The Nation Newspaper

Category: Discourse

  • Africa’s next chapter: Leadership, governance and strategy in a changing global order

    Africa’s next chapter: Leadership, governance and strategy in a changing global order

    • By Adefemi Fapohunda

    The era of tariffs, supply chain realignment, and shifting trade agreements has reshaped the rules of global engagement. While it presents its own set of challenges, it also ushers in a new phase of global opportunities where education, technology, research, and entrepreneurship must converge to drive economic growth. In this new era, companies and corporations are increasingly influencing global foreign policy in ways that extend beyond the conventional authority of nation-states. This disruption marks a decisive break from the frameworks that have long governed world trade and development, signaling the dawn of a new economic order one that redefines the principles of commerce, investment, and global cooperation.

    At the wake of this era, Africa stands at the threshold of a historic turning point. The most critical chapter of the continent’s rise is being written not only in boardrooms or government corridors, but in classrooms, innovation hubs, and communities where the next generation of African leaders is being shaped.

    We are entering an era where private capital, public policy, and civic values must align with human capital, innovation capacity, and strong institutions to create solutions that address society’s most pressing challenges. Through strategic diplomacy, these outcomes can be replicated in collaboration with global stakeholders, creating lasting impact across sectors and borders.

    For developing countries particularly those historically dependent on grants, aid, and concessional lending the current global transformation is both a challenge and a generational opportunity. The age of handouts is giving way to an age of fiscal investment value, where measurable returns, transparent governance, and scalable solutions are the currency of global partnership.

    At the heart of this shift is the reality that with a rapidly growing youth population, nations must urgently create pathways that harness this demographic dividend. By investing in education, skills development, and entrepreneurship and by fostering innovation-driven economies, developing countries can transform youthful energy into a powerful engine for sustainable growth.

    Read Also: Tambuwal: I remain resolute, joining forces to reposition Nigeria

    Although Africa must pursue industrialisation to secure long-term prosperity, technology remains a powerful lever to accelerate innovation, enhance productivity, and integrate African economies into global value chains. Africa’s progress depends on bridging business and government to drive systemic, sustainable solutions. Focus should be on systems thinking, forging international partnerships that support local innovation, strengthen governance, and empower the next generation to lead not merely follow. Investment is key to building systems that truly serve the people.

    Systemic investing to mobilise all forms of capital: financial, human, social, natural, and institutional offers a path forward. This approach delivers more than profit; it nurtures democracy, strengthens governance systems, and improves quality of life. Therefore, investing in systems rather than isolated projects recognises that economies cannot thrive without stable institutions. When governance delivers tangible dividends, better infrastructure, equitable access to services, and genuine economic opportunities, it strengthens the social contract and earns the trust of the people. In Africa, where youthful energy is abundant, systemic thinking can channel that energy into innovation, job creation, and nation-building. This is inevitable to survive this next era of global development.

    Africa must embrace strategic diplomatic and lateral alignment rooted in commerce. In a world where multilateralism is under strain, alliances that cut across regions and sectors, government-to-government, business-to-business, and people-to-people will shape the continent’s negotiating power. Strengthening trade agreements and fostering cohesion among African states through frameworks, such as African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) is essential to enabling the continent to negotiate and compete as a unified economic bloc. This is not simply about securing deals; it is about positioning Africa as an indispensable partner in the reimagined global value chain, with Nigeria demonstrating the capacity to deliver stability and opportunity. The time to move from frameworks to action is now.

    Emerging pathways for Africa’s growth span several strategic, high-impact areas. Supply chain diversification presents a key opening: as major economies seek to de-risk their supply chains, African nations with political stability, competitive labour, and robust logistics can secure stronger positions in global production networks. In bilateral trade and industrialisation, the future will favour countries that negotiate trade deals anchored not only in exports but also in technology transfer, skills development, and infrastructure co-investment. Development finance is evolving, with capital increasingly flowing toward blended finance, impact investing, and sovereign co-funding. This shift makes it critical for African countries to align national strategies with investor priorities, strengthen regulatory frameworks, and develop bankable project pipelines. The green and digital transitions provide twin pathways to leapfrog development. By investing in human capital, digital infrastructure, and innovation ecosystems, Africa can position itself as a leader in sustainable energy, climate-smart agriculture, fintech, and health tech. The possibilities are vast—but translating them into results will require deliberate, coordinated action.

    From Lagos to Kigali, Nairobi to Accra, young Africans are building enterprises, leveraging technology, and driving social innovation. Yet the scale of transformation required demands more than individual brilliance. It calls for leaders who can connect grassroots energy with continental and global platforms, ensuring Africa not only participates in shaping the rules of engagement but also helps to set them. Across the continent, emerging and established leaders are charting new paths, uniting diverse stakeholders, and anchoring strategies in inclusive, future-focused governance. Their collective work is a testament to what is possible when leadership is visionary, accountable, and committed to shared progress.

    Within the present uncertainties lie opportunities for development. Africa’s moment has arrived. The continent must now transition from being seen as a recipient of global goodwill to being recognised as a co-creator of global prosperity. This will require reforms that unlock domestic capital, attract foreign investment, and forge partnerships built on mutual value rather than dependency. The metrics of success in this new era will be clear: governments that deliver dividends to their people, institutions that inspire trust, economies that compete globally, and leaders who understand that strategic relevance not sympathy secures lasting influence.

    The question is not whether Africa’s next generation will rise to meet the challenge, it is whether we will equip them with the tools, trust, and platforms to lead boldly. In this decisive moment, systemic investing, good governance, and strategic alignment are not optional; they are the only paths forward.

    .•Fapohunda is a visiting Fellow at MIT researching systemic investing in Africa at Sloan Sustainability Initiative..

  • The distortion of statistics and the way forward

    The distortion of statistics and the way forward

    By Bamidele Ademola-Olateju

    As of 2025, Nigeria is grappling with a profound structural imbalance. The country is experiencing a crisis of expectations versus reality, and the challenge lies in transitioning out of a failed system of social relationships. The fallout from this structural imbalance is manifested every election cycle. We’ve been experiencing it these past few weeks as political parties begin to gear up for the 2027 presidential election (see, for example, Tinubu and the North, Daily Trust, August 4, 2027, and Nigerians are hungry, Daily Trust, August 5, 2025).

    Nigeria’s unique characteristics as a multi-ethnic and multicultural society, operating a less-than-balanced federal system is at the root of the problem. An ideal federal system for Nigeria would be akin to Switzerland’s, but the country has deviated from this model since the adoption of the 1960 and 1963 Republican Constitutions. The transition to a presidential system of government in which states are subservient to the centre has not helped matters. The government has made some adjustments, which have been painful but unavoidable. These adjustments have given rise to various symptoms, and statistics have been misused to highlight the issues, as if the current administration is responsible for the underlying decay in some quarters.

    The structural imbalance is complicated by disparities in various sectors, with the economic and educational disparities staring us in the face. The imbalance and disparities must be addressed through more creative means. Currently, statistics are being used as weapons of attack, and there is a need to contextualize them. Given limited resources, a new approach must be developed, focusing on immediate, medium, short, and long-term solutions that would yield transparent results.

    Nigeria’s lack of a national democratic agreement among its political establishment and elite has contributed to the current situation. Such an agreement would provide a general navigating map, allowing for differences in emphasis and disagreements, while maintaining an overall consensus on the way forward. The absence of this consensus has turned a crisis that could have been transformative into a tool for attacking the government as preparations are underway for another round of elections.

    An elite consensus on the way forward is necessary, but unfortunately, it is lacking. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s attempts to rally the republic, to borrow a phrase from Charles de Gaulle, is being sabotaged by ambitious politicians, who have engaged in scaremongering, using statistical distortions. This is not a trend that could be beneficial to the country or its people.

    Read Also: Nigeria targets 10m tonnes of steel by 2030, 500,000 jobs — Tinubu

    When President Tinubu’s government took office, it was faced with two alternative paths: (a) continuing as usual or (b) taking a decisive and bold step to address the damage. The administration chose the latter, more difficult but necessary option, and deserves credit for doing so. This decision has prevented the country from falling into a debt crisis and has enabled it to make gains in exports and federal allocations to the states and local governments.

    The government must now break free from the destructive tendencies and take a robust position. It was as well that the President’s media team immediately exposed the misuse of statistics by the distortionists (see Sunday Dare, Responsible critique requires fact-driven narratives: A response to Daily Trust, The Nation, August 6, 2025 and Tunde Rahman, President Tinubu, the North and Distortions of Politics, Thisday, August 10, 2025). True, one of the Daily Trust editorials provided some urgent tasks that the presidency must embark upon to ameliorate the hardships, it failed to explain why those hardships were necessary for the short-term. Rather, it sought to inflame the masses through distortions of reality. Besides, the presidency was already implementing some of the editorial’s suggestions before they were made.

    Nevertheless, the government needs to determine the territory of public discourse and create a conventional wisdom that acknowledges the challenges, while emphasizing the gains made and the bright future that lays ahead. For instance, the gains in exports should be highlighted and explained in ways that show (a) how they were made possible and (b) how they can benefit ordinary people. The government should also point out how sustained export growth can strengthen the naira, benefiting an import-dependent society. Finally, it must be emphasized that it is not for nothing that major international organizations and finance institutions rated the President’s policy high and painted a robust macro-economic outlook for the country.

    The use of statistics for mischievous purposes has been easy because the government has not done enough to highlight its gains. Instead, too much time is spent on responding to mischievous interventions. It is time for the government to focus on highlighting the progress made, how it will be sustained, and how it will deliver real dividends to the people in the long term.

    For tactical convenience, the strategic imperative may have led the President to avoid public accusation of Governors for failing to show proof of the federal governments social interventions in various sectors. However, in a functioning federalism, much more is expected of state governments than the center. The reality is that state governments have not fulfilled their responsibilities, despite increased federal interventionist subventions social investment, and increased monthly allocations. The government needs to find a way to put state governments on the spot, making the public aware of their ineptitude across various sectors.

    As a federal republic, state governments must provide the inputs that people erroneously expect the central government alone to deliver. The public’s aggression should not be transferred solely to the central government; instead, they should also hold state governments accountable for their responsibilities.

    Bamidele Ademola-Olateju, a former Ondo Commissioner for Information, is Director of New Media and Corporate Services for the All Progressives Congress (APC)

  • How Kaduna is building a model of inclusive governance

    How Kaduna is building a model of inclusive governance

    By Ben Kure

    Kaduna State has entered a new era of peace, progress and people-focused governance under the leadership of His Excellency Senator Uba Sani (CON). The Governor’s administration marks a sharp and welcome departure from the insecurity, divisive politics, and harsh policies of the past. For eight years, residents endured widespread kidnappings and violent attacks in communities such as Birnin Gwari, Giwa, Kauru, Kaura and Zangon Kataf, along with mass teacher sackings, steep tuition hikes, unpaid pensions, and strained relations with workers. During those years, Kaduna’s name in the news often meant tragedy.

    Governor Sani, a seasoned pro-democracy activist who stood alongside icons like Gani Fawehinmi, Dr. Beko Ransom-Kuti, and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, has restored governance rooted in compassion, dialogue and inclusion. He has reversed anti-people policies, reconnected with elders and stakeholders, and opened the doors of government to every citizen. The fear of arbitrary demolitions, job losses and policy shocks has been replaced with hope, stability and trust. Governor Sani has also restored dignity to Kaduna State’s traditional institutions, recognising their vital roles as custodians of culture and traditions and as leaders closest to the people. This renewed respect has empowered them to promote peaceful coexistence across the state.

    He has actively engaged religious leaders, urging them to pray for the people and provide moral guidance that shapes attitudes, refines the minds of young people, and fosters unity. Under his leadership, citizens are encouraged to embrace their faith and ethical values, live in love for the state and the nation, reject destructive paths, and commit to personal and collective growth. In a decisive gesture of justice and reconciliation, some traditional leaders who were wrongly and maliciously dethroned in the past have been restored to their thrones, reaffirming the government’s commitment to fairness and respect for heritage.

    Inheriting over N80 billion in domestic debt and $550 million in foreign loans, the Governor acted decisively. Kaduna is now ranked among Nigeria’s top four states in attracting foreign direct investment, thanks to strategic partnerships with global development agencies. The administration has provided free housing to victims of insurgency, commissioned 100 CNG buses offering free transport to civil servants, students and the public, and distributed over 900 truckloads of fertilizer, tractors and irrigation equipment to farmers—all at no cost.

    Read Also: Nigerians react as Prophet Funfeyin’s Ministry responds to alleged mockery

    Governor Sani reversed tuition hikes at Kaduna State University, saving thousands of students from dropping out. In healthcare, 255 primary health centres across all wards are being upgraded, 14 general hospitals renovated, and the long-delayed 300-bed Specialist Hospital initiated by former Governor and Vice President Architect Namadi Sambo (GCON) has been completed and commissioned. On infrastructure, more than 80 rural roads totaling 800km are under construction, with 30 already commissioned, boosting trade and access to markets. Land injustices are being corrected, and rightful owners compensated. At the state’s two-year anniversary, President Tinubu (GCFR) hailed the administration as a “government that cares,” contrasting it with what he described as a “toxic” past government. Security has greatly improved, thanks to coordinated efforts between the Governor, National Security Adviser Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, Chief of Defence Staff General Christopher G. Musa, and all security agencies.

    To address diverse needs, the administration has established the Ministry of Youth Development, revived the Ministry of Information, and created the Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs. These reforms aim to better serve Kaduna’s 10 million residents and strengthen community engagement. With a continued focus on security, economic growth, infrastructure, and human development, Governor Sani’s vision is clear: a Kaduna State that will be a model for Nigeria, where business thrives, education and healthcare are accessible, and citizens live in safety and dignity.

    Through strengthened community policing and a revamped security architecture, Kaduna has witnessed a sharp decline in bandit attacks and kidnappings—restoring safety and investor confidence across the state. Governor Sani’s commitment to governance reforms has birthed a more transparent, accountable system, with power increasingly devolved to local authorities for greater grassroots impact. Strategic partnerships are breathing new life into agriculture and small-scale enterprises, while expanded skills training and youth employment programmes are equipping the next generation. Public schools and health centres—long neglected—are being transformed, alongside targeted welfare initiatives for women, children and the vulnerable. With these sweeping reforms, Kaduna is no longer defined by fear or uncertainty. It is safer, stronger and steadily rising—proof that under Governor Sani, leadership is not about promises, but performance. Kaduna State is truly in safe and secure hands.

    •Kure, MD/CEO, Kaduna State Media Corporation (KSMC), sent this piece from Kaduna

  • What Chima Amadi should know

    What Chima Amadi should know

    By Declan Emelumba

    We may never know for certain whether all is well with Mazi Chima Matthew Amadi. His case is like that of the man for whom the Devil finds work because of idle hands. Two clear years stand between us and the 2027 Imo elections, yet Amadi is already shadow-boxing, gorging on self-importance, and attempting to spar with a governor in his final constitutionally allowed term – as though heckling from the sidelines could somehow install him in Douglas House.

    In the last couple of months, Chima Amadi has been all over the place seeking attention, craving visibility, and imagining himself as the saviour of Imo State. Whatever or whoever fed him the fantasy of riding on attacks against the Imo State Government to realise his vaulting ambition of becoming governor through rabble-rousing has done him a terrible disservice.

    An unknown political quantity in the state, Amadi’s entry behaviour betrays a desperate and clumsy plot to curry public sentiment in his quest for power. In his rush to execute this plot, he has failed to be meticulous, failed to be circumspect, and above all, failed to be procedural.

    Only a political neophyte begins a political journey by doing the last things first and the first things last. In our party system, anyone desirous of elected office will naturally start by joining a political party, popularising himself within it, and galvanising the faithful to buy into his vision. Thereafter, he proceeds to contest the party primaries for the office he seeks. A general campaign follows after clinching the ticket. Yet, as we speak, Chima Amadi is not known as a member of any political party, but he has already begun a general campaign to be governor. This is pitiable, he may well end up never securing the ticket of any political party.

    So obsessed is he with ambition that it has clouded his thinking. The result is predictable: the prize he seeks will elude him. Matters are made worse by his preference for playing to the gallery instead of sticking to substance and facts.

    Read Also: Nigerians react as Prophet Funfeyin’s Ministry responds to alleged mockery

    He and his ilk abuse the unfettered democratic space provided by Distinguished Senator Hope Uzodimma. The governor has created an atmosphere for open political discourse in Imo State, granting everyone the freedom to speak, regardless of the rationality of their views. Unfortunately, some politicians have abused this right, crossing the line into sedition. While this administration welcomes constructive criticism, what Amadi has been engaging in is nothing short of sedition.

    For clarity, sedition is “the organised incitement of rebellion or civil disorder against authority or the state.” Another word for rebellion is insurrection. Therefore, when Amadi bandies around huge sums he claims Uzodimma has squandered, or says there is “nothing to show for it,” without proof, he crosses into seditious territory. In law, he who alleges must prove.

    At a recent seminar organised by the Catholic Men Organization (CMO) in Owerri, Amadi made damaging, baseless allegations against the Uzodimma administration. He falsely claimed that Imo State records the highest maternal mortality rate in Nigeria, 1,863 deaths per 100,000, due to poor health facilities. The truth is that the actual figure is 163 per 100,000 live births, a statistic that validates the state of our health facilities. Worse still, Amadi relied on 2018 data, predating Uzodimma’s tenure, to mislead his audience. In fact, a recent report by an international health journal clearly lists states with high maternal mortality rates, and Imo is not among them. Is it not wicked to attempt to incite the public with such falsehood?

    Amadi was equally reckless when he demanded that the government account for all monies received from the Federation Account from 2019 to date. A little effort would have shown him that Chapter 5, Part 2, Section 125, subsections 1 and 2 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) clearly spells out how public accounts are rendered. It does not require the government to account personally to Amadi or any other individual. A responsible citizen’s concern should be whether the government is complying with constitutional provisions. Clearly, Amadi is unaware of this, as his outing at Assumpta revealed his ignorance of the Nigerian Constitution. But perhaps he should do well to learn the elementary lesson of governance which is that public administration is driven by laws not whims.

    And speaking of stewardship, perhaps in Amadi’s world all the rehabilitation work on 305 health centres across the state counts for nothing unless each matches the National Hospital in Abuja. Likewise, all the recognition awards from reputable bodies, including international organisations, mean nothing unless issued by Amadi himself.

    When he claimed nothing was happening in the local governments, he had to capitulate when confronted with evidence, five kilometres of road built in each of the 27 LGAs. He would rather see such kilometres built monthly. Yet he remained silent on the uninterrupted power supply projects funded by LGAs or the fact that local government staff are being paid regularly. Naturally, if asked to prove that Uzodimma has seized LGA funds, he would have no evidence.

    Amadi’s incitement continues until the government accounts to him for every kobo generated since 2020. By arrogating to himself the  powers of the House of Assembly, he will only be satisfied when he assumes a supervisory role over the state’s finances. That is why he will not acknowledge that Uzodimma has added two new universities to the state’s lone existing one. To him, until 10,000 teachers are recruited, education is unfunded. He conveniently ignores that before Uzodimma, even lecturers were owed salaries, and that it takes substantial resources to pay the staff of three universities, one polytechnic, and one college of education while executing capital projects in the sector.

    Nor will Amadi acknowledge the billions invested in critical infrastructure across the state. When he drives through Imo, he should ask about the state of those roads before this administration. Perhaps he should ask his political associates from previous governments what Uzodimma did to make Imo roads motorable again. It is not enough to be loquacious, or even garrulous, in questioning the governor’s integrity. Like doubting Thomas, he wants to be led to each of the more than 120 completed roads before believing.

    Unfortunately for Amadi, Uzodimma will not be distracted by unsubstantiated allegations. These same tired claims of underperformance failed to stop his re-election, with Imo people returning him 100 per cent. People like Amadi could not even win their wards, let alone their LGAs, exposing their political irrelevance.

    Overwhelmed by Uzodimma’s record performance, they resort to deceit, lies, and incitement. When a man abandons the theme of a seminar to hurl mud at the government, it shows he has no ideas to sell. Amadi’s only campaign material is a virulent attack on the administration. He says he will release a manifesto in the future, I can hardly wait to see how he convinces Imo people he is not a wolf in sheep’s clothing.

    His undoing will be his fondness for throwing false allegations. It is telling that whenever there is a security breach, Amadi and his accomplice, Ikenga Ugochinyere, are first at the scene. This smacks of interference with evidence or confirming that their plans have been executed. Their haste in providing money and materials to victims of the recent Arondizuogu killings raises more questions than answers.

    But as Chief Security Officer of Imo State, Uzodimma will never shirk his responsibility to protect lives and property. He is not bound to reveal his security strategies outside the Security Council, nor does he need showmanship to prove he is doing his job. He works diligently with the federal government and security agencies to tackle crime.

    The arrest of those behind the beheading of a local government chairman, two years after the crime, proves the long arm of the law will reach criminals wherever they hide. Sponsors of such crimes are understandably jittery. Uzodimma has long said insecurity in Imo is politically motivated; unfolding events keep vindicating him.

    What Chima Amadi should know is this: those who peddle false allegations against the government will meet a disgraceful end. Those who hope to gain electoral mileage by inciting the public will face a bitter and crushing disappointment.

    Emelumba is Imo State Commissioner for Information, Public Orientation and Strategy

  • As people defect in and out, Kwara PDP remains intact, strong

    As people defect in and out, Kwara PDP remains intact, strong

    I read your story titled ‘24 PDP Leaders Defect to APC, ADC as Saraki loses grip in Kwara’ written by Adekunke Jimoh. It is a surprise that the same story had earlier been published word for word in the Phoenix online platform under the byline of  Adebiyi Abolaji. We can take it that both names represent the same writer or that plagiarism is at play. Anyway,  I believe the real writer, whatever his real name is, has exaggerated the small fact that he got to create a salacious piece.

    For us in PDP, not only in Kwara State, but on the national level, we believe this is the transfer season for politics. It is the same way you have a transfer period for professional football across all the countries with a functional league system. Players move from club to club for several reasons. Some were even forced out of their clubs because the clubs need to create space for others, while some go to look for greener pastures in other clubs.

    In the same way in our polity, politicians change parties for several reasons. The majority of those changing parties want to belong to the ruling party. Some others leave because they have calculated that the ticket for the elective offices they are seeking will not be given to them in the party they belong to. So they move to where they can get the tickets. Some others move because they have lost relevance to younger elements and new players in their current party. This group moves elsewhere to seek relevance.

    Now, to the question raised by your article. I don’t know where you got the figure of 24 politicians leaving PDP in Kwara State or how you came about that figure. Indeed, a few individuals who have occupied key elective government offices and secured prominent appointments on the platform of the PDP in Kwara State defected simply because our party is now in opposition, both at the state and federal levels. They have their reasons, and these reasons are not different from the ones I listed in the second paragraph of this write-up. We believe they have simply exercised their fundamental right of freedom of association.

    The question remains: What is the level of acceptance, grassroots popularity, electoral value, and political relevance of these individuals at the time they left the PDP? Some of them remained one of the reasons the PDP lost elections in 2019 and 2023. Some of them personify the mistakes PDP was said to have made while in power between 2003 and 2019. We can also submit that some of them left PDP because the party leadership in Kwara State adopted a new model of recruiting young, vibrant, popular, and brilliant men and women to take up leadership at the wards, Local government areas, and state as a way of rebranding, remodeling, refocusing, and restructuring the party. The party decided that the old players should step into the background. A few of our prominent members went to the APC, where they are now silenced and turned into League B players. Some went to ADC, where they have been struggling for existence and relevance.

    Read Also: Why Nigerians must support Tinubu’s administration, by Minister 

    We have no problem with the few people who left Kwara PDP. We want Mr. Adekunle Jimoh  to check out how many young men and women have since joined the PDP in Kwara State and how these men are mobilising the grassroots in the North, South, and Central Senatorial Districts Jimoh should check why the APC had to resort to wholesome writing of results during the last local government elections when the PDP young elements who were across the 16 LGAs and 193 wards swept the polls That is an example of what will happen during the 2027 polls. Mr. Jimoh should check why no PDP member who defected to APC in Kwara has remained happy or relevant as they were just boxed in and discarded like disused or out of fashion clothes. We need him to give us how many APC leaders have left since 2019. Many are now either in PDP or waiting to join it as the main opposition party in the state.

    Let me quickly dismiss at this point one claim in the write-up under review. The PDP or the Saraki Political Group has never in its activities, either during the over 40 years it controlled the politics of Kwara State or in the last six years that it has been out of power been a one-man show. Never. Decisions are taken by a collegiate leadership that operates at different levels. We have a bottom-to-top system in which decisions begin to evolve from the wards and are passed on to the state level where it is further discussed and endorsed by a group of leaders representing the entire state from across the three senatorial districts. That is the essence of having The Great Hall sessions, a feat many political groups have tried to emulate.

    That system remains till today. That system produced some of the people Mr. Jimoh mentioned as having complained about the system. It gave them the offices that made them ex-this – – ex-that. That system, by the grace of God, will continue to produce new leaders who will provide good governance not only in Kwara State but across the country.

    May God bless Kwara PDP. May God bless Kwara State. May God bless Nigeria.

    Olusola is the State Publicity Secretary

  • Makinde: Compacting the pact for greater impact

    Makinde: Compacting the pact for greater impact

    By Sulaimon Olanrewaju

    Sony was already a global brand before it came up with its Walkman on July 1, 1979. This device, which allowed individuals to enjoy music of their choice wherever they were and anytime they wanted, revolutionized the electronics industry globally and played a major role in pushing Sony to the fore as the leading electronics company because the product sold over 400million units.

    The Walkman was developed at the instance of Sony co-founder, Masaru Ibuka. Ibuka, a music enthusiast, loved to go about with Sony TC-D5, so as to be able to enjoy music wherever he was. When he had to make some long flights in 1979, he requested one of the company’s engineers, Norio Ohga, to develop something smaller and more portable than TC-D5 so that he could enjoy music on the flights.

    Working with Sony Pressman, a portable, monaural tape recorder, Ohga was able to design a device that enabled Ibuka enjoy his choice of music on his trips. Thus was born the Walkman.

    But rather than build on this feat which earned it a fortune, Sony embarked on a long chest-thumping binge. By the time it returned to reality, Apple had built on the Walkman to develop the iPod. Thus, despite giving the world its first mobile stereo music device, Sony failed to move to the next stage. Apple beat Sony to it by coming up with the iPod.

    This is known as the Sony slip.

    Although Sony is still running, it is no longer a front runner in the industry it once dominated. Complacency is always costly.

    Armed with the Roadmap for Accelerated Development 2019-2023 and the Roadmap for Sustainable Development 2023-2027, both of which constitute his pact with the people of Oyo State, the former for his first tenure and the latter for the current tenure, Governor ‘Seyi Makinde has birthed unprecedented development in Oyo State. He has constructed more kilometers of roads than any governor in the history of the state, he has employed more civil and public servants than any of the governors that came before him, he has promoted agribusiness more than any governor in the country, he has renovated more schools than any of the governors since 1999, he has appointed more permanent secretaries than any of his predecessors in office, he has funded security outfits more than any of the governors that preceded him, he has championed inclusivity more than any other governor in the history of the state, he has reduced the dependency of the state on FAAC allocation more than any other governor in the state’s history, he has put the state on the world stage more than any of his predecessors through his domestication of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), being the first sub-national to do so, he has attracted more investments into the state than any other governor since 1999, he has supported primary healthcare more than any governor in the history of the state, he has established more institutions and agencies than any governor in the history of the state, he has taken urban renewal to a height never experienced before in the state, he is the first Oyo State governor to achieve independent power generation. Indeed, Makinde has shown the people of Oyo State that his understanding of leadership is service to the people. 

    His unmatched performance has left the people in awe. Consequently, the applause from all the zones, cities, towns, wards and villages across the state has been deafening. But the governor has always maintained that he is not doing any of the things he is doing for the applause, but for impact.

    So, unlike Sony, which plateaued after reaching a significant height, Oyo State governor, ‘Seyi Makinde, keeps revving up despite his unparalleled accomplishments. For Makinde, complacency is a sacrilege, slowing down is a sin and resting on the oars is a crime against the people who entrusted their collective destiny to him. For him, the tempo of service delivery has to keep rising until he breasts the tape in the final seconds of May 28, 2027. Therefore, rather than rolling out the drums to celebrate the feats he has accomplished, Makinde believes he has to roll up his sleeves to deliver more dividends of good governance and exceptional leadership to all and sundry in Oyo State.

    Speaking on the theme “Reflecting on Omituntun 2.0: Towards Building an Enduring Legacy” at the Omituntun 2.0 Mid-Term Leadership Retreat held recently at the International Institute of Tropical Agriculture (IITA), Ibadan, Makinde told his cabinet members, heads of departments and agencies as well as permanent secretaries that notwithstanding the strides of the administration over the past six years, it was not yet time for backslapping or self adulation but a time to tighten the belt, work smarter and collaborate better so that the administration could finish on a high note.

    After thanking members of his team for their contributions to the success recorded, the governor threw some posers:

    “Have we made progress? Yes.

    “Are we where we need to be? Not yet.”

    Not one for theatrics, Makinde drove home the point. He said, “Across our Roadmap, there remain gaps — not of vision, but of delivery. Projects that began with promise now need a final push.”

    Expatiating on this, the governor said: “Several critical road and transport infrastructure projects are behind schedule. Our Agribusiness Industrial Hubs — Eruwa, Akufo, Ijaiye— are not yet completed. Solid Minerals Development is just gradually taking off. IGR targets, although rising, have not yet met the monthly benchmark we envisioned.

    “These are not failures. They are reminders that great visions demand deliberate coordination — across ministries, agencies, and partners.”

    He then gave the clincher: “Finishing strong requires inter-ministerial collaboration. No single ministry can build a legacy. Not Agriculture alone. Not Education alone. Not Public Works, Energy or Lands. But together, they can.”

    Makinde told his team members that the last half of the current tenure should not be about starting new projects but about completing ongoing ones. He urged them to consolidate institutional wins, while ensuring that all arms of government work in alignment.

    To leave no one in doubt about his determination to see that his administration delivers optimal benefits to the people, Makinde proposed an Oyo State Delivery Taskforce, a monthly review system among ministries to unlock bottlenecks, track legacy projects, and solve problems before they escalate.

    He also proposed a public-facing Legacy Dashboard to show citizens what is left to complete and who is responsible as well as quarterly cross-ministerial retreats, focused not on reporting activities, but on co-delivering outcomes.

    The governor said the Legacy Dashboard could be patterned after the Rwandan model known as the Imihigo Delivery Compact, through which ministers publicly state what they will accomplish, so the public can hold them accountable when they do not.

    Stressing that the exercise would not be an excuse to drop any appointee, Makinde said by deploying the strategy, Oyo State would be setting its own gold standard, which is grounded in coordination, not competition.

    The governor then announced the launch of Oyo State’s Performance Delivery Compact, which he said would afford each Ministry, Department, and Agency to identify three to five legacy deliverables that could be realistically completed before 2027. The deliverables will then be broken down into 6-month targets — what would be delivered by January 2026, and what would be completed by May 2027. The MDAs are to ensure that each deliverable is S.M.A.R.T. — Specific, Measurable, Achievable, Relevant, and Time-bound. These deliverables will then be published as their Oyo Legacy Pledge.

    He added that the MDAs should be prepared to stand before the public and say: “This is what we promised. This is what we delivered.” He also underscored the importance of collaboration among the MDAs through Joint Compacts, especially where outcomes overlap — such as infrastructure and commerce, education and youth, tourism and environment.

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    Governor Makinde said, “These compacts will be monitored quarterly and reviewed at our Legacy Retreat in 2026. They will guide resourcing, visibility, and decision-making for the remainder of this administration. The Oyo State Legacy Compact is not a slogan. It is a covenant. A pact between us and the people we serve.”

    The governor then gave a list of four things that must be accomplished for the administration to build a legacy that would transcend generations.

    He said completion must be prioritized: “We must finish the agribusiness hubs, upgrade our PHCs, deliver the airport and feeder roads.”

    Whatever works must be institutionalized: “We must protect effective policies through legal frameworks and performance-linked budgeting.”

    The process, not just the product must be celebrated: “We must make our delivery model transparent and replicable.”

    Successors must be empowered, not sabotaged: “A true legacy is one that outlives its architects.”

    He added, “We are at a defining point. The foundation is solid. The vision is clear. The next two years must be about intentional delivery, inter-ministerial synergy, and generational impact.”

    Then he delivered the crux of his presentation: “Let us remember: A legacy is not what you start. It is what you finish — and finish well. Let posterity say of this government, of this season: They came, they saw the gaps… and they closed them.”

    Makinde’s commitment to the development of Oyo State is both humbling and inspiring. At a time when other second term governors are strategizing for the next election and trying to position themselves for opportunities in Abuja, Makinde is compacting his pact with the people to the most important things and concentrating energy and resources on the most critical things that would positively impact the people and leave an impact for generations yet to come.

    Makinde, on assumption of office, hit the ground running and also wants to yield the ground running at the end of his tenure, thus setting a template for good governance and exemplary leadership. 

    This is probably why Mr Ayodele Ogundele, Chief Executive Officer of Davies Hotel, Ibadan, said in an interview that he had never seen a second term governor working as conscientiously as Makinde is doing.

    The best gift a people can have is a leader who does not pay perfunctory interest to their welfare, but one who braces all the odds to improve the people’s lot. Makinde goes the extra mile to make life meaningful for every resident of the state; he leaves no stone unturned to turn around the fortune of the state. So, if Oyo State appears to be on a present continuous development trajectory, it is because it is led by a governor who is consistently raising the bar of service delivery.

    •Dr Olanrewaju is the Chief Press Secretary to Oyo State Governor.

  • Oborevwori’s two years of developing human capital in Delta

    Oborevwori’s two years of developing human capital in Delta

    By Festus Ahon

    When Elder Sheriff Francis Orohwedor Oborevwori assumed office as governor of Delta State on May 29, 2023, he came with a clear vision and a bold promise: to govern for all Deltans and deliver the M.O.R.E Agenda —Meaningful Development, Opportunities for All, Realistic Reforms, and Enhanced Peace and Security.

    Two years into his administration, that vision is translating into measurable results in all aspects of human  endeavours, but in this edition of The Governor’s Diary, we will look at his efforts in human capital development—empowering individuals, supporting families, and laying a firm foundation for a more prosperous Delta State.

    Oborevwori’s people-centred approach has become the hallmark of his governance. While infrastructure, economic growth, and institutional reforms have advanced, the governor’s strategic focus on education, employment, social protection, civil service reforms, and health is changing lives in unprecedented ways.

    One of the earliest signs of this people-first agenda emerged in the civil service. Recognising that a motivated and efficient workforce is key to delivering the dividends of democracy, the administration swiftly addressed long-standing issues—beginning with the payment of over N5.5 billion in promotion arrears to over 23,887 civil servants across the state.

    This unprecedented gesture, which restored career progression and boosted morale, sent a clear message: under Oborevwori, public servants will be respected and empowered. The government followed through with targeted recruitment to fill critical workforce gaps, especially in the education sector. Over 3,947 teaching and non-teaching staff were engaged across Delta’s 25 local government areas to strengthen learning outcomes and service delivery in Primary Schools.

    To further enhance competence and professionalism, the administration institutionalised regular training and retraining programmes, fostering a culture of continuous learning within the Delta State Civil Service. These initiatives have repositioned the workforce into a more efficient, responsive, and citizen-focused institution.

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    Governor Oborevwori’s commitment to human capital development also extends to those who have served and retired. By August 2024, his administration had disbursed over N14.49 billion in pension benefits to retired state workers, ensuring that retirees are not left in penury after years of service.

    In addition, the administration facilitated a N40 billion loan for local governments to clear the massive backlog of unpaid pensions owed to primary  school teaching and non-teaching, and othervlocal government retirees.

     This gesture, long overdue, brought hope and financial stability to thousands of elderly citizens, many of whom had resigned to despair. By honouring pension obligations, the administration is reaffirming the principle that public service should be rewarded with dignity, not suffering.

     In a time of widespread economic hardship across Nigeria, the Oborevwori administration took proactive steps to shield the most vulnerable from the harsh effects of inflation and unemployment. One of the most impactful of these steps was the launch of the M.O.R.E. Grant Scheme in May 2024, a direct economic intervention targeting petty traders, artisans, and female entrepreneurs.

     A total of 5,426 beneficiaries comprising 1,600 petty traders, 1,826 artisans, and 2,000 women-led enterprises received financial grants to boost their businesses. The initiative was not just about money; it was about hope, about giving people a second chance to provide for their families and grow their livelihoods.

     Another major initiative under this empowerment drive was the Delta COVID-19 Action Recovery and Economic Stimulus (D-CARES) programme. This initiative provided support to more than 250,000 Deltans from across the state, enabling them to expand their businesses, create jobs, and improve their living conditions. These efforts represent a clear intention by the Oborevwori-led government to reduce poverty, stimulate grassroots economies, and foster inclusive prosperity.

    At the heart of the Oborevwori administration’s human capital development strategy is a strong belief in education as a transformative force. Over the past two years, his government has made significant investments to support students across various levels of the education system ensuring that no child is left behind due to financial constraints.

     For the 2022/2023 academic session, N674.48 million was disbursed in bursaries to over 30,000 students of Delta origin in tertiary institutions across Nigeria. The momentum continued in 2023/2024, with N713 million allocated to 32,028 students, spanning universities, polytechnics, colleges of education, nursing schools, and even military academies. These disbursements, which began in February of each year, were done transparently and without bias, reflecting the administration’s commitment to fairness and merit.

     What truly sets the Oborevwori-led administration apart is its sensitivity to vulnerable groups. Special scholarships were approved for 628 children of deceased civil servants and 60 students with physical disabilities. These targeted interventions have not only earned widespread praise but have also demonstrated what inclusive governance should look like — compassionate, responsive, and just.

     The administration’s educational support also extended to professional training, particularly for aspiring legal practitioners. Understanding the significant financial demands of the Nigerian Law School, the Oborevwori government approved N43.69 million in 2022/2023 and N82 million in 2023/2024 to support Delta State indigenes enrolled in the programme. This included both regular and backlog students, totalling hundreds of beneficiaries across the country.

     By removing financial barriers to legal education, the government is grooming a new generation of lawyers equipped to contribute meaningfully to society. This initiative underscores the administration’s strategic focus on not just general literacy but also professional excellence.

     Through these multifaceted investments in people, workers, retirees, students, traders, and entrepreneurs, Governor Oborevwori is leaving an indelible mark on Delta State’s human development landscape. His policies reflect an administration that listens, and leads with empathy.

     The achievements in just two years are a testament to what is possible when leadership is grounded in purpose and driven by the will to serve. Governor Oborevwori has shown that development is not only about roads, bridges, and buildings, but also about building people and empowering them with the tools to create better lives for themselves and future generations.

     As Deltans look ahead, the trajectory is clear: with continued focus on education, employment, social protection, and empowerment, the Oborevwori administration is laying a strong and sustainable foundation for Delta’s long-term prosperity. His brand of leadership is calm, inclusive, consistent, and result-driven, and has not only inspired hope but is steadily delivering on the promise of M.O.R.E.

     In today’s Delta State, the story is no longer one of unfulfilled potential, but of a people on the move, rising with dignity, working with purpose, and dreaming with confidence. And at the center of that transformation stands a Governor who is showing, by action, that human capital development is not just a policy, it is a mission.

    • Ahon is spokesman to the Delta governor

  • 2027: Enugu and Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda

    2027: Enugu and Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda

    By Chukwunonye Okereke

    As Nigeria gradually approaches the defining year of 2027, political permutations are already gathering momentum across the country. At the heart of these early alignments lies a crucial question: who will drive President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda in regions where the All Progressives Congress (APC) seeks to establish a deeper foothold?

    In the Southeast — and particularly in Enugu State — the answer does not require guesswork. One name continues to stand tall, not just for his loyalty but also for his strategic relevance and unbroken grassroots connection: Chief Uche Nnaji, the current Minister of Innovation, Science, and Technology.

    While many politicians in the region stood aloof or in outright opposition to President Tinubu’s emergence in 2023, Nnaji took a principled stand by flying the APC flag in a hostile political climate. His commitment to the party, the president, and the idea of national integration makes him not just a participant in the Renewed Hope project but a pillar of its future success in Enugu.

    It is no secret that the APC remains politically isolated in much of the Southeast. In such an environment, loyalty is not mere symbolism—it is sacrificial leadership. Chief Uche Nnaji stood firm when many sought the convenient refuge of political expediency. His 2023 campaign, while falling short electorally, succeeded in planting a resilient structure for the APC across the 17 local government areas of Enugu State.

    This loyalty should not be overlooked or taken for granted as 2027 approaches.

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    The presidency and the APC national structure must resist the temptation to court familiar but flawed political names in Enugu—names that have proven either electorally irrelevant or disconnected from the masses.

    Many of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) bigwigs who assured President Tinubu during the last general election that they would deliver for him in the state could not even secure an appreciable vote for the APC in their senatorial districts. It is only by the grace of former Rivers State Governor Nyesom Wike that they are still relevant in the main opposition party. Under the current dispensation, would they be able to galvanise support for the president? How?

    Many of the PDP chieftains assuring the president in the current dispensation ahead of 2027 are only interested in using his growing influence for political survival. They do not believe in the ideology of the APC. Their desperation stems from the discontent they are facing among the electorate in the key Southeast state. The current economic pressure in the state, occasioned by high inflation and insecurity, has left many disenfranchised.

    The Enugu State Government is not helping matters. The government’s demolition of structures in the state, targeting homes, shops, and long-standing businesses, has created deep social resentment. Instead of empathy and urban renewal, many residents feel a sense of displacement and betrayal.

    Chief Nnaji offers a vastly different approach. He is neither burdened by past governance failures nor detached from his people. His technocratic exposure as a minister in the Tinubu administration is balanced with street credibility and cultural resonance in Enugu communities. His emphasis on innovation, education, youth empowerment, and digital skills matches the administration’s long-term vision.

    Nnaji is the face of a new APC—clean, competent, and inclusive.

    The politics of 2027 must be grounded in truth, and the APC cannot afford to gamble with recycled politicians who have lost touch with reality and are seeking survival strategies. The stakes are too high. The minister represents both continuity and credibility. He is one of the few Igbo leaders who openly supported the president in the region, and thereby risked political capital.

    If Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda is to resonate in Enugu in 2027, it must wear the face of Uche Nnaji. He is not just a political figure—he is a pivot, a stabiliser, and a bridge between the Southeast and the nation’s centre of power.

    •Okereke, a political affairs analyst and developmet advocate writes from Enugu

  • A first reply to Femi Kusa’s self-serving mendacity

    A first reply to Femi Kusa’s self-serving mendacity

    • By Kingsley Osadolor

    Eluem Emeka Izeze, former Editor of The Guardian on Sunday, former Editor of The Guardian, and, until 2016, Editor-in-Chief/Managing Director of The Guardian newspapers, never tired of regaling me with an anecdote about an incident in the newsroom sometime in the 1980s. A test candidate, or some rookie reporter, had submitted a copy to Wole Agunbiade, one of the thorough gatekeepers in the newsroom. As the story goes, Wole, upon reading the copy, was drooling at the prospect of a memorable frontpager, if not lead story. Except that he needed clarification on a couple of points, to enable him tidy up the copy and process it for use. Wole sought out the author of the copy, and as he elicited responses from the candidate, the latter admitted to a crest-fallen Wole that the story was a piece of fiction which he had concocted and delivered!

    I am reminded of that anecdote on reading Femi Kusa’s latest hallucinations about The Guardian, and Kingsley Osadolor. His three-part drivel is entitled: “June 12 Honours… Knocks On Bayo Onanuga & Co., Alex Ibru,” parts two and three of which he posted on the WhatsApp platform of The Guardian alumni on Sunday, July 20, 2025. The trilogy earlier appeared in his column: “Natural Remedies,” on July 3, 10, and 17, 2025, in The Nation, where he frequently misappropriates the column to launch broadsides and ventilate his pettiness with no connection whatsoever to Natural Remedies, which leads one to ask if he as Editor or Editor-in-Chief of The Guardian could have tolerated such blatant misuse of platform by Elizabeth Kafaru who ran a Thursday column on Natural Health at The Guardian.

    Anyone who has a modicum of respect for facts, accuracy, and unvarnished account of significant events, would be embarrassed by the cocktail of misstatements, fuzzy recollection, and outright mendacity of Femi Kusa, who has returned to his all too familiar but disgusting pastime of the cowardly vilification on the one hand of the late Founder and Publisher of The Guardian, Alex Ibru, and his pitiable and woeful attempts at impugning the professional integrity of myself, Kingsley Osadolor. Under his own hand, Femi Kusa has issued a caveat emptor on any memoir or autobiography he decides to inflict on the unwary.

    Femi Kusa, a former Editor of The Guardian, a paper of record, states erroneously that Alex Ibru was shot on Eko Bridge! He claims unabashedly that one of the issues Alex Ibru faced as Minister of Internal Affairs was the court-ordered release of Chief Great Ogboru! In one paragraph, he mentions Great Ogboru thrice! Goodness me! Oh, no! According to Kusa, “Then, the Great Ogboru case came up.  He was accused of plotting a coup against Abacha. A court freed him. As Internal Affairs Minister, Mr Ibru was to let him out of prison custody….He referred Great Ogboru’s matter to the stubborn and radical Dr Olu Onagoruwa, Minister of Justice and Attorney-General of the Federation. Dr Onagoruwa said Mr Ibru should obey the court. So, he freed Great Ogboru. Abacha was enraged.” The elementary task for Femi Kusa is for him to go educate himself about the case and properly identify the individual he was writing about.

    While taking refuge under the canopy of uninformed speculation, Kusa asserts in public that Gen. Aliyu Gusau recruited Alex Ibru to join the regime of Gen. Sani Abacha! I am certain that Izeze would chuckle on reading Kusa’s fairy tales of amity with Gen. Gusau. It is also hilarious that Femi Kusa, who was the butt of acid jokes by the eggheads on the Editorial Board of The Guardian would turn around in 2025 to pose as a critical voice sought for decisions about editorials. The joke always was that Femi Kusa went to the Editorial Board meeting with a pile of newspapers and tear sheets of the first edition of The Guardian, and his head was buried in correcting the tear sheets and snacking on the refreshment. He would raise his head once in a long while and make what Members often regarded as inane contributions to a topic being discussed. I witnessed it myself after I became a Member of the Editorial Board in 1997. I challenge Femi Kusa to point out any memorable editorials he wrote for The Guardian while he was Editor and later Editor-in-Chief.

    In January 2019, the military raided the Abuja offices of Daily Trust, after the newspaper published details of impending military operations against Boko Haram terrorists in the Northeast. Femi Kusa weighed in on that occasion, and dragged me into his ponderous pieces, just like he did with his commentary when Alex Ibru died in November 2011. He plied false narratives about the closure of The Guardian in 1994, and posed as the supremo of editorial judgment. Then, as now, he denounced the planning of the front page of The Guardian on Sunday edition of August 14, 1994, and the use of the feature photograph which he bizarrely described as two cockerels squaring up for a fight, whereas he was elaborating on his fiction. I was restrained by friends and colleagues from engaging with him in 2019. The greater persuasion I had was my stern resolve in 1991, as Deputy Editor of The Guardian while Kusa was the Editor, not to respond to his time-wasting, blame-thrashing and often scurrilous memos. News Editor Ogbuagu Anikwe received truckloads of such irritating memos from Kusa. The memos were often copied to his personal file with the HR Department. Understandably, Ogbuagu was relieved on discovering that the HR Department had ignored the copies Kusa forwarded to them.

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    Five years ago, in 2020, while putting together the manuscript of “The Making of The Nigerian FLAGSHIP (A Story of The Guardian),” Aaron Ukodie and O’seun Ogunseitan sought to interview me. We met in Lagos, and one subject matter of interest to them was the story, “INSIDE ASO ROCK: The raging battle to rule Nigeria,” which I authored and was the lead in The Guardian on Sunday of August 14, 1994. From the line of questioning, it was clear that they earlier interviewed Femi Kusa who made the same outlandish but self-serving claims, just as he has regurgitated in his latest diatribe published this month in The Nation.

    Among other points, I referred Aaron Ukodie and O’seun Ogunseitan to The Guardian library to check out the paper of August 14, 1994. Contrary to the misinformation they had been fed with, I told them that The Guardian on Sunday on that day had first and second editions. The first edition, with all materials submitted by Friday, was rolled off the press in the small hours of Saturday, as was customary, after the printing of the daily newspaper, while the second edition was printed later on Saturday night. The first edition was usually denoted by a single bullet on the imprint at the last page of the paper, while two bullets indicated a second edition. I requested them to check if the second edition was not a verbatim reproduction of the first edition. After their research, Aaron later called me to confirm that there had indeed been two editions of the paper and that the story was the same in both editions. I explained why that was important, because on weekends and public holidays, the dispatch man rode his scooter to deliver papers (including the first edition of The Guardian on Sunday) to top editorial and Management staff at their residences. If any material was to be taken down, that opportunity was available.

    But read Femi Kusa’s fairy tale: “I signed the papers for Kingsley Osadolor to go to Abuja and waited for his report as his Editor-in-Chief. I waited all evening on the Saturday Kingsley Osadolor was to take the paper to bed. He said the report was not ready. I was to read it, approve it or disapprove of it. If I disapproved of it and Mr Alex Ibru did not like my decision, he could, through the back door, ask the Board to fire me. I was prepared for that. I was, because I understood Mr. Alex Ibru well in such delicate matters…Kingsley Osadolor saved my job because he did not show me the report by the time I left the office at 2 a.m. on the Sunday that the edition was to be published, whereas the printers were to have taken the paper to bed four hours earlier at 11 p.m. on Saturday. In the morning, I went for an Hour of Worship. I hoped to return to the office to write a query on why the Editor failed to submit the report for vetting.” Thirty-one years later, Femi Kusa hasn’t written his query.

    I also told Aaron and O’seun to make another very important inquiry from the witnesses who were still alive. I gave them names. I told them that I was part of The Guardian delegation that went to Aso Villa to meet with Gen. Sani Abacha, almost one year to the date of the closure and proscription of The Guardian. I asked them to find out whether Gen. Abacha, or anyone else at that meeting, ever mentioned the story which I authored as the reason, or one of the reasons, for the closure and proscription of The Guardian I gave them additional context to explore: why, for instance, after The Guardian was reopened and resumed publication, there was an arson attack on the premises in December 1995, and in February 1996, there was an assassination attempt on Alex Ibru during which he lost his left eye and two fingers on his left hand.

    Alex Ibru was shot on Falomo Bridge, as he headed to his Ikoyi residence from Victoria Island, in the evening of Friday, February 2, 1996. Andy Akporugo, GG Darah, Izeze, and I passed the night at the corridor of the ward where Ibru was admitted at St. Nicholas Hospital, Lagos Island. On Saturday, as we prepared the Sunday paper, which had now become a single edition after the deproscription, Kusa sauntered into the newsroom in the evening and began suggesting that I downplay the assassination attempt, by tucking the story inside the paper. I ignored him pointedly, and blasted the story as lead on the front page. If I had hearkened to Kusa, it was not inconceivable that he would turn around later to denigrate the editorial decision in respect of such a big story involving the Publisher, former Minister, and just months after Chief Alfred Rewane was assassinated in Lagos. A short while later, I wrote an opinion piece, “Season Of The Assassin,” and Kusa was shaking like a leaf.

    I was at the meeting at the Presidential Villa, where we met with Gen. Sani Abacha, at his invitation, in July 1995. A number of other persons were at the meeting. Unfortunately, some of them have passed on. The deceased include Sani Abacha, Alex Ibru, Oba Festus Adesanoye (Osemawe of Ondo), Andy Akporugo, and David Attah, who was Abacha’s Chief Press Secretary. But other witnesses and participants are alive. They include my humble self, Lade Bonuola, Femi Kusa, Emeka Izeze, Uncle Sam Amuka, Ray Ekpu, and Prof. Auwalu Yadudu.

    I wrote the story, INSIDE ASO ROCK. It was not disputed on grounds of factual misrepresentation. I was never declared wanted because of the story, nor were there spooks on my trail. The story was, in many ways, helpful. Indeed, in May 2017, that is, 23 years later, Chief Bode George was a guest on NTA’s Good Morning Nigeria, which I co-anchored. After the programme, I quietly reintroduced myself to Bode George and whispered to him the INSIDE ASO ROCK story. “Oh, my!” he exclaimed and hugged me. “Where have been all these years?” He was profusely thankful for what INSIDE ASO ROCK did. He was a senior naval personnel and Principal Staff Officer in the Villa when the story was published. Bode George is alive, let Femi Kusa go and verify what I have just stated.

    I was not scared to go with the team to Aso Rock, to meet with Abacha, 11 months after he closed down The Guardian.  When we landed in Abuja, we lodged at Sheraton Hotel (now Abuja Continental). At the front desk, a petrified Femi Kusa was casting furtive glances around. We were handed the guest information form. Trying to be clever by half, Kusa entered his lesser-known first name “John”.  I signalled to Emeka Izeze to see the game Kusa was trying to play with himself. We couldn’t laugh at that time; it was later when we met in his room that Izeze and I burst into laughter. At no time during the meeting with Abacha did he refer to INSIDE ASO ROCK. My faculties are intact, and I recollect what he said. Not a mention of INSIDE ASO ROCK. Confirm from others whose names I have mentioned. Instead, Abacha recounted the circumstances under which he took over in November 1993, and how he had tried to stabilise the polity with real threats of dismemberment over the June 12 crisis, and that, over the period, The Guardian had been unhelpful. Indeed, some editorialists and writers for The Guardian had adopted a doctrinaire position of opposing the Abacha regime because Alex Ibru, the Publisher, had agreed to serve on the Provisional Ruling Council and as Minister of Internal Affairs. I will for now skip details of the activities of some of the antagonists, as Alex Ibru related them to me. At the meeting with Abacha, he signed off by directing the deproscription of The Guardian titles and the reopening of Rutam House…

    According to Kusa, “the major headline was…INSIDE ASO ROCK. There was a photograph beside it which was illustrating another story and should, therefore, have been cordoned off with an AGATE LINE rule.  The Editor was probably inexperienced about management of such a delegate (sic) presentation, if he was not deliberate in leaving the flanks open. Even if he was professional, would Abacha not have read his intent upside down? However, the photograph was left unprofessionally to illustrate a dangerous lead story. The photograph showed two cockerels squared up beak to beak, their combs standing on end, suggesting readiness for a dastardly fight of their lives. Was this what was going on INSIDE ASO ROCK between the Yoruba moderates and Abacha?”

    Are the two cockerels squaring up for a fight? Certainly not. The cockerels are facing the same direction, which means it is not a combat pose. The caption for the photo says, “A roosting place”. What is the meaning of “roosting”? Kusa says the photo wasn’t boxed; but there is a borderline around the photo.

    The Guardian on Sunday had a tradition of using feature photos on its front page. I continued with that tradition, when I became Editor in 1992. Sunmi Smart-Cole’s photos were always a delight on Sundays, and some other photographers, including the late Paul Oloko, were greatly influenced by Sunmi. Femi Kusa states that the photo should have been “boxed up” to show it is unrelated to the lead story. The box he is referring to is technically called a side-bar. It is used within a main and related story, usually for amplification/emphasis, to break monotony of type, to visually simplify technical data or copy, and it is now more known as info-graphics. Cover stories in magazines often use side-bars. Femi Kusa has his well-worn self-glorification and disparagement of others.

  • Delta’s decentralised mini-grid: An innovation in power generation, distribution

    Delta’s decentralised mini-grid: An innovation in power generation, distribution

    By George Etakibuebu

    On Tuesday, July 22, 2025, the Delta State Executive Council (EXCO) approved an innovative State Electricity Policy by adopting a decentralized mini-grid model and also establishing new regulatory bodies designed to jointly overhaul the state’s electricity sector. This initiative, underpinned by the domestication of the Federal Government’s Electricity Act 2023, and signed into law by Governor Sheriff Oborevwori in early April, promises to be a significant milestone in Nigeria’s sub-national energy landscape.

    By embracing a decentralized mini-grid framework and creating specialized regulatory institutions, Delta State is pioneering an innovative approach to power generation, distribution, and supply. This policy, represents a groundbreaking shift — addressing longstanding challenges in Nigeria’s electricity sector, fostering inclusivity, promoting sustainability, and setting a model for other states with its potential to reshape Delta State’s energy future.

    It is an incontestable fact that Nigeria’s electricity sector has long been plagued by inefficiencies, including inadequate generation capacity, unreliable distribution networks, and significant energy access gaps, particularly in rural areas. According to estimates from the National Bureau of Statistics, over half of Delta State’s population is either off-grid or underserved by the national grid, with electricity unavailable up to 87.4% of the time in some communities. Despite being Nigeria’s second-largest oil and gas producing state, Delta has relied heavily on fossil fuel-based power and the national grid, which has failed to meet the energy demands of its 5.4 million residents or support its vibrant agricultural and commercial activities.

    The Electricity Act 2023, enacted by the Federal Government and signed into law by President Bola Tinubu on June 8, 2023. decentralized regulatory authority, allowing states to legislate and manage their electricity markets. Delta State’s swift domestication of this act provided a legal framework to innovate within its energy sector. The approval of a decentralized mini-grid model and the establishment of regulatory bodies reflect a strategic response to these challenges, leveraging local resources and governance to deliver reliable, affordable, and sustainable power.

    The adoption of a decentralized mini-grid model is certain to be a cornerstone of Delta State’s electricity sector transformation. Unlike the traditional centralized grid, which relies on large-scale power plants and extensive transmission networks, mini-grids are localized systems that generate and distribute electricity to specific communities or clusters. This model is particularly suited to Delta State, where geographical challenges—30% of the state’s surface area is covered by water—and dispersed rural populations make centralized grid extension costly and almost impractical.

    Without doubt, mini-grids offer several innovative advantages in power generation. They enable electricity generation close to the point of consumption, reducing transmission losses that plague Nigeria’s national grid. By integrating renewable energy sources such as solar, wind, or biomass, Delta State can harness its abundant natural resources, including natural gas, sunlight and other agricultural waste, to produce clean energy.

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    Mini-grids are modular and can be scaled to meet varying energy demands, from small rural communities to larger urban clusters. This flexibility will allow Delta State to tailor solutions to specific local needs, whether for household lighting, agricultural processing, or small-scale industries. The model’s adaptability aligns with global trends, where micro-grids are projected to grow by 19–20% annually through 2030, driven by their ability to support distributed energy resources (DERs).

    The mini-grid model prioritizes inclusivity by targeting rural and remote communities that are often neglected by centralized systems. In Delta State, where an estimated 78.3% of households were electrified by 2014, but many still face unreliable supply, mini-grids can bridge the access gap, and thus supporting Governor Oborevwori’s MORE Agenda for equitable infrastructure development.

    Mini-grids enhance energy resilience by operating independently or in tandem with the national grid. In the event of grid failures—a common occurrence in Nigeria—mini-grids ensure uninterrupted power supply, supporting critical services like healthcare and education. This resilience is vital in Delta State, where coastal communities are vulnerable to climate-related disruptions.

    By adopting this model, Delta State is aligning with successful global examples, such as Kenya’s licensing of private mini-grid operators like Powerhive and India’s deployment of 84 mini-power plants by Husk Power Systems between 2012 and 2016. These cases demonstrate that mini-grids, when supported by robust policy frameworks, can transform energy access and stimulate economic growth.

    The creation of new regulatory bodies —the Delta State Electricity Commission, the Rural Electricity Agency, a System Operator, and a Market Operator —represents a forward-thinking approach to managing the decentralized energy market. These institutions will surely address critical gaps in oversight, coordination, and service delivery, ensuring that the mini-grid model operates efficiently and equitably.

    As the central regulatory authority, the Delta State Electricity Commission is saddled with issuing licenses, monitoring compliance, and mediating disputes between operators and consumers. This body is to ensure that private investors, encouraged by the state’s open electricity market, adhere to standards that prioritize affordability and reliability. By providing a clear regulatory framework, the Commission will reduce investment risks, attracting private sector participation—a critical factor in scaling mini-grid deployment.

     The Rural Electricity Agency will focus on delivering electricity to underserved rural communities, addressing the equity component of the MORE Agenda. By prioritizing rural electrification, Delta State is tackling the 60–70 percent energy access gap in the Niger Delta’s rural areas. The agency’s role in the main, will be mobilizing resources and coordinating projects to ensure that mini-grids reach the “last mile” communities, thus fostering inclusive development.

    The System Operator will oversee the technical coordination of generation and supply, ensuring grid stability and efficient integration of mini-grids with the national grid where applicable. The Market Operator will in turn track supply data, enforce service standards, and guarantees minimum electricity hours for consumers. These roles introduce a level of professionalism and accountability previously lacking in Nigeria’s electricity sector, and thus align with international best practices seen in countries like Singapore, where regulatory sandboxes support virtual power plants.

    What is more, the appointment of a consultant to guide the transition process further underscores Delta State’s commitment to a structured and expert-driven rollout. This consultancy will develop a robust implementation roadmap, drawing on lessons from other jurisdictions, such as California’s micro-grid tariff program, which incentivizes private investment while ensuring consumer protections.

    It is important to emphasize that the decentralized mini-grid model and regulatory framework have far-reaching implications for Delta State’s economy, environment, and social fabric in many positive ways than one.

    By improving electricity access, mini-grids effortlessly stimulate economic activities, particularly in agriculture and small-scale industries by enabling micro-enterprises like refrigeration services and fish-smoking kitchens to thrive, boosting local economies. The open electricity market, supported by clear regulations, attracts private investment, creating jobs in renewable energy development, maintenance, and system operations.

    Mini-grids, particularly those powered by renewables, will reduce Delta State’s reliance on fossil fuels, which account for 87.5 percent of its electricity mix. By promoting alternative and other clean energy sources, the state aligns with Nigeria’s vision of 30 percent renewable energy by 2030 and global decarbonization goals. This shift mitigates the environmental impact of gas-fired plants and supports climate resilience in a state vulnerable to coastal flooding.

    The focus on rural electrification will ensures that marginalized communities gain access to modern energy services, improving quality of life and enabling productive uses of energy, such as processing and refrigeration for fishing communities where community leadership are able to partnered with private providers, will demonstrate beyond debate how mini-grids empower local stakeholders.

    As a recap, Delta State’s adoption of a decentralized mini-grid model and establishment of regulatory bodies represent a bold and innovative step toward transforming its electricity sector. By prioritizing localized generation, inclusivity, and robust governance, Governor Oborevwori has given meaning to the M.O.R.E agenda by addressing longstanding energy access challenges while aligning with global trends toward renewable energy and decentralization. The policy’s socio-economic benefits—job creation, economic diversification, and improved quality of life—position Delta State as a leader in Nigeria’s energy transition. As Commissioner for Economic Planning, Sonny Ekedayen, noted during a post-Executive Council (EXCO) press briefing in Asaba on Tuesday, “Delta is on course to becoming a model for sub-national electricity transformation in Nigeria.” With continued commitment to implementation and stakeholder collaboration, Delta State’s innovative approach could inspire other Nigerian states and sub-national entities worldwide to rethink their energy futures.

    •Etakibuebu, a public affairs analyst, writes from Ikeja, Lagos State.