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  • A call to revamp Federal Department of Cooperatives

    A call to revamp Federal Department of Cooperatives

    By Nurudeen Aderinto

    Through the resolution A/RES/78/175 under the sponsorship of Kenya and Mongolia, the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) declared this year, 2025, as the International Year of Cooperatives. In the resolution, the UNGA urged the member-states to create a supportive environment for the cooperatives by improving legislation, providing access to capital, and consulting the cooperatives in policy making in areas such as social protection, financial inclusion, and affordable housing.

    The theme for the 2025 IYC is Cooperatives Build a Better World, a theme chosen to emphasise the enduring global impacts of cooperatives as an essential solution to many of today’s global challenges. Also, the theme highlights the contributions of cooperatives to sustainable developments across social, economic and environmental dimensions showing how cooperatives are key drivers in achieving the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by 2030.

    From this same theme, we can also deduce the unique ability of cooperatives to foster inclusive growth and strengthen community resilience, spatio-temporally speaking. However, to achieve this onerous theme, there is a need to put all the necessary building blocks in place and ensure that the machinery to drive the process is well-oiled in order to ensure a smooth operation.

    As we approach the celebration of the International Year of Cooperatives (IYC) this year, it is advisable for the Renewed Hope administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to speed up the process of revamping and reforming the Federal Department of Cooperatives (FDC) to take its pride of place. This is because it is an important tool of development for a developing country like Nigeria. A crucial way for the president to achieve this is to call for a restructuring exercise within the federal department of cooperatives.

    According to the Nigerian Cooperatives Society Decree No. 90 of 1993 (Now an Act of 2024), the Federal Department of Cooperatives (FDC) has been mandated to be the regulatory body of the Cooperative Movement in Nigeria. The over three decades since the enactment of the decree notwithstanding, there are still many powerful provisions in the Act that, if creatively applied to the present-day challenges in Nigeria, would make a lot of positive differences in the socio-economic development of Nigeria. However, to be able to achieve this, the regulator – Federal Department of Cooperatives (FDC), has to be revamped to not only meet up with international standards, but also equipped to aggressively, to help plug the many socio-economic leakages in our communities.

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    A simple and basic way to begin the reformation of the Federal Department of Cooperatives is to provide a working website to create easy and open access to the general public, because right now, none is operational. After this is achieved, levers can then be reengineered to achieve rapid socioeconomic development.

    The levers are;

    Agricultural Development and Food Security:

    Since, cooperatives enable farmers to organize around shared goals, such as pooling resources for purchasing inputs like seeds and fertilizers, accessing agricultural equipment, and sharing knowledge on sustainable farming practices; a vigorous government involvement, in the realm of financial and technical advisories will facilitate an increase in productivity, a reduction of costs, and improved crop yields, thereby enhancing food security while generating revenue for farmers and the nation.

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    Access to Finance:

    Cooperatives create access to microloans, savings, and insurance products that might otherwise be inaccessible to low-income individuals and small business owners. By collectively managing funds and offering low-interest loans, cooperatives help members finance business ventures, invest in infrastructure, and stimulate local economies, thus contributing to national GDP growth.

    Job Creation and Skill Development:

    Cooperatives generate employment opportunities in various sectors, including agriculture, retail, and manufacturing. Through cooperative training programs, members gain critical skills in business management, accounting, and leadership. This skill-building fosters self-reliance and equips individuals to participate actively in the economy, reducing unemployment rates and enhancing human capital.

     Empowerment of Women and Youth:

    Cooperatives are an effective means to empower women and youth, providing them with a platform to pursue entrepreneurial activities and enhance their earning potential. By fostering inclusivity and economic participation, cooperatives help reduce poverty levels among these groups and contribute to a more balanced and prosperous society.

     Infrastructure Development in Rural Areas:

    Many cooperatives operate in rural and underserved regions, which often lack infrastructure. Through collective funding, cooperatives can support local infrastructure development projects, such as building roads, schools, and healthcare facilities. This, in turn, improves the quality of life and economic prospects for members and rural communities, fostering balanced regional development.

    Promotion of Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs):

    Cooperatives provide members with opportunities to launch or scale small and medium-sized enterprises by reducing operational costs and improving market access. SMEs form the backbone of many economies, and Nigeria’s cooperative-driven SME sector could further stimulate growth, create jobs, and diversify the nation’s economy beyond oil.

    Wealth Redistribution and Poverty Reduction:

    By offering equitable access to resources, markets, and credit, cooperatives promote wealth redistribution within communities. They are instrumental in breaking the poverty cycle by improving the financial resilience of low-income individuals, ultimately lifting people out of poverty and contributing to national wealth creation.

    Strengthening of Local Markets and Trade:

    Cooperatives can serve as organized groups that bolster local markets by aggregating goods and creating economies of scale. This strengthens trade networks, stabilizes prices, and ensures a consistent supply of goods and services, benefiting both the local economy and the wider national market.

    Artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) in Nigeria is a critical component of the mining sector, contributing significantly to employment, income generation, and the production of raw materials for local industries. However, the sector is often plagued by challenges such as poor organization, lack of access to financing, environmental degradation, and limited technological know-how. These issues hinder sustainable growth and equitable distribution of the benefits derived from mining activities.

    The cooperative movement, which fosters collaboration, pooled resources, and shared decision-making, presents a viable model to address these challenges in the ASM sector. By organizing artisanal miners into cooperatives, stakeholders can better align efforts towards sustainable practices, enhance productivity, and improve the livelihoods of miners while preserving the environment.

    Generally, it is important to note that cooperatives offer a rich and diverse framework through which miners can pool resources, collaborate on shared challenges and scale their operations. Having seen this potential, the drafters of the Nigerian Minerals Mining Act 2007 specifically urged the artisanal miners to form and properly register their cooperatives as the ministry of Solid Minerals Development will deal with properly registered and performing mining cooperatives in rendering various Extension Services contained in Section 91(a-k) of the Act.

    Cooperatives inherently emphasize sustainability, focusing on collective, long-term growth over individual profit maximization. This aligns with sustainable economic practices that can withstand market volatility, thereby contributing to Nigeria’s economic stability.

    By strategically investing in and scaling cooperative models across sectors, Nigeria can stimulate inclusive economic growth, empower communities, and increase national wealth. This approach aligns with the nation’s vision of sustainable development, poverty reduction, and social equity, making cooperatives a vital tool for economic transformation.

    It is important to note this popular maxim – that “you can’t manage what you cannot/do not measure”; therefore a revamped and reformed Federal Department of Cooperative shall provide all necessary tools required to monitor and analyse data on co-operators and cooperatives across various industries in Nigeria. This will empower the FDC to be more effective in discharging its statutory responsibilities as enshrined in the Nigerian Cooperative Society Decree No. 90 of 1993 (Now an Act of 2024).

    Also, it is worthy to state that a synergy should be created between the Renewed Hope Infrastructure Development Fund (RHIDF) and the Cooperative Movement in Nigeria, headed by the Federal Department of Cooperatives. Without doubt, this synergy will greatly boost the effectiveness of RHIDF in delivering on its statutory mandate to the nation.

  • Trump: Why Zelensky has no better path to a peace deal

    Trump: Why Zelensky has no better path to a peace deal

    • By Lekan Olayiwola

    The Oval Office grandstanding between presidents Donald Trump and Volodymyr Zelenskyy was an unfortunate punctuation in the Russia-Ukraine peace process. The question on the mind of many who have been following the three-year long conflict is why is Trump taking this contrarian approach?

    Many would argue that Russia is the aggressor waging an unjust war, and Ukraine is the hapless victim that deserves all the support it could get from the international community especially the European Union (EU) and the United States (US).

    In what has become a cataclysmic war of attrition, the critical question to ask is: what is the path to peace? Surely, the Ukrainians would cling to their independence and right to self-determination to the death of the last man or so it seems.  The Russians on their own part are prepared to drag the war on for as long as possible with China and North Korea as willing allies.

    It’s easy for Zelenskyy to continue stoking the embers of war against Russia as long as the bill is picked up by the US-EU coalition.

    But Trump feels the US cannot continue to carry the burden of a never-ending conflict that has no terminal date. His calculation is probably that winning a nuclear-ready power like Russia is a pipe dream. If the US pulls out its majority support in finance and weaponry, the EU (assuming it could continue to shoulder the burden – highly unlikely) could make mistakes as they have done in the past which resulted in the last two World Wars.

    Zelenskyy, the European Union and much of rest of the world believe that justice is on the side of Ukraine and more existentially, winning the war against Russia is necessary for the salvation of the whole of Europe and the preservation of democratic principles worldwide. However, what many who think the path to peace is to roundly defeat Russia have not seriously considered is the extent to which Putin is willing to go to achieve his own objectives or denying Zelenskyy his. Meanwhile, city after city, village after village inside Ukrainian territory continue to burn and the casualty tolls continue on its steep climb year on year.

    If the ballooning cost in Ukrainian (and Russian) lives, including financial and material resources does not and is not likely to pave the way to peace, what other path is there to follow? Clearly Ukraine is the underdog in this conflict and the only reason Zelenskyy has been able to hold out this long is his ability to widen the scope of the conflict to involve other world powers in the Eurozone and the United States. As things stands, it is Putin, rather than Zelenskyy who holds the lever of peace. The only leverage Zelenskyy has is the continued support of the EU and the US. But he seems to have lost sight of that key factor when he confronted the current leader of his major ally in this war in Washington recently.

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    If a powerful supporter says his priority has shifted and he cannot continue to help you, what do you do? Guilt-trip him or shame him into submission to continue to help you against his wish? The path to peace in a situation where the balance of power is clearly on the side of Russia (Ukraine is only propped by NATO members) is some form of appeasement. If the stronger party is not backing down, you have to concede something to him unless you are prepared to burn the whole house down. It is this appeasement approach that Trump’s critics interpret as a misplaced support for Putin. What was he supposed to do as a negotiator? (Forget about the economic quid pro quo part of the deal because that is just to defray United States financial outlay in the war so far).

    How do you reconcile a Trump who is not interested in continuation of the war which he kept saying should never have happened in the first place with a Putin who is hell bent on achieving his objective of keeping NATO out of Ukraine and protecting his irredentist countrymen in parts of Ukraine close to Russia? Zelenskyy should have read between the lines and seen that with Biden-Harris out of the White House, its game over! This is the stuff that realism in international relations is made of. Now, it is no longer about justice. It’s about powerful interests. And if a weaker party insists on rights, they only get hurt further.

    In this ongoing conflict, there is no justice unless it can be obtained with the force of arms which clearly is outside of Zelenskyy’s field of vision or scope of operation for now. All he could hope for is some compromise in his favour and that of the Ukrainian citizens. Rudely demanding “security guarantee” from Trump or anyone else shows that he still has illusions about his own importance, supposing that he has sufficient bargaining power. Apparently, he does not. At least, not with a Trump White House.

    Well, the Ukrainian president may choose to ignore Trump and his team and let the EU carry on with the bleeding of resources while he exposes more Ukrainian lives to their needless deaths. Of course, one could come to a painful acceptance that in the pursuit of peace, justice which is an essential ingredient may not always be complete. What is meant by this? Sometimes, we have to concede justice to procure peace , however unsatisfactory that may sound or look. Insisting on absolute justice in a realist world order amounts to chasing the wind. This is even more so where one is contending against an opponent that is more powerful.

    Where does this leaves Ukraine then? Doesn’t following Trump’s path to peace mean that Zelenskyy entered a war that was doomed to be lost from the outset – a war that he should never have entered in the first place? That is exactly what Trump has said emphatically and is now prepared to let Zelenskyy realize its real consequence. Perhaps, if Zelenskyy and his European backers had looked farther over the horizon, they might have seen Trump looming large. Or did they conclude that Biden or Harris would return to help them finish what they had started?

    In a nutshell, Trump is not interested in saving Zelenskyy from the consequences of choosing to defend against a war he could not win; a war that should not have started in the first place. Now that it has happened, sorry, the war has just got to be stopped anyway, however terrible it feels for the Ukrainian or European or even a global sense of justice. The alternative, Trump believes, is World War III which he is not interested in.

    It is painful, but where power relationship is concerned, it is better to seek terms of peace with the one who holds the ace – Russia in this case. That sounds like one is in support of an aggressor or dictator like Putin. Those who think like this are probably not facing reality. Diplomacy ought to have been employed ab initio. Ironically, every war eventually ends on the negotiating table. Why not prevent it there?

    As things stand, president Zelenskyy and all his supporters may have to outwait President Trump for another four years if they consider the latter’s position to be foolish. But where does that leave the people of Ukraine who are already suffering too much? Can the EU be counted upon to sustain the financial and material burden of the war without any help from the United States for that long?

    •Olayiwola is a peace and conflict researcher and practitioner and can be reached via lekanolayiwola@gmail.com

  • Pa Adebanjo’s cross

    Pa Adebanjo’s cross

    • By Olabode Lucas

    In Yoruba political disputations, prisoners are not taken. Immediately you deviate from the mainstream politics, you become a marked man and a subject of derision and disdain, no matter your previous quality contributions to the development of the Yoruba people and their region.

    In my own observation, this was the unfortunate cross carried by the late revered Chief Ayo Adebanjo at the twilight of his life. The chief, a well-known political pugilist died recently at a ripe age of 94 years. This curious political tendency among the Yoruba people has a long history. In Yoruba traditional society, anybody or any family which did not conform to societal norms was usually isolated and treated with disdain. The tendency becomes more pronounced in modern day politics with its characteristic virulent and dangerous divisions. We witnessed this situation in Western Region during the Action Group crisis of 1962, which led to the infamous gruesome and destructive ‘We tie’ episode between 1962 and 1966 before the military took over the reins of government in January 1966. During this period, people who were not in political mainstream were subjected to horrendous harassment leading to loss of lives and properties.

    The long interregnum under the military between 1966 and 1979 did not douse this political tendency as people opposed to the mainstream political tendency at that time were also treated with disdain. The Unity Party of Nigeria of the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo was the party favoured by majority of the Yoruba people and people opposed to the party especially after the disputed 1983 presidential election were visited with untold violence. An example of the victim of this violence, was the late Chief Fagbamigbe of Akure who, despite his close association with Chief Awolowo, was gruesomely murdered by political hoodlums just because he crossed to the NPN, the less favoured political party in that region at that time. Many others suffered similar fate because they deviated from the political tendency in the region at that time. This tendency even reared its ugly head during the regime of the sadist, Sani Abacha. Adored politicians like the late Lateef Jakande and Ebenezer Babatope who served in the administration of the hated Abacha had their political reputations turned to shreds and they never recovered politically.

    This tendency of ostracizing people in opposition to mainstream politics is not as pronounced in other parts of the country. For example, in the eastern part of the country in the late fifties, the late Dr. K. O. Mbadiwe spearheaded a political rebellion against Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe. He was not destroyed politically because of this and instead he was brought back to mainstream politics in the East and he regained his ministerial position in the NPC/NCNC coalition government. There is no record that he or his supporters were threatened with mayhem. In the northern part of the country, the late Aminu Kano opposed the Sardauna of Sokoto and the NPC and there was no record that he was visited with violence, or his house was burnt down. At the dawn of military regime in 1966, he was one of the commissioners chosen from the North to help the tottering Gowon regime. J. S. Tarka was the most virulent political enemy of the northern establishment and despite this, he led the northern team to series of meetings to find solutions to Nigerian political problems during the dark days of 1966. Like Aminu Kano, he too was one of the commissioners chosen by Gowon.

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    Back to Chief Adebanjo. He had to carry undeserved political cross for the choice he made to support Peter Obi against Bola Ahmed Tinubu the candidate supported by his people during the last presidential election. The old man did not deserve the opprobrium he suffered towards the end of his life because of his principled stand to support Peter Obi. Whatever anybody might say about his choice, Chief Ayo Adebanjo was one of the few principled politicians we had in this country, and he did more for the Yoruba people politically more than the fair-weather politicians that criticised him. A brief cursory into his political life history proves this assertion.

    The late Chief Ayo Adebanjo who never held any political post was one of the best political organisers in Nigerian political history. Four of them, Agunbiade Bamise (party manager), S.T. Oredein, Ayo Adebanjo and Ganiyu Dawodu as the organising secretaries turned the defunct Action Group party to the best organised political party in Africa after the Convention Peoples Party of Kwame Nkrumah in Ghana. The party formed in 1950 was transformed by these four people from a small beginning to a formidable government party in the old Western Region. From its base in in the West, the party became the dominant opposition party in the Northern and Eastern parts of the country, and the party was formidable in Nigerian politics until its leadership crisis in1962 torn it asunder.

    The late Chief Ayo Adebanjo who started his politics as a Zikist in 1943 believed so much in the politics of Chief Obafemi Awolowo and regarded Chief Awolowo as his political leader who could do no wrong. He regarded himself as an unrepentant Awoist. He was firmly with Chief Awolowo during the 1962 Action Group crisis. He avoided being tried for treasonable felony like other leaders of his party including Chief Awolowo in 1964 by running with the late S.G. Ikoku to Ghana. Chief Ayo Adebanjo was brought back to Nigeria in 1966 when Nkrumah was ousted from power in Ghana. Back at home, he was detained by the military government of Aguiyi-Ironsi but was later released by Gowon.

    Throughout his political career, especially during the military regimes which blighted Nigerian political landscape for many years, Ayo Adebanjo was a principled voice against tyranny, injustice, political insincerity and political domination.  Chief Adebanjo and others in NADECO fought the military to a standstill. He was also a well-known agitator for true federalism which is becoming unattainable in our country. He joined political heavy weights like the late Edwin Clark to call for necessary restructuring of the country.

    The late Chief Ayo Adebanjo was a member of 1978 constitutional conference and 2014 National Conference. Chief Adebanjo’s life principle which was an embodiment of honesty, commitment, loyalty is well articulated in his autobiography titled “Telling It As It Is.” One may not agree with his political views at the twilight of his life, but one thing is sure: his role in the entrenchment of democracy in Nigeria and his principled stand on many political issues would remain his sterling legacies. My only regret is that I was not privileged to engage him in one-to-one discussion in his lifetime.

    •Prof Lucas writes from Old Bodija,Ibadan.

  • Between FCCPC and the hatchet writers

    Between FCCPC and the hatchet writers

    By Ernest Ndulue

    Pushing the public interest is never easy when vested interests are entrenched. In fighting back, those whose privileges are so endangered will spare no cost and go any length to draw a red herring and engage in subterfuge.

    There is no better illustration of such contestation than the seeming orchestrated media attack on the Federal Competition and Consumers Protection Commission (FCCPC) since its recent intervention on behalf of long-suffering Nigerian consumers following the announcement by cable television giant, Multichoice, to jack up subscription fees yet again when consumers were just beginning to adjust to another increment not too long ago.

    Only last week, the FCCPC had summoned Multichoice to explain the rationale for this latest hike, but the cable company asked for a week grace to appear. Naturally, FCCPC then directed that Multichoice should stay action on the price hike scheduled to take off on March 1, as a mark of good faith.

    But rather than obey, Multichoice dared the commission by implementing the increment. Where does this sort of impunity happen?

    So, after reading two articles on two online platforms more less echoing one another — almost word for word — barely 24 hours after Multichoice’s act of impunity, I could not help but laugh at such a poor effort at sponsored punditry. The two articles under reference are as follows: “MultiChoice, Price Hikes, and FCCPC” by Casmir Igbokwe, published in NewsProbe, and “MultiChoice Price Adjustments: FCCPC and Same Old Song” by Kolade Ogunsakin, published in The Cable.

    Honestly, the two pieces would have been ignored in the spirit of intellectual freedom if not that I think they grossly misrepresented the regulatory actions of the FCCPC. Almost using the same words, both argue that the Commission is unjustly interfering in MultiChoice Nigeria’s subscription price increases, portraying its intervention as unnecessary, overreaching, and even selective. However, these criticisms mischaracterise the FCCPC’s statutory mandate, which is to ensure fair competition, prevent exploitative pricing, and protect Nigerian consumers from market abuses.

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    The articles expose the writers’ poor understanding of the competition and consumer protection landscape, as well as the operational realities of the FCCPC. Expectedly, while projecting the picture of “persecution” of their client, the writers conveniently ignore MultiChoice’s overwhelming control of the pay TV industry. Hence, its rather carnal obsession with jacking subscription fees almost regularly. If one may ask: what could be a reasonable justification for raising rates again barely few months after a similar exercise was conducted? Only Shylocks act like that.

    Around the middle of 2024, MultiChoice Nigeria had implemented a price increase for its DStv and GOtv services, citing “rising operational costs”. At that time, the Nigerian economy was grappling with significant challenges, including currency depreciation and high inflation, which impacted businesses across various sectors. However, since then, several economic indicators have shown improvement. The naira has stabilised, with exchange rates maintaining consistency over recent months. Additionally, fuel prices have come down, easing some of the cost pressures on both businesses and consumers.

    Despite these positive trends, MultiChoice announced another price increase in February, effective March 1, attributing the hike yet again to “increased operational costs”. This decision raises questions about the justification for the price adjustment, given the improving economic environment. It underscores the need for regulatory oversight to ensure that such price increases are not exploitative and that consumers are protected from potential market abuses.

    Again, the suggestion that consumers can simply switch service providers ignores the near monopoly that MultiChoice enjoys, controlling the vast majority of premium pay TV services in Nigeria. Anyone familiar with the dynamics of the cable TV sector will easily recall the extant debate about the uneven playing field. In the 2000s, germane questions were raised about the propriety or otherwise of a player ensuring that exclusivity clauses were inserted prior in agreement signed with the popular European soccer league franchise. Of course, this was targeted at shutting out competitors in the Nigerian cable TV market. Sadly, up till now, these questions remain unanswered. It partly explains why Multichoice keeps exploiting Nigerian consumers.

    Genuine competition is limited, and high barriers to entry prevent new players from providing viable alternatives. In such a market, unchecked pricing power can distort competition and harm consumers, making regulatory oversight not just necessary but critical.

    Ogunsakin further dismisses calls for a Pay As You Go (PAYG) model for pay TV, arguing that such a system does not apply to the industry. However, MultiChoice already offers more flexible pricing models in other countries, including South Africa, raising concerns about why similar models are not introduced in Nigeria. This is a valid area of inquiry, as Nigerian consumers deserve transparency and fairness in pricing.

    In a market where genuine alternatives are scarce, regulatory oversight is not only necessary but critical to prevent abuse of market power. Contrary to Igbokwe’s claims, the FCCPC is not suddenly “hounding” companies or engaging in “shadow boxing.” Since the enactment of the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Act (FCCPA) in 2018, the Commission has been actively involved in enforcing competition and consumer protection laws.

    While scrutiny of government agencies is necessary, fair representation of their actions is equally vital. The FCCPC operates under the FCCPA 2018, which empowers it to investigate anti-competitive practices, prevent consumer exploitation, and foster fair competition, a mandate the Commission has been diligently fulfilling.

    It is important to clarify that the FCCPC does not regulate prices but has statutory authority to investigate price fixing, exploitative pricing, and anti-competitive conduct. Section 72 of the FCCPA explicitly prohibits exploitative pricing, stating that no business shall impose unfair, unreasonable, or exploitative prices that distort market competition or take undue advantage of consumers.

    The Commission can evaluate whether a price reflects the economic value of a service, whether it is disproportionately high compared to similar markets, and whether a company is abusing its dominant market position. If exploitative pricing is established, the FCCPC is empowered to impose penalties, mandate price adjustments, and implement corrective measures. This approach is not unique to Nigeria, as competition regulators in the United States, United Kingdom, South Africa, and other major economies routinely scrutinise dominant firms to prevent market distortions.

    Contrary to the assertions that the FCCPC unfairly targets MultiChoice, the Commission has actively investigated businesses across multiple industries. It has intervened in the aviation sector, currently investigating Air Peace and other airlines for exploitative pricing and poor service delivery. In the electricity sector, it recently addressed the phase out of Unistar prepaid meters, ensuring consumers were not unfairly charged for replacements. It has taken decisive action against digital lending platforms engaging in predatory practices, as well as food and beverage companies involved in deceptive labelling. The notion that the FCCPC is selectively applying its powers is demonstrably false.

    Igbokwe and Ogunsakin also claim that the FCCPC should focus on government controlled tariffs, such as electricity and fuel prices, rather than corporate pricing decisions. This is a misleading comparison, as the FCCPC does not regulate government tariffs but ensures that businesses operate fairly within a competitive marketplace. Tariffs in regulated industries like telecommunications and electricity are approved by the respective sector regulators and are definitely controlled. For example, the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) oversees electricity pricing, in the same way that the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) oversees telecommunications.

    The claim that the Commission’s actions amount to economic intimidation or extortion is equally unfounded. Regulatory oversight is not an attack on businesses; it is a fundamental requirement for a healthy economy. The FCCPC does not impose arbitrary penalties but ensures that businesses operate transparently and competitively. Strong regulation fosters a stable business environment, attracting credible investors who value fairness and accountability.

    At its core, the FCCPC’s mission is to ensure businesses operate in a fair and transparent marketplace, prevent monopolistic abuses, and promote competition that benefits both businesses and consumers. The argument that regulators should not step in to check market abuses ignores a critical question: if regulators do not protect consumers, who will?

    Nigeria deserves a marketplace where businesses operate fairly, consumers are safeguarded from exploitation, and regulators act without fear or favour. The FCCPC remains committed to this mission, standing as the people’s regulator to ensure a just and competitive market for all Nigerians.

    •Dr. Ndulue wrote from Abuja

  • Babangida and the restless ghosts of his friends

    Babangida and the restless ghosts of his friends

    By Dare Babarinsa

    Despite his long absence from the epicentre of power, General Ibrahim Babangida remains a subject of constant fascinations. The attention commanded by his recently published autobiography, My Journey in Service, attests to his hold on the public imagination for good or evil. Love him or hate him, you dare not ignore him. Younger Nigerians may not understand the full import of Babangida’s allure, yet his career has so much to do with what we are today. This is the man offered a place in history by Destiny but who through his reckless idiosyncratic preoccupations, destroyed the house he had built with so much meticulous husbandry. He tried to ramble about the June 12 debacle by speaking through both ends of his mouth. Now his story, whatever else he may be struggling with in his winter years, would be reduced to the tragedy of the man who annulled the freest election in Nigerian history.

    It is a fact that Abiola did not have the opportunity to tell his own side of the story. Abiola was eager to display his love affairs with Babangida. In those days, as you climb the flight of stairs leading to the first floor of Abiola’s palatial mansion in Ikeja, you will see the giant picture of Babangida on the wall. Abiola wanted it be known that Babangida was his friend. He was very successful in his primary assignment of making money. He had almost everything. He kept acquiring more. He acquired good friends. He acquired a multitude of dangerous and envious enemies whom he thought were his friends.

    During the Second Republic, Abiola made a spectacular foray into politics, colliding with the immovable obelisk of Yoruba politics, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, first premier of the defunct Western Region. His ambition was high and he thought he had arrived. He had money and relied on the dangerous friends he had acquired in the military. One of them was Babangida.

    It was believed that Abiola was recruited into millionairedom through his friendship with General Murtala Muhammed, General Yakubu Gowon’s Minister of Communications. It was a turbulent and profitable friendship and when Gowon was toppled in 1975, Abiola’s friend became the new Head of State. Six months later, Muhammed was assassinated during the botched coup of February 13, 1976 and Abiola’s kinsman, General Olusegun Obasanjo, became the new Head of State. It was an endless summer time for Abiola and the harvest was big. He found his way into the Constituent Assembly and made more friends.

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    One of his new friends was Shehu Shagari, a suave subaltern of the late Sardauna of Sokoto, Ahmadu Bello. Shagari was Abiola’s colleague at the Constituent Assembly. He was elected the first president of Nigeria under the new American style constitution. Despite his money, Abiola’s National Party of Nigeria, NPN, did not make much inroads into Yorubaland. Despite the passage of years, the Yoruba people have not forgotten the Fulani, who dominated the NPN, as the traditional enemy.

    For almost 50 years in the 19th Century, the Fulani, after seizing Ilorin, an Oyo provincial town, by subterfuge, embarked on a ceaseless campaign to impose Fulani rule over the rest of Yorubaland on the pretence that they were spreading Islam. They have succeeded in doing the same in Hausaland, where they killed all Hausa kings and replaced them with Fulani rulers. Their unforgiving and unrelenting quest for total power also manifested during the First Republic when they hounded Obafemi Awolowo into prison. By the time of Abiola’s bumptious challenge, Awolowo had joined the pantheon. To the Yoruba people, he was now an irunmole; one of those ageless deities inhabiting Oke Itase in the sacred land of Ile-Ife.

    By 1982, Abiola was having a rethink. He left the NPN and claimed that he was no longer interested in partisan politics. However, when the military struck on December 31, 1983, sacking the regime of President Shagari, Abiola’s friends were back in power. Some people were even ready to speculate that Abiola was one of the sponsors of the coup that toppled the Shagari regime. He was flamboyant and large and through him, possibilities were many. He was very successful; too successful. That was the problem.

    Among the stories of Orunmila, there was a man who was too well fed that he started looking for medicine that could burst his protruding belly. So, Abiola started looking for battles to fight. He sought and was given honours from different corners of the world. He was the Pillar of Sports in Africa. He was the Bashorun of Ibadan, a title once held by Oluyole, the Oyo prince who became the second ruler of Ibadan after the legendary Ife general, Lagelu. He wanted visibility. He wanted power! He had the unquenchable desire to change the world.

    He soon started having trouble with his old friends. In 1991, the African Concord, one of the publications of the Concord Group of Newspapers owned by Abiola, wrote a story that annoyed the Babangida regime. The regime simply passed a decree banning all newspapers in the Concord stable including the National Concord, Sunday Concord, Weekend Concord, Isokan and Amana. When Abiola humiliatingly arranged a truce, asking his editor, Bayo Onanuga, to apologise, Onanuga refused flatly, declaring in a letter to Abiola: “I am not going to write any apology to anyone!” Instead, he resigned, along with his colleagues; Kunle Ajibade, Femi Ojudu, Dapo Olorunyomi and Seye Kehinde, to start TheNews magazine.

    Despite his travails, Abiola still believed so much in Babangida. In 1992, I was among a group of journalists that travelled with him to Goree Island in Senegal, as part of his global campaign for reparation from the West for their two centuries of Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade. On our return journey, I sat beside him on the plane to conduct an interview for TELL magazine. He said he would not join politics again. “What else do I want in my life,” he said. I believed him.

    Then he visited his friend in the newly built Aso Rock Presidential Villa, Abuja. Babangida took him on a tour of the palace, culminating in a pleasurable moment at the presidential office. “This would be your office,” Babangida told him. Abiola believed him and he plunged into the presidential race, culminating in the June 12 debacle.

    My late boss, Dele Giwa, the first editor-in-chief of Newswatch also believed that Babangida was his friend. Then one day early 1986, my colleague, Chuks Iluegbunam, was assigned to cover the opening day of the trial of Major-General Maman Vatsa and 15 others accused of plotting to topple the new military regime of Babangida. I told the Editorial Board of Newswatch that I believe Vatsa will be killed because he was put in handcuff and leg chains. You cannot do that to a general unless you are prepared to finish him.

    “He is Babangida’s childhood friend,” Giwa said. “Babangida was his best man at his wedding.” Giwa believed Babangida would spare Vatsa.

    Giwa was very sober when the news came via an announcement by General Domkat Bali that Vatsa and the others “have been executed about an hour ago!” Bali added with blatant irony: “In the military, the price of treason is death!”

    After that death came for Giwa on October 19, 1986 wearing the innocent mask of a parcel.

    Babangida said in his book that he did know anything about the death of Dele Giwa. I believe him. He would have a lot of explanations to make when he finally makes the inevitable journey to God’s headquarters. He may have to contend with many restless ghosts before he finally keeps that appointment before the Judgement Throne. Then his comprehensive mendacity may not be of any use.

    Francois-Marie Arouet, better known as Voltaire, his nom de plume, the French philosopher of the 18th Century said: “Lord, protect me from my friends; I can take care of my enemies!”

    •Babarinsa is chairman, Gaskia Media Ltd.

  • Babangida and his autobiography

    Babangida and his autobiography

    By Mike Kebonkwu

     A fortnight ago, the deity and oracle of Minna, General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida came down from his sanctum on the Hill Top Mansion and sauntered into Abuja, the federal capital territory.  Although infirm with age, life has been kind to him even at the winter of life.  His presence still elicits tremor in the political firmament in Nigeria.  The presentation of his autobiography was a roll call of who’s who in the ruling elites, with captains of industries, clergies, traditional rulers and politicians.  It was encomium all the way on the wheelchair bound general and ex-military leader and self-styled president.  Life has cast a shadow on the one time sabre rattling general who once possessed the power of life and death.   

    It was an occasion for the launch of his autobiography, “A Journey in Service”.  There was great expectation that the autobiography was going to fill the yawning gap in all the speculations about his life and career as military president and especially, the event of the annulment of June 12 presidential election which was adjudged as the freest and fairest in our political history.  Lo and behold, it was not to be as many people went away disappointed that the former military head of state still chose to hide behind one finger.  It is a story of heroic exploit in self-glorification.  

    For the record, I have not read the autobiography but hopefully, will do.

    One thing I am persuaded about is that there are no epidemics of amnesia or dementia in Nigeria; but there might well be selective memory lost. Babangida lived a lie in both his military and political lives which veiled his persona.  On his autobiography, “A Journey in Service”, one is wont to ask, service to, or for whom? 

    For those who came to eulogize him, understandably, it was a payback time to a political godfather that made them in politics and business.  My first insight to the man Babangida was in his biography by the ace journalist, Dan Agbese titled, “Ibrahim Babangida – the Military, Politics and Power in Nigeria”.  In the book, I saw a brilliant and ambitious young man on a personal odyssey manipulating people and religion as cat paw to pull chestnut from the fire.   Babangida is a northerner but not of the Hausa-Fulani stock.  His acceptance into the northern oligarchy was achieved through solid personal achievement in his meteoric rise in the military hierarchy to the top brass and head of a military government after a successful coup d’état.

    Babangida was a great military leader, manipulative and full of guile. He understands power and the Nigerian psyche.  He did not miss the opportunity to play one group against the other, using people and dumping them.  He recognized the polarizing role of religion and took Nigeria into the Organization of Islamic Countries (OIC) in utter disregard to our secularity and diversity just to win the heart of northern establishment.  He called himself the Evil Genius but he was the ultimate evil; like the ‘Devil on the Cross’, in the world of Ngugi Wa Thiongo by that title. 

    During the book launch, he raked in over N16 billion and pledge for a Presidential Library in his honour which has become the fad.  Babangida does not need the money.  He is so rich that even Forbes cannot locate and estimate his net worth.   Babangida was generous with our commonwealth spirited from our treasury and made a clique in the elite rich and the nation broke.  For eight solid years, Babangida manipulated everybody; taking Nigeria through rigmarole and an endless political transition that was designed to fail at a huge cost.    

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    All the guests at the book launch were VIPs that came to honour him; they had no bad words for him; he was a great leader!  That is understandable because he was a benevolent benefactor to them during his years of locusts as military leaders.  In and out of government, his Hill Top Mansion in Minna became a shrine for politicians for endorsement and hefty handouts to support their political ambitions without discrimination; demonstrating the unity of the ruling elite.  That was what you saw during the book launch. 

    Was Babangida’s service in his ‘Journey in Service’ to Nigeria?  Roads, streets and institutions are named after him.  I am yet to see any national institution or road named after Chief Gani Fawehinmi for his entire struggle for the masses of this country, and his footprint in the judiciary, fighting for justice.  It is not too much to name the Supreme Court Complex after Fawehinmi but we will prefer to dismiss him as an agitator and an angry activist with other tribal arguments.  Nigeria is yet to identify her heroes but prefers to celebrate career criminals with official imprimatur.

    It is customary with my people in Agbor in Delta State that when people are old, they are expected to speak the truth and make peace with God and man and atone or expiate for every wrong as a rite of passage. That is not in Babangida.  

    What are the legacies of Babangida?  It is to his eternal credit that that he brought about the erosion of discipline as defining feature in the military;  giving unmerited and unqualified privileges to some junior and middle level officers against their superiors. He institutionalized corruption in Nigeria and everybody has a price.  To those opposed to him, he wooed them, befriended and destroyed them.  When he wanted to use the ace educationist with Spartan discipline, Tai Solarin, he first dressed him in a fine apparel of white ‘babariga’ and cap to match and poured palm oil on him in front of the purpose-designed Peoples’ Bank of Nigeria.  He sold Nigeria to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank and introduced the suffocating ‘Structural Adjustment Programme’ (SAP).  Many Nigerian students were shot and killed during the Anti-SAP protest.  Nobody called on him during the book launch to account for the blood of those Nigerian youths. 

    What about Nigerians killed during June 12 protests across the country and numerous bomb explosions?  What about the parcel bomb that killed Dele Giwa; did his autobiography expose those behind it?  He wasted huge resources to conduct an election which he annulled.  If that crowd at his behest were not suffering from memory loss, why did they not interrogate the inner recesses of his conscience and use the opportunity to demand for unreserved apologies to Nigeria and Nigerians?

    And the man Babangida looked Nigerians in the face and wrote in his ‘A Journey in Service’ that it was Abacha and his clique that influenced the abortion or annulment of June 12 election; his subordinates and juniors as a military head of state with everything at his behest and beck and call. That is a lie from the pit of hell!  Babangida understands the dynamics of power game and was ultimate Machiavelli personified.  In the military at his time and era, nobody could have stood on his path and lived to tell the story.  He killed his childhood friend Mamman Vatsa after the 1986 Coup d’état.  If Abacha was a stumbling block, he could have done away with him one way or the other.  It is cowardly and immoral to lie against a dead man.  Babangida could have retired Abacha and his clique if they existed and heavens would not have fallen.  What about the over $6 billion oil windfall that disappeared without trace during his regime for which the maverick musical maestro, Fela Anikulapo Kuti waxed an album?   Today, our leaders gathered to honour him with cymbals and minstrel! 

    Babangida is an unrepentant master of circumlocution and a vile schemer and super dribbler that was nicknamed Maradona.  As the saying goes, the leopard does not change its skin.  Babangida is as charming as he is deceitful; with half-truths and outright prevarications.  This was the reason why he could not take responsibility and blamed the dead for his perfidious and treacherous act of annulment of June 12 which remains a stain and the darkest moment in our political history.  What he needed was a fine detergent and laundry of his image and reputation which was sullied like crimson but failed to take the occasion to do. By now, Nigerians should know their hero, statesmen and patriots.  We may attempt to rewrite history but at the twilight and winter of life, we should reconcile with humanity and God and speak the truth which is the only rite of passage.

    •Kebonkwu Esq, an Abuja-based attorney, writes via mikekebonkwu@yahoo.com

  • IBB’s journey of revisionism, the Nzeribe saga

    IBB’s journey of revisionism, the Nzeribe saga

    Recently Nigeria’s former unelected president, General Ibrahim Babangida tried to deny his relationship with Chief Arthur Nzeribe, an Oguta businessman and politician who obviously was his political hireling. I did not believe Babangida’s denial of their political marriage. I also believe that anyone who believes Babangida on this issue is suffering from the virus of naiveté.

    Nzeribe was a big game player, a shrewd businessman and politician with shrewd intuition, a man who had a big thirst for the bid game. He wasn’t a man who would do something simply for nothing. He was someone who worked for profit. He had charm, natural charm and the confidence level of a lion.

    Whatever he wanted, he went for it full blast, leaving no stone unturned. He could not have worked for IBB without IBB’s prompting and approval.

    In 1983, he contested for the senate seat in Imo State. He hired thousands of youths, put them in uniform and took them to the centre where the collation of the election result was done. His uninformed men surrounded the collation centre while he went inside to see what was going on. He told the election/collation officials: “lock outside, if you tamper with the result of this election, none of you will leave here alive”. They did not tamper with the result. Nzeribe won. The officials left the hall alive. I wrote a column for the Concord at the time titled “Winning Within the System”.

    Nzeribe was the man who established the Association for Better Nigeria (ABN). He was one of the first few Nigerians who learnt early of the December 31, 1983 Buhari coup that overthrew the Shehu Shagari government. He escaped from the country before the guns started booming. There are not many politicians that are as smart as Nzeribe. The name of his association, the ABN gives the innocent bystander the impression that it is truly an association for the progress of Nigeria, but it was not. It was established to acquire four more years for Babangida who had done about eight years already.

    The slogan he used was – Four more years for IBB. It did not occur to him that most Nigerians were already tired of military rule and earnestly wanted the soldiers to return to their barracks and trenches.

    I decided to get close to Nzeribe because he was a man who was perpetually in search of information. That quality was good for me, so I made him my friend. He, too, made me his friend because he thought he could also tap my brain when necessary. We often met for lunch at a Chinese Restaurant in Ikeja very close to the Army Cantonment. The lunch was always delicious and our conversation always wide-ranging. So we both always enjoyed the lunch and the conversation.

    At one of our meetings, he asked how I could help him to get four more years for IBB. I told him that the only viable way out was for IBB to retire from the army and contest the election as a civilian. I told Nzeribe that the man did not need to leave his post as unelected president. Nzeribe said, “No, I cannot subject him to an election”.

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    I told him, “Then you will lose because the time for military rule in Nigeria is over”. Nzeribe and I met again at the usual place for lunch.

    This was a more serious encounter. Nzeribe said to me that he wanted Newswatch to do a vox populi to establish how popular Babangida was. I said that was a good idea. He said he would pay us N100 million which we would use in conducting the survey.

    I told him we would hire one of the best companies in the world to help us do a good job. Nzeribe surprised me by saying, “No, I will supply the results of the survey”. I said, “No way”. He then said he would double the fee. I said that did not matter. We just could not do something like that in Newswatch. He said I should contact my colleagues before taking a final decision on the matter. I told him I knew how my colleagues would respond to such a request. He insisted I should talk to them and get back to him the next day. I spoke to them the next day and they agreed entirely with my position. I called Nzeribe and told him what they said. Matter closed! Mission impossible.

    A few weeks later, I saw results of the purported survey in some newspapers. I knew that Nzeribe had got them. He didn’t get Newswatch. At one of our meetings, I had asked Nzeribe why Babangida chose to make Chief Ernest Shonekan an interim leader for the country. He said it was a stop-gap measure, a waiting time decision while a permanent solution would be found. I thought that Nzeribe did not avert his mind to the fact that Sani Abacha was a very ambitious officer and may not accept the Shonekan interregnum. He was not likely to remain a perpetual kingmaker and not the king. That Babangida left Abacha unretired was a major mistake. Abacha proved that by organising a coup against Shonekan. Now the kingmaker had become king, a king that appeared ready for a long journey, a long journey in dictatorship.

    Abacha ruled with absolute ruthlessness, the type of ruthlessness that no one had seen before his arrival. Even those who helped him to come to power were disgruntled. David Mark, one of the coup plotters granted an interview to Newswatch. In that interview, he said that Abacha was planning to stay in office for a very long time contrary to the decision of those who brought him to power. Security men picked up the editor-in-chief of the magazine, Dan Agbese. I was on leave at the time. When I learnt of Dan’s arrest, I went to Calabar airport to board a flight to Lagos. I was arrested at the airport. Yakubu Mohammed was in Kogi State. There he was picked up too. Only Soji Akinrinade was not yet in the net. I told Soji not to allow himself to be captured otherwise the magazine would not come out. Three of us were tried for mutiny: journalists tried for mutiny for publishing an interview in a magazine! That is an indication of the sort of era in which we lived, the era where everything was right because madness had taken over our space, Nigeria’s space.

    Abacha ran wild. There was no one to hold him back. He was now the commander-in-chief, an absolute dictator. He was ready to march on toes, all toes that were on his path. Since he knew that Nigerians wanted democracy, he was ready for it. He bulldozed his way into the five major parties and asked them, one after the other, to nominate him as their presidential candidate. No one had ever seen such a monstrosity here or everywhere else. One wife married to five husbands. I wrote a column in which I called it “political polyandry”, the Cicero of Nigeria’s politics, Chief Bola Ige, a great master of words described it as the “five fingers of a leprous hand”.

    The politicians, all cowards, ran into hiding holes. Some of them flew abroad and started making noise from there. Only the media and a few courageous civil society organisations had the courage to stay and fight. Several people disappeared and remain till this day unaccounted for. It was later that we knew that Abacha had a killer squad that was making people disappear without trace. They performed magic.

    But as God would have it, Abacha himself also disappeared. The cause of his death remains a guarded mystery till today. All that we were told was that he was poisoned by an Indian prostitute. How did an Indian prostitute get to poison our Head of State in our State House? That story has not been fully told. If there is another story, we haven’t yet been told. Those who may know of another story haven’t yet told us. It is doubtful if they will: Even IBB has not.

    Anyone who dared raise a finger against any of the outrageous policies of the Abacha administration was walking the knife-edge of danger. Abacha was a man who knew where terrific things began. That is why he was feared even by his seniors in the army. And when General Abdulsalami Abubakar took over from Abacha, he discovered that the day he took over was the day he was to be retired. God did something wonderful for him on that day: He made him king.

  • Why crude oil production should resume in Ogoniland

    Why crude oil production should resume in Ogoniland

    By Tekena Amieyeofori

    Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC) extracted crude oil from Ogoniland from 1958 to 1993, raking in billions of petrodollars at the expense of indigenous oil-producing communities. When SPDC finally pulled out of Ogoniland in 1993- at the height of the Ogoni non-violent struggle in 1993- thousands of spill incidents had occurred in various locations. According to a recent ALJAZEERA report, more than two million barrels of spilled crude contaminated arable lands and fresh water from approximately 3,000 oil spill incidents between 1976 and 1991. The outcome of what has been generally deplored as ecological genocide sent many to their early graves, following increased incidence of terminal illnesses and livelihood losses in the dark days of SPDC’s operation in Ogoniland.

    Over the years, Ogoni oil fields have held an allure for treasure hunters like SPDC for obvious reasons. Ogoniland accounts for most of the oil fields in OML 11 which ranks among the most lucrative oil blocks in Nigeria’s Niger Delta region. The Ogoni oil fields also extend to OML 2 which is another economically vibrant oil block to be reckoned with in Nigeria’s oil belt. In a 2019 report, The Guardian observed that the Ogoni oil fields were producing 130,000 barrels of crude oil daily as far back as May, 1993. The implication is that Ogoniland remains a crucial factor in Nigeria’s economic survival.

     One thinks, if truth be told, the Ogoni people’s resolution to shut in oil fields domiciled in their communities was the right course of action taken to save lives at the time. However, it is now out of place to continue to resist resumption of oil and gas production in the wake of SPDC’s ouster in 1993. As a matter of fact, the outright rejection of every other operator suggests that there are no responsible corporate citizens in the petroleum industry, whether local or international. Moreover, the obstinate resistance to the reopening of the Ogoni oil fields is akin to biting one’s nose to spite one’s face. For all its vast endowments in human and natural resources, Ogoniland remains largely backward in virtually all indices of development. Without a shadow of doubt, recommencement of oil and gas production will do Ogoni people more good than harm in the current political dispensation.

    Firstly, resumption of oil production will generate more revenues both for the central government and subnational governments that directly interface with the people. The immediate benefit of increased revenues will be improved infrastructure to drive sustainable development. For instance, additional revenues could be used to fund projects like roads, bridges, schools and hospitals that are in acute short supply in Ogoniland. Secondly, resumption of oil production will generate employment for the growing army of jobless youths, most of whom are currently operating in illegal economic spaces to eke out a living. Naturally, employment generation would reduce poverty, as the income earning population is expected to increase and fend not only for themselves, but also their dependents.

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    Perhaps one should add that the fixation of a tiny band of Ogonis with a perpetual closure of the Ogoni oil fields offends the sensibilities of other oil-producing communities in the Niger Delta, who despite being visited with same ill fate of environmental pollution, have kept their oil fields open for production, providing economic resources from which the Ogoni people have benefited over the years. Furthermore, it is important to note that the Ogoni Question has received, by far, more attention than the collective misery of their neighbours in the Niger Delta, both locally and internationally. Fortunately, this attention has resulted in the establishment of the Hydrocarbon Pollution Remediation Project (HYPREP) which has the mandate to oversee the Ogoni cleanup project and restore lost livelihoods in communities. Whether or not HYPREP is living up to expectation is another kettle of fish; its presence alone gives the Ogoni people a sense of restorative justice that the rest of the Niger Delta anticipates. One would have expected the naysayers to demonstrate a spirit of solidarity with their kith and kin in Ogoniland and their neighbours in the Niger Delta to critically examine the pros and cons of resumed oil and gas production and make an informed decision that benefits all stakeholders.

    From all indications, the few minority opposed to resumed oil and gas production in Ogoniland are living in the past, thinking that it is still business as usual in the petroleum industry whose operations have undergone significant reforms with the enactment of the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) 2021. Unlike in the past when there was paucity of legislations to drive good corporate governance in the petroleum industry, the PIA has unbundled the behemoth previously known as the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), creating a new regulatory framework for the upstream, midstream and downstream sectors to function efficiently with a view to making the industry more attractive to investors.

     In the upstream sector, the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC), in its 2024 oil licensing round, insists that successful bidders must demonstrate capacity for compliance with environmental sustainability and development of host communities as a prerequisite to qualify for award of an oil block. Ordinarily, this development should give opponents of crude oil and gas production in Ogoniland cause to shift from their rather obstinate position that is completely at variance with the wish of the generality of Ogoni people.

    Since Nigeria’s transition to democratic governance in 1999, successive governments have made unsuccessful attempts to convince Ogoni people to accept proposals for recommencement of oil and gas production in their land. Fortunately, a positive outcome of negotiations with the people has been implementation of the Ogoni clean-up project which President Bola Tinubu inherited when he came to power in May 2023. But unlike previous governments that proposed the building of military barracks, correctional centre and cemetery in Ogoniland, the government of President Tinubu has approved the establishment of a University of Environment and Technology to be sited in one of the world’s most ecologically devastated communities. Hopefully, the proposed university will provide the much-needed support for the clean-up project when it finally comes on stream. Moreover, it will complement the socioeconomic benefits of resumed oil production highlighted above, and open up the entire Ogoniland for rapid development.

    Feeling the pulse of the Ogoni people, most of them are in support of resumed crude oil and gas production under the administration of President Tinubu, a disposition that is attributable to Mr. President’s demonstration of openness and honesty in his engagements with the people. It goes without saying that prospects for an enduring reconciliation and resumption of crude oil and gas production in Ogoniland are quite bright. As a precondition for lasting peace, however, the teeming supporters of President Tinubu and his laudable plan for the transformation of Ogoniland demand exoneration for the Ogoni nine who were brutally murdered for demanding their rights. The people also demand that a panel of enquiry be set up to investigate the killing of the Ogoni four and others who lost their lives at the height of military repression in Ogoniland.

     To cut a long story short, the Ogoni people, Rivers State and the federal government are in dire need of resumed oil and gas production in Ogoniland. But the beneficiary of the anticipated recommencement of production must be a more responsible corporate citizen with a proven capacity to heal old wounds.

    •Dr. Amieyeofori, journalist and conflict scholar, can be reached via tekena4real@gmail.com

  • Pope and death rumour

    Pope and death rumour

    Little more than a week into his admission to hospital for respiratory ailments, Pope Francis was lately rumoured dead. But the pontiff was not dead. The rumour mill was a product of obfuscation over his health by a habitually secretive Vatican and a restive quest for information by millions of Catholics and Vatican watchers who were concerned about the long absence of the holy father from public view.

    The pope was admitted to Agostino Gemelli University Hospital in Rome, the capital of Italy on 14th February after experiencing breathing difficulties. His condition later worsened, with his bronchitis developing into pneumonia in both lungs. Amidst heavy rumour traffic that he had died, the Vatican News reported last week that the 88-year-old pontiff was resting well and was even showing signs of “slight improvement” in his health condition. “No episodes of asthma-like respiratory distress occurred, and some laboratory tests have shown improvement. The monitoring of his mild kidney insufficiency has not raised any concerns. Oxygen therapy continues, although with slightly reduced flow and oxygen levels,” the health bulletin from the Vatican said.

    The real challenge with ascertaining the pontiff’s state of health was the sparseness  of information from the Holy See press office that left plenty of room for suspicion and speculation. Even Italian media were caught in the rumour frenzy as official update from the Vatican was spare. Given the Church’s past record of deliberate fudging and opaqueness when it comes to disclosure about a pope’s state of health, among other issues,  a thick cloud of skepticism overhung the true fate of Francis. That skepticism was earned. The day after Pope John Paul II underwent a lung surgery in 2005, the then Vatican spokesman told reporters he had enjoyed a breakfast of 10 cookies and a yogurt. Not long after, John Paul was confirmed dead.

    Doctors at Gemelli hospital where Francis was hospitalised didn’t help matters because they were tight-lipped. Meanwhile, access to the 10th floor of the hospital’s wing where popes have a private suite was severely restricted. “It’s easier to get into the Kremlin (in Russia) than the 10th floor (of Gemelli),” a medical official in the Italian capital was reported saying.

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    Keeping information tightly guarded is a Vatican tradition – whether it relates to the pope’s health, or abuse of minors by priests. Since Francis was hospitalised, the Vatican press office has issued two decidedly spare updates a day. Generally, the morning bulletin gave cursory news about how the pope slept and how he fared at breakfast. The evening bulletins were more medically informed in nature, though still light on details. Last Wednesday, the evening update said Francis’ blood tests showed “slight improvement, particularly in inflammatory indices.” It added that after breakfast, the pontiff read some newspapers, “then went about his work activities with his closest collaborators.” Francis was visited Wednesday afternoon by Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, who said she wanted to take get-well wishes to the pope on behalf of the government and the nation. “I am very happy to have found him alert and responsive,” she disclosed in a statement, adding: “We joked around, as always. He has not lost his proverbial sense of humor.”

    The Vatican reported that the pontiff was being treated for a ‘polymicrobial infection,’ which means he had a mix of microbes, like a virus or bacteria, in his lungs or other parts of his respiratory tract. Doctors had to modify his treatment more than once, but the Holy See did not specify what drugs he was taking beyond saying he was being administered ‘cortisone antibiotic therapy.’

    Defenders of the Vatican would argue that much has changed from the time of Francis’ predecessors, and that the Church has become more transparent. It is not the same, for instance, as when Pope John Paul II was evidently ailing before the Vatican spoke up about his health. And that may truly be so. Vatican statements provided reasons to the public upfront whenever Francis missed a meeting or an audience; it even announced the onset of his bronchitis on 6th February, about a week before he had to go on hospital admission. Still, the Church has been slow in coming clean with disclosures. In July 2021, it announced one Sunday afternoon that Francis was taken to Gemelli hospital for a “scheduled surgery” to have part of his colon removed. The suddenness of announcing a scheduled surgery took Catholic faithful aback and raised worse suspicions about Francis’ health at the time. The pope himself was more forthcoming about his health condition, though, speaking openly about his bad knee and sciatica – a chronic nerve condition that caused him back, hip and leg pain and forced him to use a wheelchair, cane or walker. In 2023, he was hospitalised at Gemelli for what the Vatican said was a respiratory infection, but which Francis later described as “acute and severe pneumonia in the lower lungs.” He told reporters on a return flight from Hungary that he was rushed to hospital.

    The present challenge is the latest health crisis for the pontiff, who had part of his lung removed as a young man and has become increasingly fragile in recent years. Reports cited insider sources saying Francis had been suffering from intense pain and had privately expressed suspicion he won’t make it this time. Following his hospital admission, doctors at Gemelli  reportedly distressed the pope by barring him from delivering his regular morning Angelus sermon, which he rarely missed even when hospitalised. According to insiders, he is now acting entirely on doctors’ orders. The pontiff initially resisted going to hospital but was reportedly told in no uncertain terms he risked dying if he stayed back at the Vatican.

    As his health deteriorated over recent months, Francis moved to consolidate key initiatives and appoint sympathetic figures to key positions in his progressive leaning papacy dogged by bitter ideological rifts. Since becoming pope in 2013, he has worked at making the Catholic church more inclusive, opening up key roles to women and sexually irregular people. While conservatives are furious over the reforms, liberals complain they haven’t been sufficient. Meanwhile, the pope’s efforts to end rampant child abuse by clerics have only produced mixed results.

    There are indications Francis has been looking beyond his papacy, with an eye on posthumous legacy.  On 6th February, about a week before he was hospitalised, he extended the term of Italian cardinal Giovanni Battista as dean of the College of Cardinals – an official who will oversee preparations for a potential conclave, the secretive gathering that selects a new pope. Insiders in Vatican politics said the move, which controversially sidestepped a scheduled vote on the next dean by top cardinals, was intended to ensure that the succession process plays out according to Francis’s wishes. Only cardinals under 80 years are eligible to vote at the conclave and Battista, a longtime Vatican operator, is too old to participate in the process. But he will be pivotal in private discussions that often take place before the conclave.

    Ahead of the 2013 conclave that elected him pope, Francis himself benefitted from the influence of a group of cardinals who were too old to participate in the proceedings but nevertheless moderated the outcome. “The run-up to the conclave is more important as that is where lobbying goes on,” an insider was reported saying. The Catholic church has produced five cardinals in Nigeria, the latest being Peter Okpaleke appointed by Francis in 2022. Others appointed by earlier popes are the late Dominic Ekandem, John Onaiyekan, Anthony Okogie and Francis Arinze.

    Born Jorge Mario Bergoglio in Buenos Aires, Argentina, on 17th December, 1936, Francis is the 266th pontiff of the Roman Catholic Church. He was elected pope on 13th March, 2013, following the resignation of Pope Benedict XVI, who was designated “pope emeritus” and lived reclusively at the Vatican until his death in December 2022. Francis may not toe that line. But Vatican watchers say even if he survives his latest ordeal, he would likely shift focus from pursuing fresh reforms to locking in those already in place. “He may not die now, but of course, he eventually will,” a Vatican official was quoted saying. “We all die – and he’s an 88-year-old man with lung problems,” the official added.

    •Please join me on kayodeidowu.blogspot.be for conversation.

  • Tinubu’s Maritime Vision: NNPC’s Joint Venture transforms Nigeria’s energy logistics

    Tinubu’s Maritime Vision: NNPC’s Joint Venture transforms Nigeria’s energy logistics

    • By Olufemi Soneye

    Before the advent of the President Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration, successive regimes had shied away from taking bold steps with a view to engaging sustainable reforms.

    But with a clear vision, the President set out to engage a paradigm that is at once swift and beneficial.

    Focusing on the wastelands of untapped potentials that were supposed to have created avenues of connectivity between a burgeoning Blue Economy, its deliverables on a sustainable basis and a thriving oil and gas sector, the president birthed an alluring environment that has enabled the Nigeria National Petroleum Company Limited, NNPC Ltd, ably led by GCEO Malam Mele Kyari, to tap into and build on the potentials.

    Because of this, Nigeria’s maritime and energy sectors are entering a new era of transformation, driven by President Tinubu’s unwavering commitment to economic growth, self-sufficiency, and global competitiveness.

    The recent strategic joint venture between NNPC Shipping, Stena Bulk, and Caverton Marine Limited is a landmark initiative that underscores his vision for a stronger, more resilient Blue Economy.

    This partnership is more than a business deal – it is a bold step towards revolutionising Nigeria’s crude oil and gas transportation infrastructure.

    By modernising the country’s shipping fleet, enhancing local participation, and reducing dependence on foreign-owned vessels, this initiative positions Nigeria as a dominant force in global energy logistics.

    Maximizing Nigeria’s Blue Economy Potential

    President Tinubu has placed the Blue Economy at the heart of his administration’s economic agenda, recognising Nigeria’s vast coastline, strategic location, and rich maritime resources as key drivers of national prosperity.

    This joint venture between NNPC Shipping, Stena Bulk, and Caverton Marine is a direct response to this vision, ensuring that Nigeria fully capitalizes on its maritime potential.

    Read Also: Kano emirship: Housing minister accuses deputy gov of disrespecting Tinubu

    By establishing a modern, efficient, and sustainable shipping fleet, the partnership comes with the potentials to:

    1. Strengthen Nigeria’s crude oil and LNG transportation infrastructure;

    2. Boost economic diversification by keeping more revenue within Nigeria;

    3. Create jobs and enhance capacity development in the maritime sector; and

    4. Enhance Nigeria’s self-reliance in energy logistics

    For decades, Nigeria has relied on foreign-owned vessels to transport its crude oil and petroleum products, leading to revenue leakages and missed economic opportunities. This partnership marks a shift toward self-sufficiency, ensuring that Nigerians benefit directly from the nation’s oil wealth.

    Strengthening Crude Oil and LNG Transportation for Energy Security

    Nigeria’s energy security is a top priority for President Tinubu. The transportation of crude oil, refined products, and LNG has been a long-standing challenge, with inefficiencies in logistics affecting both exports and domestic supply. This joint venture will bridge the gaps, ensuring a more reliable, cost-effective, and efficient energy supply chain.

    With local refining capacity expanding through projects like NNPC’s refinery rehabilitation efforts, the need for Nigeria-controlled tanker operations has never been greater. This partnership will:

    1. Ensure seamless crude supply to domestic refineries;

    2. Support the export of refined petroleum products to regional and global markets; and

    3. Enhance efficiency in LNG shipping, strengthening Nigeria’s position as a global gas powerhouse

    According to Panos Gliatis, Managing Director of NNPC Shipping, this venture represents a “transformational step” in Nigeria’s maritime industry. The ability to transport crude oil and gas independently will not only reduce costs but also increase Nigeria’s influence in global energy logistics.

    Expanding Nigeria’s Influence in Global Energy Trade

    Nigeria is one of the world’s largest oil producers and a key supplier of natural gas, yet its influence in global energy transportation has been limited by dependence on foreign shippers.

    This joint venture changes the narrative, positioning Nigeria as a leading force in Africa’s maritime and energy logistics industry.

    Erik Hånell, President and CEO of Stena Bulk, a global leader in tanker shipping, emphasized Nigeria’s strategic importance: “Nigeria is a vital player in the world’s oil supply, and we are excited to contribute to the modernization of its shipping industry.”

    This collaboration will introduce cutting-edge maritime technology, operational excellence, and global best practices, enabling Nigeria to compete on the world stage as a top-tier energy logistics hub.

    Creating Jobs and Building Local Capacity

    A thriving maritime economy means more jobs for Nigerians.

    This joint venture is set to generate thousands of employment opportunities for:

    1. Nigerian seafarers and maritime professionals;

    2. Engineers and technical specialists in shipping logistics; and

    3. Supply chain managers and port operators

    Bode Makanjuola, CEO of Caverton Offshore Support Group, highlighted the shift toward local capacity building: “For decades, Nigeria has relied on foreign-owned ships to transport its crude. This partnership represents a shift toward self-reliance, ensuring that more Nigerians benefit from the enormous potential of our maritime sector.”

    By investing in training, capacity development, and knowledge transfer, this initiative will help nurture a new generation of maritime professionals, reinforcing Nigeria’s leadership in the Blue Economy and global shipping sector.

    Driving Innovation and Sustainability in Maritime Logistics

    Beyond boosting shipping capacity, this partnership is also committed to sustainability and environmental responsibility. The initiative will introduce:

    1. Modern, fuel-efficient vessels that reduce carbon emissions;

    2.  Advanced maritime technology to improve operational efficiency; and

    3. Sustainable logistics practices that align with global environmental standards

    This focus on sustainability ensures that Nigeria remains a responsible player in global energy logistics, attracting more international investments into its maritime industry.

    A New Era for Nigeria’s Shipping and Energy Logistics

    President Tinubu’s administration is delivering bold, forward-thinking policies that prioritise local participation, economic resilience, and national prosperity. This joint venture is a landmark achievement, demonstrating Nigeria’s ability to take charge of its maritime destiny.

    As Nigeria continues its journey toward economic diversification and global competitiveness, initiatives like this will be key drivers of sustainable growth and long-term success.

    Under President Tinubu’s leadership, Nigeria is not just keeping pace with global trends, it is setting the standard for Africa’s maritime and energy revolution.

    The future is bright, and with NNPC Shipping, Stena Bulk, and Caverton Marine leading the charge, Nigeria is firmly on course to becoming a dominant force in global shipping and energy logistics.

    A Bold Step into the Future

    The partnership between NNPC Shipping, Stena Bulk, and Caverton Marine is a historic milestone in Nigeria’s maritime and energy journey.

    By modernising shipping infrastructure, strengthening energy security, creating jobs, and embracing sustainability, this initiative is a clear reflection of President Tinubu’s commitment to a stronger, more prosperous Nigeria.

    As the nation continues to build a self-sufficient, globally competitive Blue Economy, this joint venture stands as a shining example of the progress and innovation shaping Nigeria’s future.

    The road ahead is filled with opportunities, and Nigeria is ready to lead the charge in Africa’s maritime and energy revolution, a product of some bold initiatives of Mr. President being effectuated by Malam  Kyari, and the dynamic board steering the firm.

    • Soneye is the Chief Corporate Communications Officer, NNPC Ltd.