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  • The many strides of Presidential Amnesty Programme

    The many strides of Presidential Amnesty Programme

    • By Monsuru Arilesere

    Once upon a time in Nigeria, the Niger Delta region as we know it today did not exist. The land mass and its people were there alright, but the state of affairs, the life they live and the well-being of the entire region was nothing short of perilous.

    The region was at war – a war mainly against itself, but a perilous war, all the same.

    Security, peace and other human development indices took flight, and chaos reigned.

    Youth restiveness and armed struggle with all its dark and dire outcomes reigned unchecked.

    Then, the late President Umaru Yar’Adua-led federal government introduced the Presidential Amnesty Programme (PAP) in 2009 to salvage the region. That decision became a watershed moment, not just for the area but for the entire country, which was constantly feeling the heat from the fire raging in that region.

    Its primary goal was to de-escalate and defuse the youths’ restiveness and was designed to provide a framework for disarmament, demobilisation, and reintegration of ex-militants.

    The warring militants were offered a time-boxed opportunity to surrender their arms in exchange for amnesty and rehabilitation.

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    They were to be re-integrated into their communities by providing formal education, vocational training and employment opportunities.

    From 2009 till now, PAP has made significant and even giant strides under its mandate.

    It’s on record that more than 20,000 repentant militants surrendered their arms and ammunition to the federal government and that many have also benefited from the programme’s vocational training and education initiatives.

    It’s a no-brainer to say that peace, stability, and growth have also long returned to the region.

    And since March 2024, when Dr. Dennis Otuaro took over the reins of leadership at PAP, the programme has experienced boundless progress in the different aspects of its mandate.

    It has taken him just one year to take the vocational training and economic empowerment to a new height, particularly in aviation’s deployment of aircraft maintenance engineers for on-the-job training (OJT), 40 AMEs were type rated on ERJ – 145 and CRJ – 900/B737 aircrafts by Alom Aviation Services Limited.

    The engineers were deployed for their one-year mandatory OJT in March of 2024.

    It’s also public knowledge that 16 AMEs are undergoing their OJT at the 7 Star Global Hangar, while 21 others are at Aero Contractors Limited.

     One of them is presently at King Airlines and Travels Limited.

    Four Cadet Pilots were deployed to SimAero Training Limited Johannesburg, South Africa, for type rating on ERJ–145 and ATR72–500 on the 31st of May, 2024. They graduated and returned to Nigeria on the 30th of June, 2024.

    PAP had a caseload of two cadet pilots who completed their instrument rating course on AW139 at Henley Air Flight Training in Johannesburg, South Africa, on April 10, 2024. Due to their outstanding performance at the instrument rating course, they were further deployed for their Type Rating Course on 29th May 2024 at Caverton Helicopters Limited in Lagos State.

    Moving over to the maritime sub-sector, many can still recall the story of the 98 Maritime Cadets whose training programmes were truncated in Poland, Vietnam and Sweden between 2011 and 2014 due to frequent change of leadership at PAP. Well, one of the distinct actions Dr. Otuaro took on assuming office was to ensure that they were sent to Joemarine Institute of Nautical Studies and Research, in Delta State, to complete their programmes.

    Just last October, the Dr. Dennis Otuaro-led PAP enrolled the cadets in a boot camp that would enable them to refresh their memories on the maritime training and for the naval consultant to figure out which cadets are ready to go further for the mainstream maritime training.

    As the astute and pragmatic leader and administrator that he is, Dr. Otuaro, since coming to PAP, has taken stakeholder management and engagement to an admirable level. This is because he understands the role of the critical stakeholders in achieving and sustaining the goals of the amnesty programme. He has organised various stakeholder engagement sessions with the different categories of leaders and community representatives in the region.

    The 2024 PAP Stakeholders Engagement Summit specifically convened by Dr. Otuaro also reinforced the importance of dialogue, collaboration, and inclusivity in sustaining peace in the Niger Delta.

    The event provided a platform to address key concerns, proposed solutions, and strengthened relationships between the PAP and its stakeholders.

    In line with his resolve to sustain effective stakeholder engagement at PAP, Dr. Otuaro has continued to forge mutually beneficial relationships with different government agencies and officials.

    For instance, due to his determination to secure a better future for the graduates of the various development initiatives of PAP and to strengthen the synergy with the nation’s civil service, Dr. Dennis Otuaro held a crucial meeting with the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation (HoCSF), Dame Didi Walson-Jack.

    Just last November, the Dr. Otuaro-led PAP reiterated his commitment to keeping the peace in the Niger-Delta region by ensuring that all the PAP objectives are always met. This was done during a meeting with the Defence Headquarters Joint Monitoring Team led by Major General Jamil Jimoh.

    The region and the country have continued to reap the dividends of the prevalent peace and security in the area as the country’s daily oil production output has significantly increased over the years to the present 1.8 barrels.

    Indeed, Dr. Otuaro has proven in the short time he has been at the PAP’s helm of affairs that he has everything it takes to ensure that PAP continually delivers on its mandate.

    •Arilesere, a public affairs analyst, wrote from Ibadan

  • Sanwo-Olu’s wife seeks collective action against moral decadence

    Sanwo-Olu’s wife seeks collective action against moral decadence

    The First Lady of Lagos State, Dr. Claudiana Ibijoke Sanwo-Olu, has called on religious institutions to unite against the ‘escalating’ moral decadence in the country.

    Speaking at the Fatima Charity Foundation (FCF)’s Multi-Faith Prayer Session and Ramadan Lecture held in Surulere, she stressed the need for a multi-faceted approach to restore moral values.

    The first lady who was represented by Islamiyyat Badmus, urged families, religious institutions, educational bodies, and government agencies to join forces in instilling values of honesty, hard work, respect, and accountability, particularly in young people.

    Addressing the theme of the lecture, “Moral Decadence & Its Socio-Economic Implications on the Nigerian Society,” Dr. Sanwo-Olu warned that a society lacking strong moral values faces the dangers of corruption, indiscipline, crime, and social unrest, all of which hinder economic growth and national prosperity.

    She said: “The theme is both timely and thought-provoking. A society that lacks strong moral values faces the dangers of corruption, indiscipline, crime, and social unrest—factors that hinder economic growth, stability, and national prosperity.

    “In Lagos and across Nigeria, we see worrying trends such as youth restiveness, drug abuse, internet fraud, and violence. However, we must recognize that moral decline is not irreversible. It requires a collective effort—from families, religious institutions, educational bodies, and government agencies—to instill values of honesty, hard work, respect, and accountability in our young ones.”

    She lauded the “critical role” of faith-based organisations, specifically highlighting the Fatima Charity Foundation’s dedication to fostering peace, moral rejuvenation, and social cohesion through prayer, lectures, and empowerment initiatives.

    “When properly harnessed, religion serves as a powerful tool for unity, social harmony, and economic progress,” she added.

    The first lady reiterated the Lagos State government’s commitment to fostering religious harmony and promoting initiatives that bolster moral and spiritual development.

    “Nigeria is often described as a deeply religious nation. However, beyond professing faith, we must live out the true values of our beliefs by promoting honesty, accountability, and selfless service. In Lagos State, our government remains committed to ensuring freedom of worship and religious harmony. We continue to support initiatives that promote moral and spiritual growth, recognizing that a society built on strong values will experience peace, progress, and prosperity.

    “As we observe this sacred period of Ramadan and Lent, let us seize this opportunity to reflect, renew our faith, and realign our actions with divine teachings”, she added.

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    President of the Fatima Charity Foundation and Iyalode of Lagos, Chief Bintu-Fatima Tinubu, urged Nigerians to set aside their differences and embrace their common goal of a flourishing nation.

    She stressed that Nigeria’s strength lies in its diversity and called on all citizens to work together towards developing the country.

    “Our diversity is not a weakness but strength. Whether Christian or Muslim, rich or poor, young or old, we all share a common goal-to see Nigeria flourish. Therefore, let us set aside our differences and work collectively towards building a nation where justice, equity, and prosperity reign supreme.

    “I implore every one of us to embrace peace, and cultivate a spirit of mutual respect. It is only through harmony that we can create an environment conducive to national growth and development. We must never underestimate the power of prayers. However, when religion is misused as a tool for division, it becomes a hindrance rather than a force for good,” she added.

    The Iyalode of Lagos called for greater support and constructive engagement with the nation’s leaders, urging citizens to actively support their leaders through prayers and constructive dialogue.

    She said: “Our leaders, from the president to governors, ministers, lawmakers, and council chairmen, require divine guidance to govern effectively. We must continue to intercede for them, asking Almighty God to grant them wisdom, integrity, and strength to deliver the dividends of democracy. As a nation, our responsibility extends beyond criticism; we must support our leaders through prayers and constructive engagement. “A thriving Nigeria is a collective effort, and through faith and good governance, we can make Nigeria great again.

    Nigeria is a nation where faith plays a pivotal role in everyday life. We must ensure that religion is leveraged to promote unity, development, and good governance. By focusing on the shared principles that all religions advocate – peace, love, and service to humanity – we can create a more inclusive and progressive society.”

    The guest speaker, Pastor Ituah Ighodalo, speaking moral decadence in the country identified illiteracy as a major contributing factor.

    He called on the government to prioritize education and bring illiteracy to the barest minimum.

    He also attributed moral decadence to the fear of the unknown.

    Ighodalo urged parents to monitor their children’s social media usage.

    He stressed the importance of good governance and leadership in fostering a morally sound society.

  • Expanding the debate on appointment of INEC chairman

    Expanding the debate on appointment of INEC chairman

    By Ezenwa Nwagwu

    The appointment of the chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has long been a subject of debate in Nigeria’s democratic discourse. Some have argued that allowing the president to nominate the INEC chairman compromises the commission’s independence, fuelling calls for reforms, including the recommendation by the Justice Uwais Electoral Reform Committee report that the National Judicial Council (NJC) or another independent body should handle such appointments.

    While these concerns are valid in their own right, it is my opinion that the real issue is often misdiagnosed. So, the crux of this discourse is to stir up a conversation that expands the discussion around who should appoint the INEC chairman, and hoping that the conversation leads to a selection process that is acceptable.

    Few months from now, we will move into the political season, where most conversations will have political and partisan colouration. So, for me, now is the best time to initiate meaningful conversations when heads are still calm.

    Indeed, while the yearning of many of the proposals on appointment of INEC leadership is to insulate the process from executive interference – a goal we can all agree on – the key issue is whether this concern is being addressed the right way.

    The debates, I believe, have often overlooked a crucial question: Is Nigeria’s electoral process flawed because the president nominates the INEC chairman, or is the real problem the failure of oversight institutions to do their job?

    Now, let me attempt to explain why this question is necessary. There is a widespread misconception, particularly among Nigerians who are not invested in the electoral process, that the president singlehandedly appoints the INEC chairman. In reality, the process is not that simple, it involves multiple layers of scrutiny.

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    The process involves the president nominating a candidate for national chairman and national commissioners as the case may be. The nominees are sent by the president to the Department of State Services (DSS) for security screening. The DSS profiles the nominee and submits a report on their suitability. The president takes the names to the Council of State for review. The nominee’s credentials and DSS report are presented to the Council of State, which provides advisory input. Based on their advice, the president sends the names to the senate for confirmation. The senate screens and approves.

    Given this multi-step process, the key question is: Can the president singlehandedly manipulate the entire layers of scrutiny, the DSS, the Council of State and the National Assembly to get an “unqualified candidate” appointed?

    The second question is – if such manipulation of the DSS, the Council of State, and the National Assembly by the president is possible, is he not also capable of influencing the NJC?.

    The answer to these questions lies in the failure of oversight institutions to diligently execute their duties.

    The Council of State for instance, is composed of individuals with vast political and legal experience, who are not seeking political office. According to Section 153(1)(b) and Third Schedule, Part I(B) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended), the Council of State comprises: The president, vice president, all former presidents and Heads of State; All former Chief Justices of Nigeria; president of the senate; Speaker of the House of Representatives; all state governors and the Attorney General of the Federation.

    These are individuals with vast political and legal experience, who are not seeking political office. If they fail to properly scrutinize and advise against an unsuitable nominee, then the problem is not with the process but with institutional integrity.

    Although the council’s advice is not binding, it plays a crucial role in guiding presidential decisions on national governance, and provides recommendations on important issues such: The appointment of the INEC chairman and commissioners, the appointment of the Chief Justice of Nigeria and other judicial officers, pardons, reprieves, and the exercise of the prerogative of mercy.

    However, on the part of the National Assembly, it has a constitutional responsibility to carry out oversight. The question is: Does the National Assembly have power to reject a nominee from the president? The answer is yes, the National Assembly has the power to reject nominees. A clear example was the rejection of Lauretta Onochie due to concerns over her partisan background.

    The Senate Committee on Electoral Matters has a duty to investigate nominees’ past affiliations and competencies. Do they carry out this responsibility during screening of nominees? This is a question they will need to answer.

    It is important to state that the screening process is expected to be quite rigorous, often requiring bipartisan support for nominees to be confirmed. This means that senators from different parties, such as the ruling party and the opposition parties must work together and agree to confirm the nominee. This ensures that the nominee has broad support and is not simply being pushed through by one party.

    The multi-party composition of the National Assembly following the 2023 elections, presents an opportunity for robust scrutiny of the INEC chairman nominee. It is expected that the opposition parties will be vigilant and vocal during the screening process, raising concerns and objections as necessary to ensure the integrity of the appointment process.

    Also, for those asking that the NJC be allowed to appoint the INEC chairman, my challenge is: do we outsource the weaknesses of the oversight institutions and then pass that on to another institution that has no proof that they have been inoculated against the same weaknesses?

    Advocates for NJC appointments argue that the judiciary is more insulated from political influence. However, judicial appointments in Nigeria have also been questioned for their non-transparency. If the NJC is susceptible to political interference, will shifting INEC appointments to it guarantee impartiality?

    Moreover, there is also a constitutional concern: INEC is an independent commission established by the constitution, just like the NJC. Can one commission legally appoint leadership for another? Such a change would require constitutional amendments, raising concerns about feasibility and unintended consequences.

    My point is, let us not, in trying to solve one problem, create more problems. For me, the appointment process itself is not inherently flawed—the real challenge is how we deal with the weaknesses of the institutions that have oversight responsibility on those appointments and ensuring a transparent and credible selection.

    My argument is that the independence of INEC is not just about who appoints its leadership but about whether institutions tasked with oversight are doing their job.

    Instead of shifting the responsibility of appointment to another body which may not be immune to political influence, we should be asking: how do we strengthen the already existing institutions to perform their oversight functions effectively and ensure accountability in the appointment process? If the DSS conducts thorough background checks, if the Council of State provides objective assessments, and if the National Assembly rigorously vets nominees, then the issue of partisanship in INEC appointments would be minimized.

    My second point is that the argument that INEC lacks independence solely because the president appoints its leadership is overly simplistic. The true test of independence lies in institutional integrity and functionality.

    This takes me to the second aspect of my discourse which includes our approach to elections.

    Take for instance the constitution mandates that INEC should receive its budget one year before an election to ensure financial independence. But does INEC always receive its funds on time? Who is ensuring compliance? The same institutions responsible for enforcing these rules are often the ones failing in their duties.

    I will say the major challenges we have with our elections are majorly attitudinal and not necessarily about legislation. Political parties, politicians, security agencies, civil societies, media and citizens, we must embrace a new attitude towards our elections.

    Ultimately, strengthening institutions and embracing a fact-based approach will do more for electoral integrity than merely shifting appointment powers from one body to another.

    •Nwagwu, is executive director, Peering Advocacy and Advancement Centre in Africa (PAACA).

  • The fight in the Red Chamber

    The fight in the Red Chamber

    By Abdulrofiu Muhammed Temitayo

    For weeks, the red chamber has been embroiled in a triangular controversy, with verbal accusations buzzing among distinguished senators of the National Assembly. One name has remained at the centre of this storm—Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, the senator representing Kogi Central Senatorial District. For those unfamiliar with the origins of the name, the name Natasha evokes two perspectives among the people—one that appreciates its importance and another that attributes unnecessary controversy to it.

    Historically, Natasha is a name given to girls born on Christmas Day or on the birthday of the Lord. It is primarily a Russian name, derived from the Latin Natalia, which comes from the phrase Natale Domini. The name is often associated with anticipation, as parents hope for great contemporary influence from their children.

    One cannot deny the physical, mental, and social attributes of Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan in her political career—both in Kogi State and at the national level. The intense scrutiny and challenges she currently faces in the senate can be described as an agony of honour, rejection or political maneuvering. The accusations against her have been framed in different narratives, shaping public opinion in various ways. Given the diverse perspectives surrounding the issue, I would like to highlight some key elements regarding the discussion that have dominated the media space in the past few weeks. 

    To begin with, the rule of law must take its course with the recent controversy in the senate revolving around seat allocation and the resulting reaction of the distinguished senator which ignited tensions between Senate President Godswill Akpabio and Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan. Seat allocation has long been a routine aspect of senate politics, making it unsurprising that disputes have arisen. However, Natasha’s direct confrontation with the Senate President, through unguarded utterances, was seen as a breach of decorum and order of the senate. While she had valid grievances, proper protocol demanded that she raise them through appropriate channels before her accusers did—this ultimately led to discussions of her suspension.

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    Next, the misuse of gender-related accusations, wherein a particularly contentious aspect of this saga is the claim of sexual harassment, a phrase often misused and interpreted within gender discourse. We cannot ignore the reality that some men abuse their positions, preying on women without remorse. However, harassment can also be as simple as an unwelcome touch or an exaggerated claim, as seen in past cases like the UNIZIK lecturer-student scandal. While gender inequality is a genuine concern, emotions must not overshadow factual and legal assessments. Since this case is now in court, the final judgment will be awaited.

    After that, the justification of suspension and legal precedents. The suspension of Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan has been justified by some on the grounds of repeated breaches of Senate Standing Orders 55(1). The Senate’s Ethics, Privileges, and Public Petitions Committee cited Section 14(2) of the Legislative Houses (Powers and Privileges) Act 2017—signed into law by former President Muhammadu Buhari—to recommend her suspension. However, the Nigerian judiciary, through several High Court and Court of Appeal rulings, has consistently declared such suspensions of elected legislative members for a period not exceeding 14 legislative days illegal.

    Given the historical context, the senate has had to tread carefully, especially in light of past allegations of sexual harassment in the chamber. For instance, former Senator Dino Melaye once openly declared that he would impregnate his colleague in response to an accusation of impotence. If such remarks went unpunished, then the senate risks undermining the very principles of law and order it is meant to uphold. When allegations arise, the accused should not act as both judge and jury—fair judgment should be delivered through due legal processes, not external pressure.

    Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s decision to take her case to the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), framing her suspension as a broader attack on women in politics, has drawn international attention to the matter.

    In addition, the role of media and public perception is crucial. However, on the part of Senate President Akpabio, his media aides have not effectively managed the controversy, failing to present a clear and professional defence. Instead, they have engaged in back-and-forth accusations, including claims of budget padding. Meanwhile, Akpabio has enjoyed unwavering support from his colleagues, who have fought fiercely to protect the integrity of the legislative body they represent.

    Natasha, on the other hand, has garnered significant public sympathy. Her suspension has left the people of Kogi Central without representation in the Senate for six months, prompting her legal counsel, Victor Giwa, to challenge it in court. Advocacy groups championing women’s political inclusion have also rallied behind her, coinciding with the celebration of International Women’s Day. As Charlie Webster argues in his book Why It’s OK to Talk About Trauma, discussing one’s struggles can help alleviate mental burdens. Natasha’s vocal stance can thus be seen as a sign of resilience.

    Finally, upholding the law must go beyond gender politics. Gender should not be used as a shield to evade the law. Laws must be obeyed and respected, regardless of the position or status of the individual involved. Former Senator Shehu Sani once remarked that if a senator speaks too loudly, they risk isolation—something we can now observe in the unfolding drama within the red chamber. In the broader context of women’s representation in Nigerian politics, can we attribute Natasha’s dispute with Senate President Akpabio solely to gender bias?

    After all, women like Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Arunma Oteh, Oby Ezekwesili, Uche Ekwunife, and Florence Ita-Giwa have succeeded in navigating the political landscape. Could there be deeper political undercurrents at play? Only time will tell. But for the sake of national progress, such disputes should be resolved thoroughly rather than allowing them to linger as distractions.

    •Temitayo writes from Benin City, Edo State and can be reached on muhtay99@gmail.com

  • Civil Service: Corruption citadel no one talks about

    Civil Service: Corruption citadel no one talks about

    By Ogungbile Emmanuel Oludotun

    Ask a 12-year-old Nigerian teenager about the biggest problem affecting the country, and don’t be surprised if he says, “politicians.” Ask an average, frustrated Nigerian the same question, and you’ll likely hear the same whipping boy. You can’t blame them: politicians are the most visible faces of governance. But beneath the surface lies a more insidious problem: the civil service. It is the real machinery of stagnation, the hidden force behind corruption, inefficiency, and the country’s failure to progress.

    A friend once told me about his aunt, who had just relocated to the UK but was still receiving a regular salary from the government. She hadn’t resigned, nor had she been replaced. She was simply collecting free money from a system that has normalized fraud. And this is not an isolated case. Across government offices, ghost workers, budget padding, and institutionalized corruption are the norm. While politicians come and go, civil servants, the real power brokers, stay, manipulating the system to serve their interests at the expense of national development.

    The civil service is meant to be the backbone of governance, ensuring continuity in government policies, managing public resources, and delivering essential services. Ideally, it should function efficiently regardless of political changes. But in Nigeria, it has become a bureaucratic monster that stifles progress rather than facilitates it. Instead of fostering creativity and development, the system rewards mediocrity, protects corruption, and resists any attempt at reform. Even well-meaning political leaders struggle to implement change because of the entrenched inefficiencies within the system.

    Obviously, Nigeria’s civil service was inherited from the British colonial administration, which was designed for control rather than development. At independence, rather than restructuring it for national growth, successive governments merely adopted it as it was. The result: A rigid, hierarchical system that values protocol over productivity and connections over competence. Over time, civil servants began to see their jobs as lifelong entitlements rather than positions of service. Promotion became a matter of seniority rather than performance, and attempts at reform were met with resistance.

    Today, the system is bloated, inefficient, and corrupt, full of individuals who contribute little but continue to collect salaries and benefits.

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    Unlike politicians, who have term limits, civil servants remain in office for decades. They know the system’s loopholes and manipulate them for their “national interest.” Corruption is not just a problem within the civil service; it is the foundation upon which the system operates. In 2023, the senate uncovered over N3 trillion in fraudulent allocations within government ministries, departments, and agencies (MDAs). These funds were stolen through budget padding, fake contracts, and other fraudulent schemes.

    Have you ever wondered why courts often require a civil servant of a particular level to serve as a guarantor for bail conditions or to own landed property in prime areas? It always seemed puzzling to me: where do they expect these civil servants to get such wealth? But to my amazement, it is an easy feat in Nigeria’s civil service. It is often assumed that only politicians can afford lavish lifestyles, but a closer look at civil servants, especially directors and permanent secretaries, tells a different story.

    Today, many senior civil servants own mansions in highbrow areas like Maitama in Abuja, Banana Island in Lagos, and GRA in Port Harcourt. With an official salary structure that shouldn’t afford such luxury, how do they do it? Through systemic corruption, budget manipulations, contract fraud, and ghost worker schemes. While junior staff struggle with delayed salaries, top bureaucrats siphon billions.

    Again, one of the most documented frauds in Nigeria’s civil service is the ghost worker syndrome, where non-existent employees are placed on government payrolls to steal funds. In 2016, a government payroll audit uncovered over 23,000 ghost workers, costing Nigeria N2.3 billion monthly. In 2022, the Benue State government discovered over 500 fake pensioners receiving regular payments. Despite these exposures, the fraud continues. Why? Because insiders who benefit from it actively sabotage reforms.

    The inefficiency of Nigeria’s civil service is legendary. Processes that should take a few days stretch into months due to excessive paperwork, unnecessary approvals, and a culture of delay. Civil servants deliberately slow down work to create an artificial need for bribes. Business registration, contract approvals, and document processing are unnecessarily complicated. Government agencies demand irrelevant documents, forcing Nigerians to waste time and money. Civil servants arrive late, take extended breaks, and leave early. The result? A system that wastes time, kills productivity, and frustrates businesses and citizens alike.

    Meritocracy does not exist in Nigeria’s civil service. Instead, recruitment and promotions are determined by ethnicity, connections, and political affiliations. As a result, unqualified individuals occupy critical positions, making governance a disaster.

    Every attempt to reform the civil service has failed because those who benefit from its inefficiencies fight back. The Steve Oronsaye Report (2012) recommended merging or scrapping over 220 MDAs to reduce waste, but civil servants frustrated its implementation. The Integrated Payroll and Personnel Information System (IPPIS) was introduced to curb payroll fraud, yet civil servants manipulated it to maintain ghost workers. No matter how progressive a policy is, the civil service finds a way to sabotage it.

    While politicians make policies, civil servants implement them. A corrupt and inefficient civil service ensures that even the best policies fail. Funds for infrastructure projects mysteriously disappear before reaching contractors. Government projects exist only on paper, with civil servants approving payments for non-existent work. Budget allocations are inflated, and fake contracts are awarded to non-existent companies. The civil service is the real machinery of corruption in Nigeria.

    I agree that politicians are corrupt, and that will not change overnight. However, the war against corruption cannot be won if it does not start with the civil service. It is unfortunate that many of us are guilty of this directly or indirectly, we have family members or friends who are part of the system or have even offered us favours from it. Nigeria’s civil service is not just an institution; it is a deeply entrenched mafia that thrives on inefficiency and corruption. It controls the daily functioning of government, and its failures cripple the country’s progress.

    So, what needs to be done? I hesitate to suggest another round of civil service reforms because history shows they lead nowhere; they merely recycle the same inefficiencies. Instead, a massive downsizing and total restructuring should be considered. Some advocate for transparency and accountability mechanisms, but I believe the civil service needs to be broken down entirely and rebuilt from scratch.

    Until these steps are taken, no matter how good Nigeria’s leadership is, the country will remain trapped in inefficiency and underdevelopment. The civil service is the real problem of Nigeria, and without fixing it, no real change can happen.

    •Oludotun writes via <thedreamchaser65@gmail.com>

  • Nigeria reduces inflation rate, but the cost of living remains high – here’s why

    Nigeria reduces inflation rate, but the cost of living remains high – here’s why

    • By Taiwo Hassan Odugbemi

    Nigeria recently rebased its consumer price index (CPI) from 2009 to 2024, leading to a significant drop in the reported inflation rate from 34.80% to 24.48%. This change has sparked discussions on the likely impact on economic planning, policy decisions, and public perception of inflation.

    What is inflation rate rebasing and how is it done?

    Inflation rate rebasing follows a structured approach led by the National Bureau of Statistics to improve the accuracy of inflation measurements. Essentially what it means is that the National Bureau of Statistics expanded its data collection efforts to include a broader range of states, local government areas, and rural communities.

    The recent inflation revision involved:

    Updating the consumer price index basket

    The bureau reviewed and changed the composition of goods and services in the consumer price index basket. The index tracks the rate at which prices change over time, monthly or annually. These changes align the measurement of price changes with shifts in consumer spending habits. The changes to the basket are based on the household expenditure surveys which collect information on what households consume and spend.

    Categories such as telecommunications and technology were given greater weight. Less relevant items such as food and non-alcoholic beverages received reduced weighting to ensure the consumer price index accurately represents present-day household spending.

    Rebasing the inflation index

    The changes to the composition of the consumer price index basket require a change in the reference (base) year. The bureau has changed the consumer price index base year from 2009 to 2024.

    This adjustment aligns inflation measurements with current economic realities, reducing distortions caused by outdated reference periods. To achieve this, the National Bureau of Statistics has implemented high-frequency data collection methods, such as the National Longitudinal Phone Survey, which allows for more timely assessments of economic indicators.

    Adjusting weights of consumer price index components

    Each part of the consumer price index was given a new weight based on updated national consumption data. Spending categories with increased significance, such as transport and digital services, were given higher weights, while categories with declining relevance such as gas and other fuels were adjusted downward.

    Expanding data collection coverage

    The National Bureau of Statistics improved price data collection by: increasing the sample size and geographical coverage; increasing the frequency of data collection, incorporating price variations from informal markets.

    The informal sector significantly contributes to Nigeria’s economy, accounting for approximately 58% of the gross domestic product (GDP).

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    What does this rate rebase mean? Is it unusual?

    The rebase is a revision in the way inflation is measured. It reflects an effort to represent price movements and economic conditions more accurately.

    Inflation readjustment is not uncommon among economies striving for better data accuracy. Countries such as Ghana and Kenya have undertaken similar revisions in recent years. Ghana’s consumer price index rebasing in 2019 led to a lower reported inflation rate as it was calculated on newer spending habits.

    Similarly, in 2014, Nigeria rebased its gross domestic product. This resulted in a significant revision of economic indicators.

    Inflation in Nigeria reached 29.90% in January 2024. Revising how it is measured could be an attempt to capture structural economic changes more precisely.

    Concerns over outdated consumer price index weights might have driven the move. The rebase could also have been done because of shifts in consumer spending, or improvements in statistical methodologies to enhance policy-making and economic planning.

    The National Bureau of Statistics said the rebasing was necessary in order to reflect changes in consumption patterns.

    Given Nigeria’s persistent inflationary pressures, made worse by currency depreciation and food supply disruptions, this adjustment could have significant implications for economic forecasting and policy responses.

    What are the implications for Nigerians?

    If inflation is perceived as declining, consumer confidence may improve, leading to increased spending and investment.

    However, many Nigerians may still feel that the cost of living remains high, particularly as food inflation remains a major concern.

    For workers and businesses, the adjustment could influence wage negotiations and pricing strategies. If inflation is officially lower, employers may resist wage increases, arguing that the real cost of living has not risen as sharply as previously thought.

    Similarly, businesses may reassess pricing decisions based on the revised inflation outlook.

    A lower reported inflation rate might reduce pressure on policymakers to expand social safety nets, even if citizens still struggle with economic hardship.

    What changes in policy can be expected?

    This adjustment can alter the way monetary, fiscal and exchange rate policies are formulated.

    Monetary policy adjustments

    With a lower inflation rate, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) may reconsider its aggressive tightening stance, which is reflected in the level it sets interest rates at.

    Previously, high inflation prompted the central bank to raise the monetary policy rate to 22.75% in a bid to curb inflation. Raising the rate makes it more expensive to borrow money, so demand for goods is lower and this reduces price increases.

    The revised inflation figure could justify a more measured approach to interest rate adjustments, potentially easing borrowing costs for businesses and households. This could support economic growth but must be carefully managed.

    In the last Monetary Policy Committee meeting after the inflation rebasing, the committee decided for the first time in three years to pause interest rate hikes.

    Fiscal policy considerations

    The government may use the revised inflation data to reassess budgetary projections, wage policies, and what it spends on subsidy programmes.

    A lower inflation rate could reduce the urgency for drastic public sector wage increases, though real income concerns remain. Additionally, it might influence subsidy policies, particularly in energy and agriculture. Lower inflation could be used to justify gradual subsidy phase-outs without significant backlash.

    Exchange rate management

    A lower inflation rate could improve investor confidence and reduce pressure on the naira. The central bank may use this as a basis to re-calibrate foreign exchange interventions, aiming for greater currency stability.

    If inflation is perceived as more controlled, capital inflows may increase, supporting the exchange rate and easing forex liquidity challenges.

    •Odugbemi is lecturer in Economics, University of Abuja. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read “https://theconversation.com/nigeria-reduces-inflation-rate-but-the-cost-of-living-remains-high-heres-why-251073”

  • Adebanjo: Memories of a political warrior

    Adebanjo: Memories of a political warrior

    • By Bisi Olawunmi

    Chief Ayo Adebanjo, Afenifere leader who died, aged 96, and last of the original Awoists was a vivacious, joyous soul.   He was a zestful political warrior who embraced political combat with gusto.  In his usual ebullience, he embraced death and even humorously cast the news headline for the media on his imminent passage:   “Ayo Adebanjo, leader of Afenifere, the controversial man, is gone”.  He had added:  “He last spoke with his daughter”.  It was his last video chat.  For a man who preached fairness, equity and love of country for a united Nigeria, it was symbolic that   he took his last bow on February 14, Valentine Day, a day humanity celebrate love.   

     I first made contact with the ebony black handsome lawyer as a village child in Okelamuren,  Ogbo  community, near Ijebu-Ode , Ogun State when he made a triumphant  homecoming on his return from England in 1961. The then 33- year old lawyer rode into the village in the same car with Chief (Mrs.) H.I.D. Awolowo.   It was a glorious day for us villagers.  We, the children, crowded the slow moving car, as it waltzed its way to the village square, to get a glimpse of this illustrious son of the soil just returned from ‘ilu Oyinbo’ (the White man’s land). In those days, we village children used to wave at any aeroplane passing over our village asking the passengers, in Ijebu dialect, to help us greet our relations in ‘Ilu Oyinbo’!

    We got heightened excitement when we found out that the lady who rode in the car with him was the wife of the legendary AWO!  

    Chief Ayo Adebanjo was committed to his local Ogbo community, comprising 11 villages (Ogbo mokanla ). He was the Asiwaju of Ibido-Ogbo, the Baba Oba of Okelamuren, Grand Patron of Okelamuren Progressive Union (OPU) and leader of Ogbo Christian community. For decades, he hosted Ogbo community members in Lagos to annual new year party at his Lagos residence on the second Sunday of every January. He paid his tithe and regularly packaged money for the local clergy at Saint Phillips Anglican Church, Isanya-Ogbo.  On one of my visits to the country home, I witnessed him doling out two envelopes of money to the assistant pastor of his home church.  After the pastor left, I had asked Baba why at age 95 he was still giving out money.  He had smiled, pointing out that as church leader, there were some expectations of him, adding   that even his wife, also in her 90s, made similar donations.    

    As is the tradition with Afenifere, Chief Adebanjo, as Afenifere leader, hosted the organization’s meetings at his Isanya-Ogbo country home, usually under a canopy provided for the occasion, with entertainment sponsored by various groups. At such meetings where he presided, Chief Adebanjo stamped his authority as the man in charge. Meeting must follow procedure as laid out in items in the agenda. If you got up to speak on item 6 while discussion was on item 4, he shuts you up mid-sentence.  Also, you don’t go back to an item that had been treated, he would dismiss you as absent-minded, inattentive and a time waster.  Some did not like the brusque manner, but to him meetings must be ordered business. 

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    The point is, whoever got to interact with Chief Ayo Adebanjo saw him as a strong man: strong in intellectual articulation and elocution, a strong robust physique, strong vocally in his emphatic tone and very, very strong in his convictions.  With him, there is no ambivalence, no ambiguity – he takes a reasoned stand  and sticks with it – his last unequivocal stand  being  his endorsement of Peter Obi of Labour Party  for president in the 2023 presidential  election.   It turned out his last political battle. 

    Chief Ayo Adebanjo had opposed Tinubu’s presidential bid on principle of equity and often said it was not a declaration of war, which was why he visited Tinubu during the time he had health challenges before the election.  This gesture was lost on the Tinubu boys.  In spite of the irreverent political gladiators, among the glowing tributes to Chief Ayo Adebanjo, I found the one by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu quite gratifying for the humility in publicly acknowledging the pivotal role of Chief Ayo Adebanjo as acting chairman of the Alliance for Democracy party in getting him elected as governor of Lagos State in 1999, a position that launched his political trajectory. 

    “His (Adebanjo) unwavering commitment to truth and justice extended to my journey as governorship candidate in 1999.  Baba Adebanjo’s steadfast support was instrumental in my election as governor of Lagos State under the platform of the Alliance for Democracy’.  Tinubu had added:  “Until his death, I shared a deep personal bond with Baba Adebanjo; he was like a father figure”.  Those Tinubu laudatory words about Chief Ayo Adebanjo, “unwavering commitment to justice” played out in 1999 in commendation but played out in 2023 in condemnation!   

    Chief  Ayo Adebanjo, a man of politics without bitterness,  died on February 14  – Valentine Day – a day of showing amity, which hopefully,  may  create a pathway  to restoring  harmony  to Afenifere, the  umbrella Yoruba  body,   which he led with passion and dedication. 

    Chief Ayo Adebanjo lived a frank, unpretentious and fulfilling life.  He harped on life’s transient nature and had always jokingly reminded people of his imminent passage.  He used to say: Ayo Adebanjo has done his bit; it is left for others to carry on. He ran a good race and ended well. He left a legacy of political fidelity to justice, equity and a principled stand in furtherance of Nigerian  brotherhood.   

    •Dr. Olawunmi is lecturer, Department of Mass Communication, Adeleke University, Ede, Osun State.

  • Artificial Intelligence in IT -Bridging Innovation and Opportunity in Africa

    Artificial Intelligence in IT -Bridging Innovation and Opportunity in Africa

    By Olusoji Adeyemo

    Artificial intelligence (AI) has evolved from a futuristic concept into a force reshaping industries globally, including here in Nigeria and across Africa. Once the domain of advanced economies, AI is now paving its way into diverse markets, showing its potential to drive progress in sectors ranging from agriculture to healthcare and finance.

    For many, particularly those without technical expertise, the idea of AI can still seem abstract. But its applications—and opportunities—are not just confined to IT professionals. They are relevant and transformative for everyone, including in our local contexts.

    At its core, AI involves machines mimicking human intelligence to perform tasks such as understanding language, recognizing images, or making decisions. In Nigeria, one of the most significant impacts of AI can be seen in the fintech sector. Digital lending platforms like Carbon or FairMoney leverage AI algorithms to assess creditworthiness, granting loans to individuals without traditional credit histories. Similarly, mobile payment systems use AI to detect fraudulent transactions, keeping users’ funds secure. These tools are reshaping access to financial services for millions of unbanked and underbanked Nigerians.

    Agriculture is another industry where AI is making a difference, not only in Nigeria but across the African continent. In countries where agriculture is the backbone of the economy, AI tools are helping farmers improve productivity. For instance, AI-powered drones and sensors monitor crop health and soil conditions, enabling better decision-making. Platforms like Hello Tractor, often referred to as the “Uber for tractors,” use AI to connect farmers with tractor services, optimizing farming operations and increasing yields. Such innovations address food security concerns and support rural economies.

    The healthcare sector is also reaping the benefits of AI, particularly in regions with limited medical resources. In Nigeria, AI-driven tools are being used to diagnose diseases like malaria and tuberculosis with greater accuracy. Chatbots like Ubenwa analyze infants’ cries to detect signs of birth asphyxia, a leading cause of neonatal deaths. These applications are life-saving, especially in rural areas where access to specialist doctors is scarce. Across Africa, initiatives like Zipline use AI-guided drones to deliver medical supplies to remote locations, further enhancing healthcare accessibility.

    AI’s role in education is another critical area of impact. In a continent with high levels of school-age population and limited teacher availability, AI-powered platforms are helping to bridge gaps. Digital learning tools and virtual tutors personalize education, offering students tailored support and enabling self-paced learning. For example, Nigerian edtech platforms like uLesson are already leveraging AI to make quality education more accessible, even in underserved communities.

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    While the potential benefits of AI in Africa are immense, challenges remain, particularly when it comes to infrastructure and awareness. Many Nigerians, and indeed Africans at large, may view AI as a distant technology meant for Silicon Valley or Beijing. But the reality is that AI can solve local problems in ways that are deeply relevant. For example, AI is used in applications to predict flooding in Nigeria’s river basins, helping communities prepare for natural disasters.

    However, the success of these solutions depends on improving internet penetration, electricity supply, and digital literacy across the continent.

    Ethical considerations are also crucial. As we embrace AI, we must ask: Who controls the data? In a market like Nigeria, where data privacy concerns are growing, it’s essential that AI systems are developed responsibly. This includes ensuring that algorithms don’t inadvertently favour one demographic over another or deepen social inequalities. Additionally, there’s the question of job displacement. While automation can free up workers from repetitive tasks, it also calls for reskilling and preparing the workforce for jobs in an AI-driven economy.

    It’s important to stress that AI is not here to replace humans but to augment human potential. In the Nigerian oil and gas industry, for instance, AI is being used to analyse seismic data, but the expertise of geologists and engineers remains vital for decision-making. Similarly, in urban planning, AI can map informal settlements and propose infrastructure improvements, but the local knowledge of community leaders is indispensable.

    For everyday Nigerians, embracing AI starts with understanding its practical implications. Whether it’s using AI to optimize traffic flow in Lagos through smart systems or adopting AI-driven mobile health apps, the technology is becoming an integral part of daily life. It’s not about being a tech expert but about being open to new ways of solving challenges and improving livelihoods.

    The emergence of AI in Nigeria and Africa as a whole is not just about adopting global trends. It’s about tailoring these innovations to fit our unique needs and aspirations. As we harness AI to tackle local challenges, we are not only keeping pace with the world but actively shaping the narrative of how technology can uplift economies and communities. With the right investments in infrastructure, education, and ethical practices, AI has the potential to be a powerful force for good across the continent.

    •Adeyemo writes from United Kingdom.

  • Maradona’s Hand of God and IBB’s memoir: Nigeria’s struggle for narrative

    Maradona’s Hand of God and IBB’s memoir: Nigeria’s struggle for narrative

    By Charles Dickson

    Diego Maradona’s “Hand of God,” a moment of audacious deception and divine attribution, remains etched in the collective memory of football. It’s a story that transcended the boundaries of a simple sporting event, becoming a cultural touchstone, a symbol of cunning and controversy. The replay, the analysis, the debate – all contributed to the solidification of the moment into a piece of history, albeit a contested one.

    In Nigeria, we yearn for such clarity, such a tangible, debated, and ultimately understood narrative of our past.

    Our historical landscape is cotton woven with threads of omission, selective memory, and a profound reluctance to confront the more painful chapters of our national story.

    The systematic removal of history from secondary school curricula, a decision that effectively severed a generation from its roots, speaks volumes about our discomfort with our past. This deliberate erasure has created a void, a chasm where a shared understanding of our nation’s journey should reside.

     The prioritization of foreign empires, like the Songhai, over the intricate and complex story of Nigerian history further compounds this issue. While these external narratives offer valuable perspectives, they cannot replace the fundamental need to understand our internal dynamics, our struggles, and our triumphs. The absence of a comprehensive exploration of the “Nigerian empire”, whatever form it may have taken, leaves a critical gap in our understanding of our own identity.

     The Biafran War, a brutal and deeply divisive conflict, stands as a stark example of our reluctance to confront our past. The persistent refusal to commission a televised narrative, a project that could have served as a powerful tool for healing and reconciliation, underscores our collective unease. The parallels with “Hotel Rwanda” and “Sometimes in April,” films that dared to confront the horrors of genocide, are undeniable. By shying away from our painful truths, we perpetuate a cycle of misunderstanding and mistrust.

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    The Jos September 21 crisis, a more recent but equally devastating event, suffers from a similar lack of comprehensive documentation and public discourse. The absence of a clear, accessible narrative leaves the wounds of this tragedy festering, hindering the process of healing and reconciliation. Without a shared understanding of these events, we are condemned to repeat the mistakes of the past.

    Equally troubling are the unresolved controversies that loom like spectres over Nigeria’s political history. The 1986 assassination of Dele Giwa, founder of Newswatch magazine, via a letter bomb remains a festering wound. Despite evidence implicating state actors, the case languishes in obscurity, buried under layers of official obfuscation. Similarly, the 2001 murder of Bola Ige, then Attorney General and Minister of Justice, remains shrouded in mystery. The unanswered question of who killed Bola Ige has become a metaphor for the culture of impunity that haunts Nigeria’s corridors of power. These are not mere cold cases; they are testaments to a state’s refusal to confront its shadows.

    This opacity extends beyond individual tragedies. The Nigerian state’s insistence on classifying vast swathes of historical records—often under the guise of “national security”—denies citizens access to their own story. While democracies like the United States declassify documents after set periods, Nigeria’s archives remain locked, fuelling speculation and conspiracy. What truths lie hidden in files marked confidential? What role did the state play in pivotal moments like the annulment of June 12 or the fuel subsidy protests?

    By clinging to secrecy, the state reduces history to a weapon, wielded to control narratives rather than enlighten the public.

    Compounding this is the relegation of national discourse to the realm of myth and rumour. Without official records, history becomes a battleground of competing anecdotes. Was MKO Abiola’s death natural or engineered? What truly transpired during the Dimka coup? In the absence of facts, hearsay thrives. The danger is not merely academic; it erodes trust in institutions and fractures collective memory. When history is negotiable, manipulated by those in power, or concocted in the echo chambers of social media, society loses its anchor. A nation cannot mature when its past is a puzzle with missing pieces, assembled by guesswork and bias.

     The silence of key figures, particularly those who played pivotal roles in shaping our nation’s destiny, exacerbates the problem. General Gowon, a man who stood at the helm of the nation during a tumultuous period, remains silent, his war memoirs unwritten. His perspective, his insights, and his reflections are invaluable, yet they remain locked away, depriving us of a crucial piece of our historical puzzle.

    The recent launch of IBB’s autobiography, while a welcome addition to the sparse collection of personal narratives, underscores the challenges we face. In a nation starved of historical context, such accounts become not just personal reflections but de facto historical records. However, these accounts, by their very nature, are subjective, offering a single perspective on complex events. They cannot replace the rigorous, objective analysis of professional historians and the wealth of information contained in well-maintained archives.

    Unlike nations with robust archival systems and transparent processes for declassifying historical documents, we rely heavily on “tales by moonlight,” anecdotal fragments that, while valuable, lack the rigor and objectivity of structured historical analysis. This reliance on oral traditions and personal accounts blurs the lines between public relations and historical record, allowing narratives to be shaped by personal agendas rather than a pursuit of truth.

    The power of literature, as evidenced by Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart,” lies in its ability to illuminate the human experience and offer insights into the past. However, literature alone cannot replace the foundational role of history. History is not constructed logically; it happens, it is recorded, and it is taught. Without that foundation, we are left with fragments, interpretations, and the ever-present danger of repeating the mistakes of the past.

    We must reclaim our history. We must demand comprehensive education, open archives, and honest narratives. We must encourage those who shaped our nation to share their stories, not as PR exercises but as contributions to a collective understanding.

    Only then can we move forward, not as a nation adrift, but as a people grounded in the truth of our shared journey. Only then can we ensure that the “Hand of God” of our past does not become a tool for manipulation but a lesson for a more informed and united future. We need to create a culture where history is valued, debated, and understood, not suppressed or manipulated.

    This means investing in historical research, supporting archival institutions, and fostering a spirit of open dialogue about our past. It means ensuring that our children are taught the full, unvarnished truth about their nation’s history, both the triumphs and the tragedies. Only then can we build a future where the lessons of the past guide us toward a more just and equitable society.

     I would end by stating painfully that we are in a coffin, where young Nigerians exhibit a profound disconnection from their historical heritage and cultural roots, reflecting a broader societal shift away from the collective memory and traditions that once defined their identity. This detachment not only undermines their sense of belonging, but also diminishes their understanding of the cultural, social, and historical narratives that have shaped the nation.

    In an era dominated by globalization and digital modernity, the erosion of this connection to the past poses significant challenges to the preservation of Nigeria’s rich cultural legacy and the cultivation of a cohesive national identity. Do we remain in the coffin or resurrect?

    •Dickson PhD, is of Tattaaunawa Roundtable, a non-profit, non-partisan, non-allied, community centred organization based in Jos, Plateau State.

  • Wanted: Nigerian School of Mines

    Wanted: Nigerian School of Mines

    By Oladele Oladipupo

    At the just concluded National Treasury Workshop in Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory, Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Wale Edun stated that the federal government had re-affirmed its commitment to aggressively exploring non-oil revenue sources to reduce reliance on crude oil earnings and stabilize the economy. The minister noted that recent shift in global energy policies, declining crude oil demand and fluctuating prices has made it imperative for the federal government to focus its attention on expanding revenue generation from sectors such as solid minerals, agriculture and tourism. The minister added that while several non-oil sectors had shown strong potential for revenue generation, job creation and economic transformation, they remained largely untapped.

    Over the years, the federal government has been financing the budgets with money realized from the sales of crude oil. But the problem is that most countries are now transitioning from non-renewable energy based economy to renewable energy and because of this, the demand for fossil fuel in the global market will continue to decline in the near future.

    I am happy that the federal government has now taken bold step in exploring the economic potentials in the mining, tourism and agricultural sectors as an alternative to using money from the sales of crude oil in financing the national budget. Recall that early this year, one of the lawmakers in the National Assembly sponsored a bill that will ensure adequate funding for mineral resources exploration and extraction through public-private participation. One of the objectives of the bill is to ensure that the mining sector reaches its full potentials, creating jobs, fostering economic growth and enhancing Nigeria’s self-sufficiency in mineral resources industry. Once the bill is passed into law, it will definitely solve most of the challenges in the mining sector such as illegal mining activities.

    Obviously, the mining sector is currently dominated by illegal miners who are not professionals. These set of miners are mostly foreigners who operate in an unsustainable and unethical practices. From Plateau State to Niger State and from Ebonyi State to Zamfara State, the story is the same.

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    A couple of years ago, thousands of children in Zamfara State died of lead poisoning due to illegal mining activities. Also in Niger State, 25 persons lost their lives in 2024 as a result of illegal mining. Early  this year, several people in two host communities in Ebonyi State were said  to have been afflicted by lead poisoning ailments leading to renal failure, cardiovascular diseases, respiratory disorder and hypertension as a result of unsustainable mining practices.

    Recently, there have been reports of indiscriminate illegal mining activities that are taking place in Bassa, Barkin Ladi, Riyan, Bokkas, Mangu and Wase Local Government Areas of Plateau State. According to the media reports, the armed militias are the ones carrying out illegal mining activities in these local government areas. However, in a deliberate attempt to curb the challenges, the state governor, Caleb Mutfang recently signed an Executive Order suspending all mining activities across the state. According to the governor, the suspension is to mitigate land degradation, combat child labour and address escalating security threats, including the influx of unregulated foreign miners. Mining is an important sector which should be overseen by individuals who possess both technical expertise and professional qualification required to navigate the complex engineering challenges of the sector. It is therefore imperative that the country build a strong institution in order to effectively manage the mining sector.

    It is on this premise that this writer is proposing the establishment of Nigerian School of Mines. The institution will provide specialized training for young Nigerians to effectively handle the mining operation in the country. The institution will be modeled after the Indian School of Mines. One of the objectives of this proposal is to develop manpower that could manage our mineral resources effectively.

    While in public service, I had the privilege of attending a World Bank  Training Workshop on Sustainable Management of Mineral Resources in Nigeria Mining sector. The training was held in India from August 30 to September 12, 2011. The venue of the workshop was the Indian School of Mines at Danbald, India. The institution was established in 1897 and it has produced a lot of first class mining engineers who are gainfully employed in both the public and private sectors of the economy.

    Participants at the workshop were drawn from the Federal Ministries of Environment and Solid Minerals. A total of 14 directors attended the training workshop. The workshop was in two parts namely: the theoretical and practical aspects. The duration of the workshop was two weeks and it was handled by experienced professors from various faculties and departments. Participants were taken to various land mined out sites and industrial establishments. We also visited TARTA where they manufacture vehicles. Some of the courses that we were taught included but not limited to the following: Legal framework guiding Mining Operations in India, Environmental Impact Assessment, Environmental Auditing, Air Pollution Control, Waste Water Engineering, Bio-remediation, Mining Sites Decommissioning and Geological Survey. The program was quite interesting indeed.

    As for the proposed Nigerian School of Mines, some of the courses to be offered will include Environmental Engineering, Mining Engineering, Chemical Engineering, Software Engineering, Water and Waste Water Engineering and Metallurgical Engineering. The school will award both Bachelors and higher degrees in engineering. Graduates of this institution will be gainfully employed in both the public and private organizations.

    To the best of my knowledge, there is no school of Mines in Africa. If the proposal is approved by the current administration, Nigeria will be the first African country that will establish school of mines. I hope the present administration will take a closer look at this proposal with a view to adopting it.

    •Oladipupo writes from Agbara Estate,Ogun State.