It was the turn of Boss Mustapha, lawyer, politician and former Secretary to the Government of the Federation, to lend his voice to the distortion of contemporary history on Wednesday.
Although he has never been known to be a controversial figure, the politician from Adamawa State momentarily indulged in curious revisionism by attempting to de-emphasise the contribution of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to the victory of the mega party, the All Progressive Congress (APC), during the 2015 presidential election.
As if he was addressing a country enveloped in amnesia, Mustapha, in fact, also attempted to disparage the input of the Southwest and other followers of the esteemed National Leader to the success of former President Muhammadu Buhari during the historic exercise.
As he reeled out the falsehood, many guests at the Mallam Garba Shehu’s book presentation shook their heads in disapproval.
It is pathetic and counter-productive that 13 years after the successful merger, some APC members still relate to the organisation as chieftains of the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) and All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA). The platform is still being viewed as a party of senior and junior partners, and not an organisation offering the opportunity for all members to grow, contribute, mature and advance without let and hindrances.
The perception of a national party through ethnic, primordial and regional lens reflects an addiction to clannishness. This also portends a mortal danger to national unity.
The motivation for the strange vituperation is unknown because the former SGF has not been associated with frivolities, prevacation and falsehood.
Posing as the copyright owner and authentic historian of the ‘legacy parties’ consultations’ that culminated in the birth of APC, the former defunct Action Congress (AC) national secretary declared that the merger only produced 3.2 million votes in addition to Buhari’s existing 12 million votes from the North.
Two things can be easily deduced from the statement. Like Mallam Nosiru El-Rufai and other exponents of regional bullying, the votes of the North could have exclusively taken Buhari to Aso Villa, the seat of power, without the addendum votes from the South, particularly the Southwest.
The second is that now that certain northern voices, no matter how few, are calling for the jettisioning of zoning or rotation by impatiently advocating power shift to the North, the region can actually instal another northerner as president on account of its huge population and numerical voting strength.
Mustapha is wrong. But since he is not a student of Mathematics, Statistics and System Analysis, his outburst is pardonable. As a system, APC is characterised by a network of units that are interdependent. When a unit malnufunctions, the whole is disrupted. Indeed, as past periodic presidential elections have shown, no region or blocs of regions can exclusively instal the president without the strategic support of other zones. Also, no particular leader among the actors can exclusively claim that his efforts singularly led to group victory. It is always a collective effort achieved through team spirit.
But, the contributions of party chieftains were not equal. They came in diverse forms according to the differential capacities, talents, resources, pedigrees and resilience.
Mustapha was not too young or too remote from the activities of the legacy parties that surrendered their certificates to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) on the condition of fusion or merger.
Before the 2015 polls, Buhari had contested thrice, but without success. His fanatical followership in the North was not in doubt. But the votes were insufficient to make him president in 2003, 2007 and 2011.
In 2003, Buhari’s running mate was the late Dr. Chuba Okadigbo. Yet, he was rejected by the Southeast. In 2007, the late Chief Edwin Ume-Ezeoke paired with him. It was futile. In 2011, he picked Tunde Bakare, lawyer and popular cleric without a formidable structure.
Buhari was defeated in the three elections, despite his patriotism, apathy to corruption and modest lifestyle. After the third round of defeat, he shed tears for Nigeria. He could not make the difference.
In 2003, President Olusegun Obasanjo of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) defeated Buhari of the defunct All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) with over 11 million votes. Obasanjo had managed to secure the endorsement of the Southwest, unlike 1999 when they voted for Chief Olu Falae. Obasanjo polled 24,456,140 while Buhari got 12,710,022.
In 2007, the PDP candidate, President Umaru Yar’Adua, also defeated Buhari. He polled 24,638,063, which was over 69 per cent. Buhari got 6,605,299, a mere 18 percent. It must however, be noted that the poll was severely flawed as acknowledged by the winner.
Ahead of 2011, Buhari left the ANPP. Tthe leaders of the progressive bloc made overtures to him. But the discussion floundered. Although the General recognised inter-regional collaboration, he later picked a running mate who could not sufficiently mobilise his geo-political zone.
At the close of poll, Buhari of the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) was defeated by President Goodluck Jonathan of PDP, who scored 22,495,187 votes, representing 58.8 percent. Buhari garnered 12,214,853 votes, representing 31.9 percent.
Reality consequently dawned on him that he needed help beyond the North to realise his ambition to rule the country. Suspicion between Buhari’s men and Tinubu/Akande group had to give way.
The correct history is that Tinubu, who became the moving spirit, visioner and arrowhead of the merger talks and movement offered a great leadership. He inspired other like-minded leaders from ACN, ANPP, CPC, a section of APGA and new-PDP to reason together in their collective determination to abort the dream of the PDP to loom large for the next 60 years.
Although the former military Head of State doubted whether the anticipated merger could see the light of the day, Tinubu raised a team of eight legal luminaries to visit Buhari in Kaduna and explain to him the possibility. He came up with the theory of cows that can never be permitted to escape from the slaughter’s slab. They are not meant to return once they enter. The implication of the fusion agreement is that having surrendred their certificates of registration, they cannot be retrieved by the legacy parties.
It was at that stage that Buhari’s bid for the highest office had a national outlook. Apart from galvanising the movement, Tinubu also made a sacrifice when the agreement to make him the running mate could not be honoured due to religious parity. His activities made the media to give him the title of the National Leader, which was never disputed by other party leaders in the strategic partnership.
The registration of the mega party set the stage for a titanic battle for power at the federal and state levels. It changed the political calculus. It was a major breakthrough. APC leaders achieved what the giants of history – the first generation of political leaders and their lieutenants – could not achieve in the First and Second republics.
The baby was also delivered without complication. The midwife, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), which provided the atmosphere for safe delivery, said that the child birth was without a prolonged labour. Former Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) Chairman Prof. Attahiru Jega, also affirmed that the new platform met the requirements laid down by the constitution. The confirmation dismissed the claim of the brains behind the unregistered rival organisation that falsely laid claim to its acronym, the APC.
Tinubu, who became the vocal seller of the party, said APC was formed in the national interest. He explained that the leaders of the merging parties decided to forfeit their platforms, sink their slight differences and make sacrifice for the country.
Asiwaju Tinubu played a great role in the emergence of Buhari as APC candidate during the presidential primary at the Teslim Balogun Stadium in Surulere, Lagos.
The campaign was rigorous. Tinubu and other compatriots and partners – Buhari/Tony Momoh, Dr. Ogbonnaya Onu, Chief Rochas Okorocha and Dr. Bukola Saraki – were focussed and united by the push for change. But nobody among the leaders made greater financial commitment to the project. Besides, Asiwaju Tinubu was strengthened by his belief in zoning or rotation to foster cohesion, justice, national unity and peace.
For the first time in the history of presidential election in Nigeria, Buhari, the opposition candidate on the platform of APC defeated the PDP with more than 2.5 million votes. The power of incumbency collapsed. Buhari polled 15,424,921, representing 53.96 percent to defeat Dr. Jonathan, who got 12,853,162, representing 44.96 per cent.
The beat of political romance changed, shortly after the governent took off. Outside power, Tinubu could not play a major role in the Buhari administration, even in advisory capacity. But he remained committed to the administration and loyal to the party.
Around 2017, Rufai and Rotimi Amaechi, former Transportation minister, during their consultation with the media in Lagos on the Buhari’s re-election bid, found out that the lion of Bourdillion could still roar. During the meeting at Eko Hotel, Victoria Island, they were told to go back to Tinubu, if they actually wanted to know the accurate views of the Southwest or needed the regional support.
Although Buhari had not attended Tinubu’s birthday in Abuja after his inauguration as president, he came to Lagos to attend the next one, following the consultation by the two APC chieftains. In Lagos, he showered praises on Tinubu, describing him as a strategist.
While Tinubu was not solely responsible for installing Buhari on the two occasions, he played outstanding roles that cannot be ignored by any honest historian.
If he had not initiated the idea of cross regional political collaboration, cooperation and understanding, Buhari would not have become president.
If Tinubu and his group had also pulled out when his vice presidential ambition crumbled due to religious factor, Jonathan would have retained power. Downplaying President Tinubu’s role smacks of intellectual dishonesty.
The sacrifices made by him were legendary. That was why God also made him to succeed Buhari in 2023.
It is gratifying that other northern patriots have stayed focus on President Tinubu’s re-election bid. The tone of internal opposition by the former men of power would not resonate with them.
The rantings at the book lunch were a deservice to truth and commonsense.
