening the strategic role of Nigerians in the diasporas as development partner and factoring their contributions to the overall Africa development agenda for sustainable peace and security.
The two countries in my view are not exploiting their leadership and governance roles in sustaining the African dream and indeed the drive for poverty eradication through the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Indeed, South Africa and Nigeria, representing the two leading economies in Africa, must play leading roles in driving a sustainable green revolution that would provide food security thereby contributing significantly to overcoming hunger and social tensions that have fueled African emigrations. It is imperative for the government under the leadership of President Muhammadu Buhari to escalate and mainstream key external relations that are mutually beneficial in ties with South Africa, while respecting all treaties and obligations on persons and related matters.
Crucially, sustained job creation particularly for youths at home and positive image-building abroad would enhance the respectability of Nigerians in the Diasporas and indeed address the negative way the world sees us as a people and a nation. Furthermore, our government at home must understand the relationship between poverty, irregular migration and the overall issues of xenophobia, which is not new in South Africa.
Nigeria’s relevance within the global system depends on relative strength and control at the domestic level and our continued relevance within the Africa continent and indeed the changing world. Against this backdrop, Nigeria’s international communication and reputational image-building mechanisms must be hinged on diplomatic caution and decency to safeguard our nationals wherever they are in the globe, beyond the xenophobic realities in South Africa.
In addition, the African union (AU) has to be alive to its continental responsibility for the emancipation of Africans from the clutches of poverty, walking the talk of development for its people across the continent.
Overall, Nigeria’s international engagement strategy should be done with diplomatic finesse and dexterity and pragmatic efforts should be pursued to improve on our foreign relations mechanisms, particularly on the issues of cross-border migration. Nigeria should desire to play by the rule of international obligations in spite of its visible failings at home in providing basic social welfare and essential services for majority of its people who live on less than one dollar a day. The challenge of xenophobic attacks again is wake up call for the Nigerian government to organise its affairs by improving living conditions at home, as well as strengthening its foreign policy objectives.
- Orovwuje is founder, Humanitarian Care for Displaced Persons, Lagos.
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NASS and the 2017 Budget process
The vetting of the 2017 budget by the National Assembly entered a crucial stage last week with a public hearing conducted by the joint committee on appropriation of the Senate and House of Representatives. The positive appraisal of the National Assembly’s handling of the 2017 budget so far is arguably a direct attribute of reset thinking by its leadership. One thing is clear: Unlike previous episodes of budget consideration, the process this time has witnessed smooth sail.
Right from the day of presentation of the appropriation bill by President Muhammadu Buhari on December 14, 2016, the budget has remained scandal free. There have been no stories of the budget developing wings and disappearing into thin air; no issues of ‘padding’ or ‘stuffing’ or ‘insertion’ by unauthorized means; ministers and lawmakers have not been found engaged in hot exchange of words over who did what. The spirit and eagerness to get things done and done differently for the good of the country has been palpable. Standing committees of the National Assembly have given ministries, departments and agencies ample opportunity to defend their proposals.
The fact that the 2017 budget is cruising home seamlessly is soothing to the heart of all and sundry. The National Assembly under the leadership of its chairman, Dr. Abubakar Bukola Saraki, has amply demonstrated its commitment to a paradigm shift in attitudes and mind-set by rising above the din of past omissions and commissions to do things differently.
Courageous innovations were articulated and introduced to smoothen rough edges of the sometimes amorphous budget process. For instance, to avoid the 2016 experience, the National Assembly constituted and inaugurated the public sector budget reform committee comprising senators, members of the House of Representatives, members of the executive arm of government, the academia and civil society organizations. Headed by the former Senate Leader, Mohammed Ali Ndume, the report of the committee and the committee’s recommendations, have in no small measure, contributed greatly to this year’s seamless budget defence in the growing understanding between the executive and the legislature.
One of the major recommendations of the committee was the opening up of the budget process to members of the public. That may have been informed by the pressure for open and inclusive budget process by Nigerians. The implementation of the recommendation to open up the budget process may have given rise to the hugely successful national public scrutiny of the budget last Monday through Wednesday.
The idea behind the public hearing was to give Nigerians the opportunity to scrutinise the document and air their opinions about the line items. The three-day event has been adjudged successful and rewarding by observers. Issues about the budget and how to make it better to serve and improve the lot of ordinary Nigerians most especially during a time of economic recession were critically interrogated.
Another innovation in the handling of the 2017 budget by the National Assembly was that critical standing committees of the Senate and House of Representatives held joint sessions to give MDAs an unencumbered opportunity to defend their budget proposals. The new arrangement did not only save time and cost on the part of the National Assembly and the executive, it made for greater collaboration between the stakeholders. Above all, the arrangement would also facilitate the early passage of the Appropriation Bill. This is because the two chambers would have nothing to harmonize or reconcile. It also presents early signals that will translate to more collaborative and beneficial working relationship between the Executive and the legislature.
Chairman, Senate Committee on Appropriation, Senator Mohammed Danjuma Goje, has already assured Nigerians that the National Assembly is working to produce an implementable 2017 budget. Goje also alluded to the success of the national public hearing for the 2017 budget, saying that a total of 44 stakeholders made submissions at the hearing. He added that the 2017 special budget hearing was the first of its kind in the history of parliamentary/legislative practice in the National Assembly.
The level of excitement and enthusiasm shown by stakeholders, especially Civil Society Organisations, he said, was quite unprecedented and encouraging. The pension, health, education and agricultural sectors, Goje said, came up and were given serious emphasis as the areas the country should pay urgent attention to. The challenge in the areas of pension payment, administration and general matters of non-performance, he added, was so clear and must be accorded top and effective priority.
What may be described as the clincher of the novel exercise was the point Goje said was repeatedly made that “the National Assembly must reassert itself as the possessor of the power of appropriation in order to produce the budget of the people at all times.” He further said that “all proceedings we took have been properly documented and will be presented and considered by the joint committee to enable the National Assembly produce an implementable budget for Nigeria and Nigerians.”
While declaring the public hearing open, Saraki did not lose sight of the observations of some stakeholders. “As most of you may have observed, while government has made efforts to ensure that provisions in the budget proposal align with the arching goal of pulling the economy out of recession and laying the foundations for diversified growth, certain provisions are clearly off the path. The budget must address the critical issues setting back our national growth and development,” Saraki said. Apart from assisting to pull the economy out of recession, Saraki was equally particularly interested in seeing the budget help in the creation of jobs and promotion of the non-oil sector.
For the Senate President, “the 2017 capital budget proposal is intended to support activities that will help to speed up the diversification of the economy and the promotion of the non-oil sector, as well as create jobs for our youth. Accordingly, it is expected that “Made-in-Nigeria” (that is, domestic production of food, materials and other commodities) will be encouraged. In addition, 2017 capital budget proposal is intended to engender private sector partnership in infrastructure as well as other critical sectors of the economy such as agriculture, manufacturing and services.” Indications are that the 2017 budget will perform better. If the budget is passed in March as promised, chances are that implementation of the budget will begin immediately.
The success of the public hearing especially flowing from the quality of interventions made by members of the public and other critical stakeholders has placed the legislative actions on the 2017 budget far above its 2016 counterpart. It must be said that the handling of the 2017 budget has taken a higher ground against the 2016 budget, which was first reported ‘missing,’ padded’ and later said to have been withdrawn. These absurdities are completely absent this time around. It may be argued that the sheer controversies that buffeted the 2016 budget may have affected the overall implementation and performance of the fiscal document as well as other economic variables notwithstanding.
Overall, Nigerians have not only thumbs up for the National Assembly and its leadership, they have called for such open processes and citizens’ participation to henceforth be a regular feature when national budget is being considered. Such open house budget hearing, it was also noted, should always be held months before the annual budget presentation to a joint session of the National Assembly by the executive. This it is reasoned, would make room for some of the cerebral interventions, from such array of experts and ordinary Nigerians as witnessed during the just concluded public hearing to be incorporated by the executive during the collation of sectoral allocation for the capital budget and to the various MDAs.
It would make for a true budget document that would be in tandem with the wishes and aspirations of Nigerians, reduce waste, promote transparency, accountability and make for a more implementable budget. There is also a consensus among analysts that the open budget consideration process pioneered by the 8th National Assembly will be one of the glaring legacies of the current leadership if transparency and openness is thus institutionalized in the budgeting process of the country. That is the way to go!
- Onogu is Chief Press Secretary to the Senate President.