The Nation Newspaper

Category: Politics

  • Delta PDP can’t compromise zoning, says Onyeme

    Delta PDP can’t compromise zoning, says Onyeme

    Deputy Governor of Delta State, Sir Monday Onyeme, has said that zoning of political offices, particularly the governor, had played a crucial role in shaping political power dynamics in the state.

    Onyeme said as in 2027 elections zoning would be a vital factor in Delta’s political stability and the Peoples Democratic Party, (PDP) continued dominance in the state.

    He disclosed this at the inauguration of Ughelli North/Ughelli South/Udu Federal Constituency Forum held at Oharisi Primary School, Ughelli, on Saturday. 

    The Deputy Governor, emphasized that zoning reinforces PDP’s stronghold by ensuring a balanced and equitable distribution of political offices among the state’s diverse ethnic groups.

    He said: “Delta is a very peaceful state and since 1999 we were the first to embrace governorship rotation and it has been working very well for us.

    “All previous Governors did eight years and this time around, it will not be different because Governor Oborevwori dey work and Deltans dey see am.

    “Governor Oborevwori is working with Julius Berger and other reputable construction companies to develop the state and I can assure you that more projects will be executed across the state.”

    The Speaker of the State House of Assembly, Rt. Hon. Emomotimi Guwor, in his remarks at the event, said, “what we have done today is to show that the Federal Constituency stands united to return Governor Oborevwori to Government House in 2027.

    “We are all united and I can assure you that PDP will win the entire eight local government areas in Delta Central,” adding that Governor Oborevwori would “win again with the massive support of Deltans.”

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    The State Chairman of the PDP, Chief Solomon Arenyeka, said the party was prepared to take back the Federal Constituency in 2027 and commended Governor Sheriff Oborevwori for the massive construction works across the state.

    The Chief of Staff, Government House, Prince Johnson Erijo, and the Chairman, Board of Internal Revenue, Hon. Solomon Ighrakpata, congratulated the people of Ughelli/Udu Federal Constituency on coming together to ensure victory for the PDP in 2027.

    They said Governor Oborevwori had done well in the development of the state, adding that the people of Delta South and all other parts of the state remained irrevocably committed to his re-election in 2027.

    Chairman of the Organising Committee and Chairman Ughelli North Local Government, Chief Jaro Egbo, said the formation of the forum marked a significant milestone to enhance participatory democracy, good governance and sustainable development within the Federal Constituency.

    While urging members of the party to embrace the spirit of unity, collaboration and service to the people, he pleaded, “let us work together, irrespective of party affiliations, to build a constituency that stands as a model of progressive governance and inclusive leadership in Delta State and beyond.”

    Those inaugurated include; Olorogun John Oguma, Chairman; Chief Eddie Onosorhue, Deputy Chairman; Rt. Hon. Festus Agas, Secretary;

    Hon. George Oyefia, Treasurer; Hon. Henry Sakpra, Financial Secretary; Chief Vivian Ogheneovo, Woman Leader; Comrade Ejiro Hope, Youth Leader and Olorogun Festus Ahon, Publicity Secretary, while

    Senator Emmanuel Aguariavwodo, Chief Fred Majemite, Chief Moses Odibo and others were inaugurated as Advisers, Coordinators, and Ex-offios.

    Olorogun Oguma, said the forum would work hard to ensure the re-election of Governor Sheriff Oborevwori, come 2027.

    He said the Governor and his Deputy, Sir Monday Onyeme, had worked quite hard, insisting that there was no vacancy in Government House, Asaba till 2031.

    The high point of the ceremony was the passing of a vote of confidence in Governor Oborevwori as moved by Commissioner for Works (Highways and Urban Roads) Comrade Reuben Izeze, seconded by Chairman Ughelli North Local Government, Olorogun Jaro Egbo and unanimously adopted by the people.

  • Nigerians are not lawless – Nasiru Binji

    Nigerians are not lawless – Nasiru Binji

    •’Why we amended some laws in Sokoto’

    Nasiru Mohammed Binji is Sokoto State Attorney General and Commissioner for Justice. He was appointed in 2023 by Governor Ahmad Aliyu. Before joining the government as State Counsel in 2005, he was Deputy Head of Chambers at Nagarta Law Chambers. He has worked as a Legal Officer with the Sokoto State Independent Electoral Commission, the Sokoto State Board of Internal Revenue as Secretary/Legal Adviser. At Ministry of Justice, he rose to the position of Director by 2022, by dint of hard work.
    Binji, a 2000 law graduate of the Usmanu Danfodio University, Sokoto, has certainly come a long way and is definitely leaving his footprint on the sands of time. In this interview with Adamu Bello, he spoke about the challenges and the achievements of his ministry.

    You have been an activist, Attorney General, and have often eloquently expressed your position on constitutional issues in words and actions. What is your opinion about the role of law in good governance?

    I don’t think there can be good governance if there is no law, because law is the foundation of any civilized society. No society, no law. So law is the foundation. So if we are talking about good governance, we must have the necessary law to guide us. So they both go hand in hand. And I must also stress that adherence to the rule of law is important for good governance. The importance of the rule of law is to keep government in check, within their legal boundaries. Good governance is essentially about what is in the best interest of the people.

    Many people are of the opinion that Nigeria has more than enough laws for effective governance, and that the problem is lack of enforcement. I want to quote Justice Solebo, who recently retired from the Lagos State Judiciary. She said: “Weak enforcement and not laws, is Nigeria’s challenge”. Do you agree with her submission?

    There is absolutely no doubt that Nigeria has very good laws and her laws can compete favourably with laws in other countries or other jurisdictions, particularly in the Commonwealth. The problem is the lack of enforcement. It’s a significant problem due to several factors – impunity, delay in court proceedings and all these contribute to the challenges of law enforcement.

    So if enforcement is the issue, what is the way forward?

    Allow me to shock you….Nigerians are not that lawless. Yes, we are not lawless, there might be instances of lawlessness, like the banditry in the Northwest, the insurgency in the Northeast and other forms of crisis in the South-South and elsewhere in Nigeria. But these instances are not overwhelming, because Nigerians are governed by laws. We are not lawless, as some people would think. To the contrary we are very law-abiding citizens.

    By your assertion it seems that judges in Sokoto State are not being overworked?

    I want to agree with you that they are not overworked, not just because our people are law abiding, but because we have 24 judges in Sokoto State High Court. The number has helped ensure that the judges are not overwhelmed with cases.

    How many divisions?

    There are five divisions. We also have about 40 magistrates and many Judges of the Sharia Courts, so our judiciary is vibrant.

    But is this an indication that people of Sokoto State prefer using the Alternative Dispute Mechanism (ADM)?

    First some background. In the olden days the traditional institutions settled disputes between their subjects through an informal dispute resolution mechanism. There were no courts as we know them now. The ADM began to gain ground from about 1976 after the Pound Conference on the Causes of Public Dissatisfaction with the Administration of Justice, which called for more efficient and diverse dispute resolution methods. The ADR emerged as a social and legal reform movement in the United States due to several factors like the rising legal costs, overcrowded courts and more importantly a growing preference by litigants for a faster and more efficient dispute resolution methods. So this is the genesis of the Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR). So it evolved through medieval practices and has gained prominence in modern legal systems as a response to the limitations of traditional litigation, where the elders acted as trusted arbitrators. So arbitration is the preferred method and the courts have endorsed it. …it’s faster and less acrimonious. It hardly leaves a party to a case bitter because decisions are reached by consensus and the judge only adopts it.

    What reforms are you working on in Sokoto State?

    Yes, if you recollect I began by saying that, since society is constantly evolving, and that there’s the need for laws to be amended, repealed, and reviewed, to bring them into conformity with the realities of the day….so we are dispassionately looking at our laws to see the ones that we need to subject to an amendment. And you know that an amendment can be just the change of a word “a” to “it”. If we want to change the name of Sokoto North Local Government Area for instance…that would be a constitutional amendment and that must be approved by the National Assembly and at least 24 States Houses of Assembly…amendments are not something you engage in for fun.

    Would they be as controversial as some of the last amendments which we would definitely talk about?

    We only carried out our legitimate duties by proposing amendments to some laws and the State House of Assembly agreed with us and duly effected the amendments after engagement with critical stakeholders…it is only some mischievous people that tried to tag them as controversial. There was nothing controversial about the laws rather they were to advance good governance.

    Let’s talk about the laws that attracted attention to Sokoto State. Last year Governor Ahmad Aliyu Sokoto pushed through the House of Assembly some consequential amendment to some laws – the amendment to the Sokoto State Discrimination against Persons with Disability Commission Law of 2021, the Sokoto State Local Government Law 2009 which unfortunately generated the controversy. Others were the Tenancy Control Safety of Persons Law, Zakat and Endowment Commission Law, among others. Were the amendments absolutely necessary? Or is it that you added all these other laws to the Sokoto State Local Government Law of 2009 to hide your real intention?

    Let me begin by talking about the three laws, the Discrimination against Persons with Disability Commission’s Law, the Zakat and Endowment Commission’s Law, the Tenancy Control and Safety of Persons Commission Law. These three laws were Styled by the immediate past administration of Aminu Tambuwal as commissions, whereas by their functions they can only function as agencies of government. By designating them as commissions the law created a problem for them,because commissions are typically independent, and autonomous and not under the supervision of any ministry. So we thought that for efficiency, and accountability, that we should appropriately designate them as agencies of government under the supervision of certain ministries. Going by the provision of Section 197 of the 1999 Constitution as amended, there are only three statutory commissions for each state of the federation. And had it been the intention of the makers of the Constitution, if they had wanted all agencies of state to be commissions, they would have expressly stated so without any ambiguity. Under the 1999 Constitution as amended Section 197 provides for only the following statutory commissions- the State Independent Electoral Commission, the State Civil Service Commission and the Judicial Service Commission, which are styled as commissions – they are independent, going by their nature, the nature of their work. You must agree with me that the State Independent Electoral Commission must be independent of the supervision of any ministry for it to function effectively, for the opposition party to have faith in its impartiality.

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    So the State Independent Electoral Commission must be a Commission to carry out its functions?

    Yes, it must be, by the nature of its function. Another one is the State Judicial Service Commission which also needs to be independent of the supervision of any ministry for it to carry out its functions effectively and without bias. This is why the Constitution styled them as commissions. Whereas these three laws that were styled by the former administration as commissions before the coming of the Ahmad Aliyu Sokoto administration can only function as agencies. There is no doubt that their operations as commissions were hampered … there were no checks and balances, and in some instances, some of the Chairmen were acting as Sole Administrators.

    Sole administrators?

    Absolutely as sole administrators. You definitely have heard about absolute powers corrupting absolutely. So the governor was motivated by the purest of intentions to right wrongs which were affecting the smooth operation of government. So essentially it was to subject them to supervision of ministries or the departments of government. That is what informed the decision of the government to forward this amendment to the House of Assembly and nothing more.

    But the talk both in Sokoto State, and in some sections of the media was that the Local Government Law 2009 was a deliberate mischief that was targeted at certain quarters. Was this the intention?

    Absolutely no mischief was intended. Governor Ahmad Aliyu Sokoto- may Allah bless him- is a good man and as his Attorney General I can tell whoever cares to listen that his actions are always determined by public good. He is the last person whose official conduct would be informed by mischief. For the record there was no mischief intended, and the amendment was proposed in good faith. There were about four or five amendments made to the law. The first was in respect of Section 13 of the law that changed the tenure of elected chairmen and councilors…..

    From two years to three years…

    The first amendment was to change the tenure of the Chairmen and Councillors from two(2) to three(3) years. You may wish to recall that the governor ran the 2023 governorship elections on Local Government Autonomy. It’s one of his 9- Point Smart Agenda. And as someone with good knowledge about the local government system he has always believed that the councils can deliver the goods if given the necessary support. And the question is what can an elected chairman achieve in two (2) years? So the governor in his wisdom deemed it fit to increase their tenure to enable them initiate and execute projects. And, again the governor thought that it would be the best thing to align the Sokoto State law with what is obtaining in the FCT where they have a tenure of four(4) years. It would interest you to know that before now the tenure was three (3) years, before it was changed to two (2) years in 2016 by the immediate past administration. The governor is a fair minded person. His argument which can’t be faulted is if truly the local government is a third tier of government why won’t its elected officials enjoy a reasonable tenure? The President, Governors and members of the state and national assembly all have a four (4) year tenure so why subject the councils to a two (2) years tenure? So he thought the best thing to do was to revert back, to the accepted three(3) years.

    So it is now three years?

    For chairmen and councilors, yes. The amendment was in respect of Section 13, then the other amendment…Section 14 was in respect of the amount of money for a purchase of nomination form for the Chairmanship position, and councilors. Before the amendment the nomination form for chairman was N50,000 and N25,000 for councilors, amounts that were definitely outdated because it  was made in 2002. So the governor thought this amount was not realistic considering cost of conducting the election. So again the governor thought it better to give the State Independent Electoral Commission the power to determine the amount to be paid for nominations forms. So this would guide against any government in future having to push for the amendment of this particular section.

    This is being proactive…rather than the law being constantly amended just to change the amount…

    Yes. We have given the Commission the latitude to operate, to determine the amount. So this amendment was in respect of Section 14.

    But how can you check arbitrariness. If the electoral commission decides to be funny…won’t you be creating another problem while trying to solve another?

    No, we won’t. In amending the law we equally looked at what obtains at the federal level and in some other states. At the federal level it’s the Independent National Electoral commission which determines, decides on how much contestants have to pay for nomination forms. …so this matter is rested. The next amendment was in respect of Section 76 of the Local Government Law as it relates to the functions of the Sultanate Council in the appointment of Districts and Villages Heads.

     For lack of a better word I would call the problem of this section a drafting error, because in the previous provision the Sultanate Council was given the power to appoint Village and District Heads. But under the Nigerian constitution, executive powers under Section 5(2) of the Constitution, are vested in the governor. It is only the governor that can appoint, while the Sultanate Council recommends. The government took a good look at it because the law was unconstitutional. The government looked at it critically and concluded that appointment is an executive function.

    We are talking about the power of appointment?

    Yes, executive powers which belongs to the governor exclusively. The power to appoint is an executive power. Executive powers of the state are solely vested in the governor by the provisions of the Constitution, which he exercises by himself or through the Deputy Governor or Members of the State Executive Council. The Constitution did not specify any other person that he can exercise the power through. Like I said earlier it was a drafting error and the error was a consequential one. The interesting thing is that even though that that error was contained in the provision, but it was never practiced. The practice which is common knowledge is that the Sultanate Council recommends to the governor people that are deemed qualified and eligible for appointment as village and District Heads. That has been the practice, so we thought it was better to amend this provision, to regularize it and to correct the error I talked about earlier. This was simply what we did, but somehow it was misunderstood.

    Politically misunderstood, not legally?

    Misunderstood by those who wanted to cause chaos and who thought they had found an issue to use for their political purposes.

    Eventually you were vindicated. Are you saying that the Sokoto State Local Government Law 2009 had no hidden agenda…and that also gave you the opportunity to harmonize all the laws?

    Yes, we were eventually vindicated and more importantly that won the governor more friends from within and outside the state. Some well-meaning people had called him to find out the true position of things and the governor had assured them that there was no hidden agenda in relation to the amendment of the local government law. During the Public Hearing organized by the Sokoto State House of Assembly part of my submission was the need for the laws to be consolidated because it had experienced more than four amendments. So I urged the House of Assembly to consolidate all the amendments. For example in 2016 there were two amendments, in 2018 there was one amendment, in 2024 there was an amendment. So all these amendments have now been consolidated into the Local Government Law of 2024. Going back to your earlier question, there was no intention whatsoever on the part of the government to ridicule the Sultanate Council. The governor has very high regards for the Sultan. And this was conveyed in clear terms to the people of Sokoto State. The opposition which was defeated tried to hijack it to cause disaffection for the government.

    They almost hijacked…

    The rumour by some faceless groups that the amendment was a plot by the government to depose the Sultan was highly unfair, unfounded and politically motivated. At every opportunity I had made it abundantly clear that they were misdirecting themselves, because the law about the deposition of the Sultan was different from the law that was before the House of Assembly for amendment. Section 76, of the Local Government Law makes it clear that this provision relates only to the appointment of Village and District Heads, no more, no less. The law governing the appointment of His Eminence the sultan is governed entirely by a different law, which is the Chiefs Appointment and Deposition Law and we never contemplated amending. It is, as it were, nobody touched that law. Like I said before the mischief makers woefully failed and Governor Ahmad Aliyu Sokoto emerged stronger from the contrived attempt to drag his name in the mud.

    Considering your experience would you still want to touch the law tomorrow?

    Of course! If there are sufficient grounds we won’t be deterred by the mischief makers from doing what is best for the state. Governor Ahmad Aliyu Sokoto will never succumb to mobs and I think this statement was made and has been understood. Amendments to laws like I said earlier is a constant fact of life. So, the law can still be subjected to further amendments, because after the amendments by the Sokoto State House of Assembly the Supreme Court made its decision in respect to local government administration. Again, the judgement showed my Governor as someone ahead of his time. His firm believe in the local government system shows that his Local Government Autonomy agenda is well thought out.

    Your governor is far ahead of his time. Local government autonomy is one of his 9- Point Smart Agenda….and the Supreme Court judgment confirmed his position. …

    I want to absolutely agree with you that Governor Ahmad Aliyu Sokoto is a visionary leader. In 2022 when the governor emerged as the flag bearer of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and issued his manifesto…it didn’t resonate then with many people who didn’t understand that local government administration is an issue. So, the Sokoto State Government was not caught off guard by the Supreme Court judgement, because we were already practicing it…we were ready for it, and already implementing it ….so for us it was only a matter of dotting the “i’s” etc.

    The laws that Governor Ahmad Aliyu Sokoto has passed or amended do not only reflect his bold vision – but his compassionate nature as well…the Tenancy Control and Safety of Persons Law and the Discrimination Against Persons With Disability Laws and all that….

    You are absolutely right that the governor is a compassionate man. For the first time in the history of Sokoto State the physically challenged have been given a sense of belonging, there is an agency for them. And the appointment of a Special Adviser shows the importance the Governor attaches to their issues. Last year, the Governor purchased tricycles and gave them free of charge to aid their movement. So, they are part of this calculations, yes, not just me and you. The law for instance makes it mandatory for walk ways to enable them access public buildings……….his establishment of the Skills and Empowerment Development is a further confirmation of his compassion and commitment to giving everyone a chance to succeed in life.

    How has it been as the Attorney – General and Commissioner of Justice? Has there been a transition as a lawyer working in a political environment, and did the politics of the amendment show you the other side of your office?

    The Attorney General is a lawyer. The office is manned and managed by a lawyer. I started work in this ministry 20 years before I became the Attorney General. I still go to court, I still have so many cases that I am prosecuting at the court. Nothing has changed because I am still professional in all that I do. Yes, am operating in a political environment, but I can’t afford to become partisan.

    Any political pressure?

    From what quarter? If you are referring to the governor…the answer is an emphatic no. No, interference whatsoever from him in respect of my assignment. And I think this has to do with the fact that he is also a professional and again because he wants to succeed. So, at every point he wants the best advice from me as his lawyer.

    But were you surprised by the reaction to the removal of the District Heads by the state government. For you, their case was a straightforward issue – cases of insubordination, aiding insecurity, land racketeering, conversion of public properties to personal use….yet it generated so much noise?

    I wasn’t surprised, considering that we are operating in a political environment and we defeated an opposition that was inept but that is capable of mischief. So, because there would always be infiltration by opposition which wants to paint the government black, I expected some negative reaction but not at the scale. As government we know that whatever the government does that the opposition would try to write it off as nothing. About 15 of these District Heads that were removed,allow me to correct the impression that they were removed for insubordination, land racketeering etc. They were removed by government because their services were no longer required. That was what was transmitted to them in their letters from the Sultanate Council itself. Some challenged their removal, and about three of them have since withdrawn their case against the government. I think of the fifteen (15) only seven (7) are still in court.

    In an address that you delivered during the 2024 Law Week of the NBA Sokoto branch, you declared the commitment of the Governor Ahmed Aliyu Sokoto’s administration to the independence of the judiciary. Why was that statement necessary? And going down the road, has the governor kept fate with his vow. Do we have independence of the judiciary?

    Yes, of course, I’ll always say that Governor Ahmed Aliyu Sokoto is a very good friend of the legal profession, though not a lawyer, he has done more for the profession than some lawyers who became Governors. And this is a statement of fact.

     So, are you calling out Aminu Tambuwal?

    Before going into that, there was never a time that Sokoto State since it was created from the North- Western State, when seven (7) judges of the High Court and seven (7) Kadis of the Sharia Court of Appeal were appointed and sworn in a single exercise, but that happened last month under Governor Ahmad Aliyu Sokoto. And he has also done the needful in terms of their welfare.

    I was going to ask you about the funding of the judiciary?

    The Governor has shown that he fully understands the principles of separation of powers, and that the three arms need to function effectively…that they need to cooperate. Governor Ahmad Aliyu Sokoto has fundamentally addressed these problems that he met as governor. For instance the immediate past administration appointed some judges in 2022 and made no provisions for their official vehicles.Governor Ahmad Aliyu Sokoto has since purchased vehicles for them, and for all the new judges that he appointed. They didn’t have to come begging cap in hand for tools to carry out their duties. He has demonstrated respect for the House of Assembly and the Judiciary the other critical arms of government. And this is why he is a toast of the lawyers. For about 50 years since the High Court Complex was constructed this is the first time a new and additional High Court Complex is being constructed. Just as the Sharia Court of Appeal complex is undergoing remodeling.

    When the governor asked you to draft an amendment to the Sokoto State Local Government and Chieftaincy Law 2009, did you anticipate that controversy? Or for you, it was simply about correcting Section 76 of the law which was inconsistent with Section 5 of the Constitution? As AG was this your baptism of fire?

    I was certainly disappointed at the length the opposition went in its bid to fight the government- by relying on falsehoods it showed lack of character. For me it was a professional work. I hate using the word error, but what we had was a drafting error which we wanted to correct and which we have. I didn’t anticipate the backlash, because the problem was obvious and the solution very clear- regularize the law by bringing it into conformity with the practice of the Sultanate Council recommending candidates for appointment to the Governor who has the constitutional authority to appoint. And despite the Sultanate Council speaking out during the public hearing the mischief makers continued their campaign but they never distracted the Governor.

    The Justice Mua’azu Abdulkadir Pindiga Commission of Inquiry was set up to investigate and seek clarification into certain gray areas of the immediate past administration of Aminu Waziri Tambuwal. After more than 14 months, the commission has concluded its public hearing. So, first, what objectives did the governor set out to achieve?

    I think the constitution of the Commission of Inquiry was the best thing that happened to Sokoto State and one of the best decisions of the Governor Ahmad Aliyu’s administration. You know we opposed the Aminu Tambuwal regime, eventually, Allah gave us victory. Before and after the inauguration of this administration there were allegations of wrongdoing by officials of the Aminu Tambuwal administration. The agitation was such that the government had no choice but to institute an inquiry which was in the best interest of the former administration and for the new administration. And you may wish to recall that there was no proper handing over to the incumbent Governor. So, what the Governor has done through the commission is to ask questions, as opposed to an investigation which is usually by the police or other law enforcement agencies.

    What happened thereafter?

    Memoranda were requested from interested persons who felt that there were certain things that were done in the past that the government needed to beam its search light on. The Commission called for memorandum which were submitted and adopted, witnesses were summoned, and they testified in respect of every memorandum that was before the commission. 

    So, what you are waiting for next is the report?

    That’s what we are waiting for next. The Commission has concluded its public hearing. They will now write their report.

    What is difference between a Commission of Inquiry and an Investigation?

    As I said earlier, investigation is usually by the police or the security agencies in line with the relevant laws. So,whenever you hear the word investigation it presupposes that there is an element of crime.

    Former governor Aminu Tambuwal, was scheduled to testify on the memos that were presented to the commission by individuals and groups. Though he didn’t appear before the commission he was represented by counsel throughout the procedures. Will Tambwal’s refusal to appear affect the objective(s) that Governor Ahmad Aliyu Sokoto had set out to achieve?

    Not, not at all. Like you said, there were so many memos which had his name reflected on them and he was served. We are decent and we believe in the Rule of Law. Tambuwal sent his legal representation, they represented him throughout the hearings. It was his choice to appear or not to appear. But be rest assured that his refusal to appear in person doesn’t affect the work of the Commission of Inquiry. The objective would still be achieved. The people of Sokoto State have a right to know what happened in the eight (8) years of his administration.

     So, are you saying the former governor cannot claim which hunt?

    Let me start by saying that former governor Aminu Tambuwal cannot claim lack of fair hearing, because he was served with these memos, both personally and through judicial means. And because he was aware of the content of these memos he sent legal representatives. They announced their appearance on his behalf and they crossed examined all the witnesses, so he can’t turn around and claim that he was denied his right to fair hearing. He is a lawyer and he knows the law.

    Lastly, let’s talk about your achievements based on the core mandate of your ministry, even if they are abstract…we can’t see law, but we can see the effect of law?

    The first responsibility that we are saddled with is that of giving the government legal advice. We are the chief legal consultant to the government. Everything the government does must be vetted by the Ministry of Justice. I mean contracts, agreements, MOUs, and what have you. We also receive reports of investigation from law enforcement agencies, particularly the police, civil defense, DSS, and we do avail them with our legal opinion. It’s our responsibility to determine whether there is sufficient evidence to warrant further actions and to go to court. We have so many cases at the High Court, the Magistrate Courts, Shariah Courts of Appeal, the Court of Appeal of Nigeria and at the Supreme Court.

  • Lagos avoids destructive politics because they learn from the best

    Lagos avoids destructive politics because they learn from the best

    By Bamidele Atoyebi

    For those drawing comparisons between the political conflicts in Lagos and those in Rivers, questioning why the president has not imposed a state of emergency there seem not to have had a deep peep into the nitty gritty of both cases.

    Many people who have been observing the political happenings in Rivers with a rational mindset, rather than an emotional one, would likely agree that Fubara has betrayed his supporters. Moreover, he has tried to outwit his benefactor. Those infractions in the political turf are seen as sins worse than idolatry, which to some, may be forgivable while others will choose to nail such offender to the cross. This culminated in the demolition of the state House of Assembly, which is a significant violation.

    Just like some are railing at the President for being overbearing on another arm of government, that was exactly what Fubara did by knocking out the Legislature in the state, notwithstanding whatever political differences exist. So it could be said that he was fed with his own meal.

    The president attempted to mediate among the conflicting parties as a redemptive measure of a father, but those efforts did not yield any positive results as they were inadvisedly rebuffed.

    Fubara in the  full glare of all, escalated tensions by submitting a budget proposal to only four members of the house, being fully aware that this could be interpreted as a basis for impeachment. The argument that the other 27 members decamped to another party is neither here nor there because the prescribed procedures for a valid decamping were yet to be fulfilled. You do not decamp by mere verbal pronouncement, your name must be in the register of the party you are decamping to for the exercise to be completed or in the face of the law, such action will be a nullity.

    Additionally, he has been carrying out various government initiatives without informing the larger assembly. The implication? He had muzzled an arm of the state government which itself is an impeachable offence.

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    Considering the ongoing tensions between Sanwo Olu and Obasa, it might be advisable for the governor to think about disbanding the Lagos House of Assembly or to avoid presenting his commissioners and budget for their consideration but no; he still followed due process and bidded his time rather than act brashly.

    Observations over time have illustrated that Obasa has habitually disrespected Sanwo Olu, a trend that has been evident for many years. Although some may find it hard to grasp the importance of this situation, my extensive political experience of over twenty-five years has provided me with insights into these dynamics. I understand the impacts of ego and financial motivations, as well as the intricacies of political power dynamics and aspirations. Many hold the belief that Obasa’s behaviour might be an attempt to negotiate a favorable succession with Governor Sanwo, as he seems to think that by asserting his power, he stands a better chance of becoming the next governor.

    However, this perspective might be incomplete; it is possible that the speaker’s motives were tied to negotiating contracts to meet commitments to his constituents. Regardless of the reality, Obasa participated in the political arena, and while his tactics may have been somewhat forceful and lacking in propriety, they were not entirely out of line. Concurrently, the governor tactically maneuvered against him.

    During Obasa’s absence, Sanwo Olu garnered his arsenal and collaborated with his associates to oust the speaker from his role. Although he never overtly discussed this plan amidst various allegations, he refrained from employing thugs or criminals against the speaker, nor did he resort to kidnapping or assassination.

    Conversely, the speaker fought hard for his position and managed to return to his seat without damaging any government property or inciting chaos in the state.

    The people of Rivers, many of whom are ignorant of the agreements between the two conflicting factions or the governor’s initial nomination and election processes, took to the streets in anger. Some blocked roads while others vandalized and destroyed government property. They were merely told that the federal government was withholding their allocations while being informed that they are key revenue generators for the nation, leaving them confused as to why their funds were being delayed. Some politicians are using a reverse psychology tactic to pursue their objectives. Should we expect a government that acknowledges economic sabotage to remain passive while you harm the economy?

    Are they aware of the number of individuals imprisoned for defacing currency, alongside those who steal and sell infrastructure equipment?

    There is a genuine need for political education among many Nigerians, and I question what the National Orientation Agency is doing in this regard. It is common to see numerous Nigerian youths on Instagram expressing rage, resentment, and opinions on issues about which they are ill-informed.

    The drift? You can agree and disagree politically,.make your points and pursue political interests but threatening mayhem or destroying National assets to make a point is like cutting your nose to spit your face which is at best, abhorable. In the Lagos situation, tact and reason were applied while in the Rivers State case brigandage was adopted. Talk about the difference between brain and brawn; two parallels that can never meet. The end point is that Lagos Politicians learnt from the best mentor  that is President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

    •Comrade Atoyebi, a philanthropist and Social Commentator is of the BAT Ideological Group and wrote in from Abuja

  • State of emergency in Rivers: matters arising

    State of emergency in Rivers: matters arising

    By Tiko Okoye

    I just watched a television programme where Several callers a guest claimed that Suspension & Removal mean the same thing as they have same effect. This fallacious! A popular advert says “If e no be Panadol, e no fit be like Panadol.” So, while both may connote “removal” in simple English, suspension is temporary – for a period of time, while impeachment is permanent – a point of no -return.

    Which is why someone intoned that Governor Siminalayi Fubara and his supporters should be actually grateful to President Bola Tinubu for gifting him an opportunity to run away and fight another day, unlike if the House had impeached him.

    Several callers referred to then-President Goodluck Jonathan’s declaration of State of emergence in three NE states of Adamawa, Borno and Yobe, in which the political structures were left intact.

    The reality is that Presidents take such weighty decisions based on the nature of intel and security reports at their disposal. Jonathan might’ve received reports that showed that although the security situation was dire and worrisome, it still hadn’t reached the stage for the declaration of emergency.

    The reality, again, is that Tinubu could be privy to a different set of Intel and security reports, and should in no way, shape or form allow his hands to be tied by what a predecessor had done when the buck stops at his desk.

    Besides, such critics unmask themselves as acting in bad faith by failing to mention the cases of Ekiti and Plateau States where then-President Olusegun Obasanjo declared a state of emergency and suspended the executives and legislators for six months.

    Isn’t what’s good for the goose no longer sauce for the gander? Let’s rid ourselves of selective amnesia.

    Condemnations by several eminent personalities, such as former-VP Atiku Abubakar, and organisations, such as the PDP and PANDEF, have been fast and furious. They say the action is politically motivated and unconstitutional.

    While they are encouraged to head to court to deepen our laws and democratic ethos on the validity or otherwise of the presidential declaration, one wonders what major actions that politicians prosecute that are not overtly or covertly politically motivated.

    But they ought to be ashamed for dropping the ball. An African adage posits that it is unheard-of for elders to be fiddling while a pregnant she-goat is left alone to battle with the task of giving birth, with the umbilical cord positioned to fatally strangle the kid.

    How come someone like Atiku with all his years in the political arena, coupled with the position he occupies in the PDP as a two-time presidential flag bearer – and itching to go a third time on the PDP platform – was idling even as a key state controlled by his party was on the boil?

    If Atiku couldn’t resolve the problem in a state where his party held the reins of power, why does he think Nigerians will entrust him to solve our onerous nationwide challenges?

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    And by the way, Nigerians are still wondering why the one-man riot squad called Nyesom Wike has become a tree that’s greater than the PDP forest.

    Which is not to accept, as many critics and wailers are demanding, that a sense of justice and equity will be concretised by President Tinubu suspending the FCT Minister as Gov Fubara was suspended, given the clear case of “two fighting.”

    Truth is that as much as one may hate Wike for his political choices and manoeuvres, he is not a party in any of the cases either decided or still subsisting in the courts.

    One can clearly feel his hands and influence but he’s still a ghost, and the Nigerian Constitution and Jurisprudence haven’t yet evolved a legal process to adjudicate cases in which ghosts or magical spirits are involved.

    Like MKO Abiola was wont to quip: “It is impossible for a barber to cut a customer’s hair in his absence.”

    PANDEF reportedly issued a press statement, within 24 hours of the presidential declaration, expressing “profound shock.” The germane question they should answer is why they never expressed any shock – profound or otherwise – when unknown persons blew up oil pipelines in Ogoni land about two days earlier.

    The obvious interpretation is the leaders greenlighted the treasonable action it was a way to bring pressure to bear on any person’s seeking to remove Fubara from office. Well, as the axiomatic saying goes, “We must be very careful of what we wish for.”

    It’s unproductive and unhelpful for opponents of the presidential declaration to start shedding bucketfuls of crocodile tears after the deed has been done. Like most reasonable Nigerians, they also read the handwriting on the wall.

    But instead of being honest brokers of a truce between the contending parties they were satisfied with milking state financial resources from the beleaguered Fubara and misinterpreting judicial decisions.

    My closing comment is reserved for the suspended Gov. Fubara. Aside faulting Fubara for arrogantly refusing to stop for Wike in order to conquer, I can categorically declare without fear or favour that his miscues and missteps clearly indicate the gross naivety of a civil servant thrust into the shark-infested waters of politics.

    Fubara woefully failed the leadership test, and proved that his man-management skills are practically zero.

    For crying out loud, Fubara isn’t the first Governor – and won’t be the last either – to part ways with his political godfather shortly after taking office.

    But it speaks volumes of their predisposition to mischief-making that none of the former governors, who successfully passed through the needle’s eye that a camel was still struggling to enter, deemed it necessary to make their experience available to Fubara; rather they were simply wishing to leverage his inevitable fall to discomfit President Tinubu.

    I’ve two such former governors in mind. Then-Anambra State Gov. Peter Obi was an APGA man, but 27 out of the 31 members of the House of Assembly belonged to the PDP.

    It was tough-going for Obi at the beginning, but before anyone could shout “NEXT,” he had successfully managed to SUBTLY “convert” practically every PDP legislator to the APGA fold. 

    Former-Edo State Gov. Godwin Obaseki also went into the lion’s den and tamed the wild beasts like the Biblical Daniel. He even had a steeper slope to climb because his estranged political godfather had become the APC national chairman, and was openly saying that Obaseki would be denied a return ticket.

    Obaseki consequently defected to the PDP but not before orchestrating Oshiomhole’s sacking from his exalted party post! Obaseki was reelected on the PDP ticket and faced another major hurdle: More than two-thirds of the state legislators were not only APC members, but they were also Oshio Baba’s chorus men!

    Obaseki not only demolished the House of Assembly in a bid to prevent legislators from meeting to impeach him, but he also refused to swear in incoming APC members throughout the duration of his second term to avoid any cantankerous opposition.

    Fortunately for Obaseki, the loathing then-President Buhari and his kitchen cabinet had for Tinubu and Oshiomhole – who was sacked for being perceived to be receptive to Tinubu’s presidential ambition – meant that Aso Villa gave Obaseki an open cheque to do whatever he pleased with “Oshiomhole’s faction” of Edo APC, based on the doctrine of “The enemy of my enemy is my friend”!

    Fubara could’ve danced out of the quandary in which he found himself by either emulating the Obi subtle approach or the Obaseki brusque nzogbu-nzogbu way.

    By deciding to take on an I-no-go-agree battling ram like Wike within his first 100 days – rather than beginning of a second term – and doing so without first orchestrating the conversion of pro-Wike legislators, exposed Fubara’s lack of strategic acumen.

    The outcomes of success were just as gargantuan as those of failure. He should therefore have moved heaven and earth to – as godfather Don Corleone was wont to quip – “make them an offer they couldn’t refuse”! And this was a relatively easy task to accomplish as executive governor of “The Treasure Base of the Nation”!

    Sanctimonious preachments are uncalled for here given the realities of Nigeria’s political culture, as the monies he kept doling out to emergency PR consultants and spokespersons as well as social media “constitutional experts” amounted to a king’s ransom.

    Which is hoping he covered his tracks pretty well, as EFCC agents and the Sole Administrator are going to be on the lookout for any financial shenanigans during the six-month suspension (just gave him ‘expo’).

    Weep not for Fubara because he knew exactly what he was getting into with his eyes wide open. It is unethical to want to move the goal post or arbitrarily change the rules when the game is already going on.

    I love giving this analogy: Mr A had a deep craving to quickly get rich by any means necessary. He met a cultist or herbalist with a storied pedigree along that line. They struck an agreement with the cultist only obtaining a guarantee that, like all other of his clients, Mr A must donate his mother to be sacrificed after he’s made it – a kind of Cash on Delivery!

    Mr A made it big time, but he started playing games when it came time to keep his own end of the bargain, by seeking to turn the tide of public opinion against the cultist.

    And members of the public, because of a grudge they had against the cultist, took sides and started demanding a pound of the flesh of the cultist, without questioning why Mr A is involving them close to the expiry of the “agreement, when he never brought them in at the onset when he was negotiating the terms and conditions.

    It would’ve been far better for them to ask Mr A to comply with the agreement he entered into with the cultist out of his own volition because it is the only way to enthrone responsibility and accountability in the polity.

    As an addendum, I wonder if the advice former-Ekiti Gov. Fayose gave to Fubara on the day of his oath-taking can bo considered as prophetic or poignantly accurate. Fayose, who was once suspended by OBJ, told Fubara not to bite the fingers that fed him very early in his tenure.

    His exact words were: “I know Wike o! If you look for his trouble, he’s ready to fight you from here to hell and back. Don’t poke your eyes into areas you shouldn’t or see what you’re not meant to see, else – and I’m very sincerely warning you – you will start seeing spirits!” Hmmmm…

  • What next after emergency rule in Rivers?

    What next after emergency rule in Rivers?

    A major political crisis had emerged in Rivers State, with state legislators initiating impeachment proceedings against Governor Siminalayi Fubara and his deputy, Mrs Ngozi Odu over allegations of illegal budget practices and improper legislative appointments. Concurrently, incidents of pipeline vandalism, including a fire on the Trans Niger Pipeline, have disrupted oil production, raising national economic concerns. All these are part of the power tussle between the governor and his estranged godfather, Nyesom Wike who is currently the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) minister. To nip the crisis in the bud, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu declared a state of emergency in the oil-rich state, suspending all elected officials of the executive and legislative arms of government for six months, and appointing a sole administrator. With the next election cycle already around the corner, Deputy Political Editor RAYMOND MORDI and Assistant Editor EMMANUEL BADEJO examine the impact of this development on the political future of the principal actors.

    After lingering for close to two years, the political crisis in Rivers State between Governor Siminalayi Fubara and his erstwhile godfather and predecessor in office, Nyesom Wike reached a boiling point last Monday when militants blew up the Trans-Niger Pipeline, one of the country’s highest-producing crude oil pipelines. According to Africa Report, an online publication, the oil flowing through the affected pipeline fetches around $14m daily at current prices. This development prompted President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to declare emergency rule in the oil-rich state, suspending Governor Siminalayi Fubara, his deputy, Mrs Ngozi Odu, and all state House of Assembly members for six months.

    President Tinubu declared the state of emergency to prevent the situation from escalating. Governor Fubara has been blamed for allegedly tele-guiding militants to blow up the facilities. Fubara and 27 lawmakers loyal to former governor and Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike have been involved in a face-off that has heightened tension. Though the president brokered a peace deal between the two warring parties, the crisis escalated as the governor failed to adhere to the agreement. The Rivers governor did not help matters when he demolished the assembly complex, ostensibly to prevent the opposition lawmakers from sitting, after it was bombed on October 29, 2023.

    Fubara also presented the 2024 budget before four legislators loyal to him, stating that the pro-Wike lawmakers had defected from the ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC). However, a Rivers State High Court ruled that the 27 lawmakers remained valid members of the PDP. On February 28, 2025, the Supreme Court affirmed the judgments of the Court of Appeal and the Federal High Court, both in Abuja, which had earlier declared the acts against the 27 members as unlawful and illegal.

    Affirming the judgment, the Supreme Court ordered the CBN and the AGF to stop further release of financial allocations to the Rivers State Government with immediate effect. The apex court directed that the order shall be in force until Fubara stopped all his illegal, unlawful, and unconstitutional activities. Specifically, the court said that no money shall be released to the state government until a lawful Appropriation Law is enacted under Amaewhule as the speaker.

    The appointment of an administrator, Vice Admiral Ibok-Ete Ibas (rtd), marks a temporary end to Fubara’s governorship. There may be significant political and legal fireworks in the coming days, to challenge the legitimacy of the declaration. Governor Fubara has already reacted to his suspension, the day after, hinting that he would adhere to the rule of law in the matter. He assured that the situation would be handled with wisdom, patience, and faith in the democratic process. After initially disappearing from the Government House and remaining incommunicado, the governor issued a statement blaming the current situation in the oil-rich state on the 27 lawmakers loyal to his estranged godfather and predecessor, Nyesom Wike, who is the current Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT).  

    The state of emergency portends changes for the key South-south state. The initial six months of emergency rule will elapse in September, with the possibility of it being extended, if the crisis persists. But, observers are looking beyond the six months of emergency rule. This development would affect the fortunes of the key actors in the crisis ahead of preparations for the 2027 general election, which will commence next year. Tinubu ushered in the emergency rule to restore order and address acute security and governance challenges, such as pipeline vandalism and the prolonged political crisis. However, several political analysts and critics have noted that by suspending the elected governor and legislature, the move may also be seen as a way to preserve a controlled political environment—a status quo—that could favour specific interests as the 2027 general election approaches. In other words, while the stated purpose is to stabilize the state in a crisis, many observers argue that maintaining the status quo may be a secondary objective to manage the political landscape ahead of upcoming electoral preparations. Whether one accepts that interpretation depends on which aspects of the crisis and subsequent federal intervention one emphasizes.

    The principal actors include Fubara and his core loyalists in the PDP, Wike, state lawmakers led by Amaewhule, federal lawmakers from the state, and prominent politicians. The crisis has divided the people in Rivers and the country in general, as they sympathize with one group or the other.

    Rivers PDP, the biggest loser

    Given the crisis rocking the main opposition party and its inability or unwillingness to take disciplinary action against those accused of destabilizing it like Wike, it may be the biggest loser in Rivers State, which has been under its control since the return to civil rule in 1999. The PDP narrative is that the emergency rule was politically motivated to weaken the party’s control ahead of future elections. If one agrees with this view, the PDP may eventually bear the brunt of the crisis by losing its foothold in Rivers.

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    Already, Wike appears to be succeeding in destabilizing the party through his loyalists in strategic positions. The party needs to build a strong case for its return to power in the oil-rich state in future elections, after the exit of Wike and his associates, probably after the 2027 elections. The party will have to consider how it can regain the trust of Rivers State voters if the new governing party is seen as favourable. If the Wike camp decides to use the PDP platform for the 2027 general election in Rivers, the only option open to loyalists of the Atiku Abubakar-led PDP may opt for another party. In that scenario, they must choose a strong candidate, and leverage the core PDP’s existing support base to fight the APC/Wike camp masquerading as the umbrella party.

    In essence, the Rivers PDP chapter is entering a period of significant turbulence. Its next steps will depend on how it navigates the legal, political, and public challenges posed by the state of emergency.

    In the next general elections, Rivers State is likely to be retained by Wike’s PDP or Wike’s APC as the case may be because the FCT minister has one leg in the main opposition (PDP) and another in the ruling party at the centre. He may eventually join the APC because he has virtually killed the PDP as a national party and is not likely to return fully to the fold. Observers believe once Wike succeeds in bringing in a more amenable successor to take over as Rivers governor, he and the new helmsman would move into the APC seamlessly, with state and federal lawmakers and other major stakeholders.

    Former governor and Minister of Transportation, Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi, and his faction of the APC are likely to inherit whatever is left in Rivers PDP after the exit of Wike, his associates, and supporters.   

    Mixed fortunes for Fubara

    For Fubara, the six months of emergency rule was a blessing in disguise because he had been boxed into a corner and could have been impeached alongside his deputy. At least, with the six months of respite provided by the current state of emergency, he may succeed in completing his tenure. Thereby, he would go down in history as a former governor of the state and enjoy all the fringe benefits attached to his position as a former governor.

    In an interview with our reporter, Abiodun Olaleru, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), agrees that Fubara may have escaped the impeachment. Olaleru, Principal Partner of Headwaters Chambers said the impeachment proceedings against the governor and his deputy may not continue after emergency rule. He told our reporter over the telephone: “I doubt if the impeachment process will still be valid after the emergency rule. I heard over the news that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has constituted an elders’ council to intervene and resolve their differences. If that happens and warring parties can agree, will there be a need for any improvement again? From the look of things, this one may not succeed, though impeachment is a legislative business. I do not see this coming to fulfillment.”

    Lawyer and editor of the Nigerian Weekly Law Report, Oluwole Kehinde concurs with Olaleru. Kehinde, the principal partner of OKC Attorneys, said the impeachment would expire by the time Fubara returns to power after the emergency rule is over. He said: “The notice is also gone. All the period specified by the constitution for the notice to have remained in force would have expired by the end of the emergency rule.”

    On the Supreme Court judgment, which is yet to be implemented before the governor was shoved aside, Olaleru (SAN) said an emergency rule could never annul the court’s judgment. He said while the emergency regime was a specified period, the Supreme Court’s verdict would last forever. He said the Supreme Court verdict would still subsist after the emergency rule. His words: “The Supreme Court’s verdict remains and nothing can change it. An emergency rule will last for a while but the law remains and it will be forever. The judgment is valid for all times.”

    So, this period of emergency rule is a sort of transition out of power for him because he is not likely to get a second term. This is more so if the emergency rule is extended beyond the initial six months. A close associate of Fubara said Wike had given the governor three conditions for peace to reign. One, he must sign an agreement conceding he would not seek a second term; two, must hand off the party’s local government structure; and finally must deliver N400 billion monthly to the FCT minister. He said the governor’s reluctance to accept the conditions is the cause of their disagreement.   

    Another source in Port Harcourt told this reporter that the emergency rule may be extended to maintain the status quo if there is no truce between the warring parties within the first six months. His words: “The lingering crisis is not likely to end; I foresee a situation where the current state of emergency would be extended after the initial six months. If that happens, the termination of the emergency rule would coincide with the commencement of electioneering activities next year.

    “The likelihood is that Rivers would have a fresh beginning politically, as Fubara is not likely to return for a second term. I don’t see him contesting on the platform of any of the political parties; gradually he will lose the support of those around him because they will desert him to look out for their future. There is no way he can sustain their patronage and they are likely to start charting a new political future without Fubara because there would be no money to retain them. The politics of money is what we play here.

    “Wike, the godfather of Rivers politics, has the upper hand because the intelligence we are getting is that even this new administrator that is coming is his friend. The first moves he takes would help us understand where his interest lies. This is the end for Fubara. Nevertheless, the state of emergency declared by the president has also saved him from impeachment because he could have been impeached in the coming days. With this state of emergency, he will just remain a suspended governor whose tenure would gradually elapse. He would thereby remain in history as a former governor of Rivers State.”

    The Port Harcourt source said Fubara did not manage the crisis between him and Wike well, otherwise he would have been in a better position today in Rivers politics. He said: “While Fubara was trying to capitalize on the situation to become popular, things kept happening to distract him and he could not manage such distractions. Rivers stakeholders are playing politics of monetary interest and in the process of their intervention, they do not often give him the best advice. Most of them, as we speak now, may have started reaching out to Wike and his people because they know that Fubara is not coming back; six months is a long time to be out of power.”

     Many independent observers say Governor Fubara displayed a lot of naivety in handling the crisis. He played into the hands of those who did not want him at the helm of affairs. As a result, his tenure as Rivers State governor appears to be coming to an end. With the benefit of hindsight, he has shown that he is not a politician, because he lacks the nuances to survive in a volatile political environment like Rivers, where money dictates the pace.

    The source said the governor lacks negotiation skills and does not seem to have a mind of his own because he is being tossed here and there by his so-called advisers. “He would make a policy statement today based on advice by one of his loyal groups only to reverse it the next day because another group opposed his earlier position,” he added.

    Besides, Fubara is a governor without a party. He is only a PDP stalwart by name and does not enjoy the support of the party’s Rivers State leadership. He only relies on the support of some loyalists who do not have any say, like him, in the party’s leadership.

    This is why some of his loyalists defected to the All People’s Party (APP) to contest the recent botched local government election. Thus, even if Fubara decides to defect to the APP and use it as a platform for his second term, he is not likely to succeed because the party does not have a strong base in Rivers, like elsewhere in the country. With the court ruling that there was no local government election, the APP is as good as dead in Rivers.  

    Fubara failed to take advantage of the opportunity provided when President Tinubu intervened to broker peace between him and Wike. He must have regretted not following up on the peace deal. One of the terms of the agreement that he did not implement that has come to haunt him was the representation of the budget before the Martins Amaewhule-led 27 lawmakers loyal to Wike. In honour of the agreement, the governor tried to bring back the commissioners who resigned and the lawmakers withdrew the impeachment notice that had been served on him. However, the only key aspect of the peace deal remaining was to represent the budget; everybody was waiting for him to make the move but he eventually reneged on the agreement.

    Observers believe Fubara was misled to stop the implementation of the Tinubu-brokered agreement. The hangers-on around the governor felt it would be demeaning for him to go crawling before the Wike-backed lawmakers to sign the budget because in their opinion the agreement was only a political solution and not constitutionally backed. The Fubara camp even went to court against President Tinubu concerning the botched peace deal.

    Had the governor mended fences with the Amaewhule-led lawmakers, it might have been a different story today.

    Wike holds the aces

    Though Wike and his loyalists have been denied the pleasure of seeing Fubara impeached, they still hold all the aces because they control the party’s structure in the state. The emergency rule is meant to maintain the status quo in a volatile environment till preparations for the next general election begin.

    Fubara’s emergence and the crisis it engendered may have reduced Wike’s popularity in Rivers politics and the country in general because most people inside and outside the state saw him as the villain and the governor as the victim. At the outset, most people, particularly the masses, were behind the governor because they felt Wike was oppressing him.  

    Be that as it may, if an election is held in Rivers today, Wike and his associates may still have their way because the minister is still in control of the PDP structure and part of that of the APC. Despite the question mark on his credibility, arising from the political tussle between him and Governor Fubara, the FCT minister still calls the shots because he has the men on the ground at the grassroots and the money to oil his political machinery. He would fly from Abuja for weekend events in Rivers, with all his loyalists in attendance. He is a man who has perfected how to sustain his hold on power outside the Government House in Port Harcourt, the Rivers State capital. His core loyalists, it is said, have been assisting him to oil his political machinery by reaching out to their subordinates in turn regularly.

    Observers say the bombing of oil pipelines would not likely continue. This is not just because of the heavy deployment of soldiers to the state to preempt such attacks but also because the militants would be starved of funds to continue their operations. The attacks on pipelines are usually funded and the so-called retired militants are doing it because of money. Once the money is no longer flowing to sponsor such operations, it will gradually fizzle out. So, the attack on pipelines is not likely to continue, otherwise it would have continued even after President Tinubu’s broadcast.

    The rift between the two leaders has divided Rivers elders, with different groups backing Wike or Fubara. Many of them, it is said, are still behind Wike, while others support Fubara. Interestingly, many elders supporting Fubara were never on good terms with the FCT minister even before Fubara emerged as governor. They were in the political wilderness when Wike was serving as governor and saw the opportunity to get back at the former governor when he fell out with Fubara.

    For instance, the relationship between former Governor Peter Odili and Wike was cordial before the Wike/Fubara crisis. Odili was Wike’s loyalist and a man the FCT minister respected. Odili played a crucial role in the emergence of the Fubara/Ngozi Odu ticket during the last general election. Wike produced the governor, while Odili produced the deputy. After the disagreement between the governor and his predecessor broke out, Odili took sides with the former by making some negative remarks against the latter. At that point, it became obvious they had fallen apart. That was why Deputy Governor Ngozi Odu was joined in the recent impeachment notice served on Governor Fubara, to wipe out traces of Odili in the corridors of power.

    Being out of the state house, albeit for six months or more, would no longer be a familiar experience for Fubara. It was through access to state funds he secured the patronage and loyalty of many elders backing him now. Suddenly deprived of the opulence and splendour of the state house, he may face political isolation, as he would no longer be able to influence political events outside the state house. With Fubara’s suspension, the Federal Government will have direct control over governance and the state’s resources, through the appointed military administrator.

    No prospects of reconciliation

    The crisis has been allowed to fester for too long, beyond the point where both parties can still reconcile. The agreement brokered by Tinubu presented the governor the best opportunity to reconcile with Wike but he did not capitalize on it. After that window closed, both parties went into multiple litigations that further compounded the crisis.

    Meanwhile, while the litigations were ongoing, there were also efforts by other stakeholders such as the Pan Niger Delta Development Forum (PANDEF) to intervene and reconcile the two parties but it was to no avail. The Wike camp perhaps saw the handwriting on the wall and placed all their hopes in the judiciary by following it up to the Supreme Court. Another opportunity for reconciliation opened when the Supreme Court annulled the local government election and asked Governor Fubara to represent the 2025 appropriation bill to the Wike-backed lawmakers. As a follow-up, the lawmakers gave the governor 48 hours to comply with the Supreme Court judgment.

    But the governor decided to buy time by insisting that he was yet to see the certified true copy of the judgment. Meanwhile, even though he was yet to receive the CTC, he went ahead after the judgment to dissolve local government area governing councils, including their chairmen. After the expiration of the 48-hour ultimatum, members of the House of Assembly issued him another directive to sack the 19 persons he was parading as his commissioners because they were not screened and confirmed by the House. In addition, the lawmakers extended the time frame for him to represent the budget. But, somehow, they could not find a common ground for settlement.    

    Close watchers of the disagreement believe that the governor ought to have capitalized on the opportunity presented by the Supreme Court judgment to make peace. Our source added: “Knowing that the Supreme Court has hit him below the belt, Fubara should have visited – whether nocturnal or by the daytime – one of those respected elders close to the Wike camp; and those were the elders that convinced Wike to make him governor. The elders are O.C.J Okocha, Chief Ferdinand Alabraba, and Sergeant Chidi Awuse. These were ‘the three wise men’ who convinced Wike to pick Fubara as governor. After the judgment, people expected him to go and beg these elders who would in turn beg Wike and his associates to give peace a chance by offering him a soft landing to come and present the budget. But, rather, Fubara towed a different path, by being intransigent. 

    “If President Tinubu had not acted by declaring a state of emergency, two things with disastrous consequences would have happened: one, by the end of this month (March), all civil servants in the state would not be paid, contractors would not get their money because the allocation from the Federation Account would have been stopped. This would have resulted in tension in the state and possibly violent protests. Secondly, Fubara would have been impeached and the impeachment could have also led to open and violent confrontation between the two camps. They could adopt assassination, burning of their opponents’ houses or using missiles to advance their cause.”

    But Tinubu’s intervention by declaring emergency rule in the state has nipped the whole thing in the bud. The Federal Government has said the state’s withheld federal allocation would be released to the new administrator if he asks for it. Wenenba Wali, national leader of Unity House Foundation, Port Harcourt, Rivers State, said the first ask before the new sole administrator is to calm frayed nerves by restoring law and order in the state. He said Rivers State was in a situation that required some extraordinary measures to get it back on track. He said if it is true that the state’s allocations are going to be released, it will help to calm down frayed nerves in the sense that civil servants can be paid their salaries at the end of the month.

    On the political front, Wali said the administrator’s appointment is a stop-gap measure to bring down the political temperature in River State. He added: “I’ve not seen any security challenges on the streets of Port Harcourt, but what I know is that the tension is as thick as anything you can imagine and nobody can reasonably say in what direction it would explode; it could be an implosion or an explosion. So, taking a preemptive step as the president has done is not bad but there has to be some legitimacy to it; that is what most people are quarreling with.”

  • State of emergency: Tinubu acted fast to save Rivers, economy – Karimi

    State of emergency: Tinubu acted fast to save Rivers, economy – Karimi

    Chairman of the Senate Services Sunday Karimi has hailed President Bola Tinubu for the decision to declare a state of emergency in Rivers State. 

     He told reporters on Friday in Abuja that the President acted in the best interest of the State and Nigeria, having taken his decision in compliance with the Constitution.

    “No President or government worth a name, will fold its arms and watch a political situation deteriorate to what we saw unfolding in Rivers State.

    “We saw that bombing of pipelines had begun, and the security situation was getting worse with the tension everywhere”, Karimi stated.

    Karimi, who represents Kogi-West on the ticket of the All Progressives Congress (APC), recalled the “fatherly role” Tinubu had played in the crisis since 2023 in a bid to get the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike, and suspended Governor Siminalayi Fubara to reach an understanding, to no avail.

    He explained: “We were all here in 2023 when Mr President called that truce meeting at the Aso Rock Villa. There was the eight-point agenda for settlement reached between the factions.

    “When Nigerians expected that progress should be made to achieve peace, things started deteriorating considerably to a point where the governor demolished the House of Assembly building and administered the state with only three legislators.”

    Karimi observed that with the recent judgment of the Supreme Court, which gave the upper hand to the 27 lawmakers loyal to the camp of the FCT Minister, matters merely got worse in the State as the lawmakers were set to impeach the Governor.

    “What did you expect would be the implications? There would have been more destruction, killings and economic losses for the country.

    “With the bombings that had already started, it was a matter of time before the whole state would be engulfed in flames. No responsible President would sit, arms folded, and allow that to happen “ he added. 

    Read Also: Rivers Emergency Rule: Temper justice with mercy, NNPP chieftain appeals to Tinubu

    The senator further argued that it took “painstaking efforts” by the administration to raise daily crude oil production to around 1,800 barrels, noting that Nigeria’s economy was already “witnessing a rebound under the renewed hope projects of the government.”

    “Allowing the situation in Rivers to get worse before he would act, wouldn’t have helped the state or Nigeria as a country in any way.

    “Mr. President intervened at the right time, and his actions are covered by law,” he said.

    Karimi also spoke on the emergency declaration  in Borno, Yobe, Adamawa and a couple of other states by former President Goodluck Jonathan without removing the Governors from office or suspending the state assemblies.

    According to him, the case with those States was not generated by political crises but rather security concerns.

    “So, I will advise those comparing the two scenarios to remember that one was purely about security threats resulting from the insurgency caused by Boko Haram, while that of Rivers is clearly political.

    “It was the proper thing to do to suspend the political actors in the two factions to allow for tensions to diffuse. Nigerians should appreciate the President for the action he has taken so far,” he stated.

    Sen. Karimi also noted that there was no cause for alarm as the National Assembly had indicated that the emergency rule could be reviewed as soon as there were signs that things could quickly normalise in Rivers State.

  • NADECA commends Akpabio, Abbas over NASS endorsement of Rivers emergency rule

    NADECA commends Akpabio, Abbas over NASS endorsement of Rivers emergency rule

    …says Tinubu’s action necessary to reset Rivers

    The National Democratic Coalition (NADECA), a coalition of over 100 pro-democracy groups in Africa, has commended Senate President Godswill Akpabio and Speaker of the House of Representatives Tajudeen Abbas for their leadership in securing the National Assembly’s endorsement of the state of emergency in Rivers State.

    In a statement signed on Thursday evening by Dr. Chukwuma Eze, President-General of NADECA, the coalition said it took 72 hours to critically assess the situation before arriving at its position, unlike other groups that rushed to conclusions. 

    NADECA described President Bola Tinubu’s decision as a necessary intervention to restore order and governance in Rivers State.

    The coalition insisted that without the emergency measures, the crisis in Rivers could have escalated beyond control, further threatening democratic stability in the country.

    NADECA also took a swipe at critics of the emergency rule, accusing them of politicising a matter of national security and governance.

    “After a thorough and objective review of the crisis in Rivers State, we are convinced that President Tinubu acted in the best interest of democracy and national stability. The state of emergency was not only justified but essential to reset the governance structure in Rivers and prevent a total breakdown of law and order,” the statement said.

    Read Also: APC applauds NASS over Rivers emergency rule, carpets Atiku, others

    “We commend Senate President Godswill Akpabio and Speaker Tajudeen Abbas for rising to the occasion and ensuring that the National Assembly played its constitutional role in endorsing this decisive action. Their leadership at this critical moment reassures Nigerians that our democracy remains strong.

    “It is unfortunate that some individuals and groups are deliberately twisting the narrative to suit their interests. The truth remains that Rivers State was on the brink of chaos, and it required urgent intervention. Those who claim to be defenders of democracy should ask themselves if democracy can thrive in an environment of lawlessness.”

    NADECA called on all stakeholders, including political leaders and civil society groups, to support efforts to stabilise Rivers State and ensure that governance is restored in a manner that benefits all residents.

    “Nigeria cannot afford to allow political crises to fester to the point where they threaten national security. The President has acted, the National Assembly has backed him, and now it is time for all well-meaning Nigerians to focus on ensuring that peace and development return to Rivers State,” NADECA stated.

    “We remain committed to defending democracy and the rule of law. We will continue to monitor developments in Rivers and across Nigeria to ensure that constitutional order is upheld.”

  • 2026: APC faces uphill task dislodging PDP in Osun

    2026: APC faces uphill task dislodging PDP in Osun

    The All Progressives Congress (APC) is confronted with some challenges ahead of next year’s off-cycle governorship election in Osun State, particularly the internal crisis within its fold. To boost its chances of winning, the party must choose a candidate that would resonate with the electorate, writes Deputy Political Editor RAYMOND MORDI

    Leaders of the Osun State chapter of All Progressives Congress (APC) are facing a race against time to put the party in order ahead of next year’s off-cycle governorship election. Since it was dislodged from power two years ago, stakeholders have made frantic efforts to woo some key opposition figures and shore up the party’s popularity and influence. 

    The APC appears determined to unseat the occupant of the Bola Ige Governor’s House. However, the party faces a challenging environment as it prepares for the upcoming election. Addressing the challenges, which include internal divisions within the fold, improving its public perception and effectively engaging with the electorate, will be crucial for the party’s success.

    The process of selecting candidates for the 2026 race is crucial. If the APC fails to choose a candidate that resonates with the electorate and can effectively address the people’s concerns, it may struggle to regain support. The party is yet to recover from the defeat it suffered in the last governorship election at the hands of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP).

    The recent political tension in the state, marked by clashes between the APC and the PDP is nothing but a dress rehearsal for next year’s election. Since the APC lost power to the opposition in 2022, its influence has waned because the party’s performance in that election has punctured the myth of its perceived strength and invisibility in the state and the Southwest geopolitical zone in general.

    However, members of the APC are not leaving anything to chance to bring the party back to winning ways. In a bid to satisfy public sentiment, the party’s reinstated local government chairmen and their ex-counterpart from 2017 to 2022 appealed to its leadership to cede the 2026 governorship ticket to the Chief Executive Officer of the National Inland Waterways Authority (NIWA), Bola Oyebamiji. The chairmen reached that consensus after their meeting on Monday in Osogbo, the state capital.

    The former Chairman of Boluwaduro Council, Akeem Tokede, who spoke on behalf of his colleagues, said a campaign group called Grassroots for AMBO has been launched to champion Oyebamiji’s aspiration. He said they still respect the immediate past governor and the Minister of Marine and Blue Economy, Adegboyega Oyetola as the chapter’s preferred candidate “but if he chooses not to contest, the NIWA boss should be given the ticket”.

    He added: “If the minister decided not to recontest, he should cede the ticket to Oyebamiji because he has the charisma to deliver victory for our party when we work for him. We believe that as local government chairmen, we are at the grassroots and can mobilise and campaign for the NIWA boss to emerge victorious in the election.”

    While responding to questions from reporters, Tokede said the APC National Secretary, Senator Ajibola Basiru is eminently qualified to contest. Nevertheless, he added that he would have to abide by the party’s decision if Oyetola anoints Oyebamiji.

    Oyebamiji who hails from the Osun West Senatorial District served as the Commissioner for Finance under Aregbesola and Oyetola. He was initially anointed to succeed Aregbesola because of the agitation for a power shift to Osun West. His campaign had gained popularity throughout the state with his nickname, ‘Dodo Ikire’, on many people’s lips before Oyetola got the party’s ticket in 2018. He was a banker before he ventured into politics.

    He was one of the eggheads under the administration of Oyetola who managed the state finance and was instrumental in repayment of about N100bn debt of Osun State within four years. He is believed to be generous as that made his popularity cut across party lines. However, he has never been on the ballot before and has never contested for any position before.

    The recriminations that followed the 2022 defeat have further polarized the party. Today, the APC is experiencing internal divisions and conflicts among its members, which have weakened its cohesion and effectiveness. The internal division or conflict within the party has resulted in a lack of unified strategy or sense of oneness and belonging for some aggrieved members, making it difficult to carry everyone along.

    The primary issue the Osun chapter grappled with before the last governorship election was the clamour for the party’s ticket to be zoned to the Osun West Senatorial District. Its inability or unwillingness to tackle it for equity and fairness divided it. As a result, a faction led by former Governor Rauf Aregbesola connived with the PDP, particularly in the Osun West Senatorial District, where members were determined to dislodge the former ruling party from power.

    The clamour for a governor of Osun West extraction worked against Oyetola’s re-election bid because he is from Osun Central, while his opponent, Ademola Adeleke, now the governor, is from Osun West. Indications are that the APC has not learnt lessons from the last governorship election because it has yet to take a stand on zoning, which was its undoing in the 2022 election.

    It appears in a quandary and has yet to take a position. However, the uncertainty over the APC’s position on zoning is one factor that is still unsettling some stakeholders, particularly those who have ambitions to contest. It is uncertain whether Oyetola would contest. There are insinuations in some quarters that he may not contest because of the national assignment that President Bola Tinubu has entrusted in his hands.

    The decision of whether to zone the ticket for the election to a particular senatorial district or throw it open to all comers is causing ripples within the fold. While some groups within the Osun APC, like the Osun Progressives Independent Forum (OPIF), are urging its leadership to throw its governorship ticket open to all candidates, several others are calling for it to be zoned to Osun West if former Governor Oyetola decides not to run. The OPIF believes the APC would stand a better chance of winning next year’s election if it chooses a candidate based on merit, not sentiments. Speaking at a press conference recently, the coordinator of the group, Satiregun Olayiwola, said the party’s process of selecting its candidate should be all-inclusive, transparent, and without favour or pressure from any quarter.

    Olayiwola’s words: “The future of APC and Osun State depends on selecting a candidate based on merit, not sentiments. Our party must evaluate potential candidates against clear criteria, including antecedents, experience, electoral viability, courage, and demographic appeal.

    “Advocating for a particular zone, region, or senatorial district should be discarded to avoid repeating what befell our party in 2018/2022. This division resulted in some loyalists leaving the party, leading to a rerun in an election we could have easily won. The consequences of this were felt in the 2022 governorship election.

    “What APC needed to win in 2026 is a candidate with proven track records in leadership, vast experience in governance, and the ability to connect with a wide array of voter groups. The will to bell the cat on critical Osun issues and the vision to lead the state toward sustainable development are also paramount. This process should be all-inclusive, transparent, and without favour or pressure from any quarter.

    “Therefore, we are appealing to the leadership of our party, APC, to carefully consider the aspirants who possess the qualities of soundness, vibrancy, competence, and integrity. We need someone who is marketable and ready to serve, not anyone who will act as a pawn for a few individuals at the expense of the people of Osun.”

    However, another group in the party, the Coalition of Osun APC Interest Groups (COAIG), vehemently kicked against the stand of the OPIF and insisted on zoning the ticket to Osun West. The group argued that zoning the ticket to Osun West would bring fresh perspectives and address the unique developmental challenges of the district. A statement by Its Director of Public Engagement and Operations, Iwolode Samuel, COAIG, acknowledged OPIF’s contributions to the party but rejected their perspective on zoning. Samuel added: “A leader emerging from Osun West could bring innovative solutions and align district-wide developmental goals with our broader state objectives.”

    The coalition emphasized the need to focus on district representation rather than individual aspirations. It noted that this approach would allow multiple qualified candidates from Osun West to compete, fostering healthy internal democracy. The statement added: “By concentrating on a district rather than an individual, we ensure internal democracy where candidates are chosen based on their capabilities to lead and transform the state.”

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    COAIG further described zoning as a tool for equitable representation and to correct historical imbalances. “Zoning to Osun West is a bold step towards ensuring that democracy works for everyone, not just a select few. We invite dialogue and continued discussions on how zoning can be effectively implemented to serve the best interests of Osun as a whole. Together, we can prioritize unity and collective advancement over division.

    “Our vision is to chart a course for sustained development that transcends political divides and captures the aspirations of every Osun citizen. The coalition’s stance on zoning the APC governorship ticket for the Osun 2026 election is not for personal interest. This position is rooted in fairness, equity, and balanced representation across Osun’s senatorial districts. It is different from the stance of those condemning the zoning to pursue the interest of an individual instead of the party’s interest.

    “Our agitation doesn’t revolve around a personality like the agenda of our brothers in OPIF. We are projecting an aspiration that considers the benefit of the majority over the comfort of an individual.”

    The APC’s influence in Osun State politics began to wane in 2017 when it lost the Osun West by-election to the then-PDP candidate, Ademola Adeleke. The seat became vacant following the death of the lawmaker who hitherto represented the constituency, Senator Isiaka Adeleke, the elder brother of Governor Adeleke. The PDP, which fielded the incumbent governor as its flag bearer for the Osun West senatorial race, defeated the APC by winning nine local government areas against the APC’s one.

    The party’s unpopularity then was attributed to the anti-people policies of the APC government led by Aregbesola. Such policies include the half salary syndrome, single uniform, school reclassification, and the state’s high indebtedness. People were determined to protest against the party with their votes during any election. This protest vote resulted in APC nearly losing the 2018 governorship election to Adeleke.

    Though Oyetola corrected most of the anti-people policies when he emerged as governor, following Aregbesola’s exit, he could not convince Osun residents that the party meant well because his government equally faced different challenges, ranging from #EndSAR protest and COVID-19 to zero allocation, among others.

    To boost its chances of winning the forthcoming election, the APC must have a good campaign strategy, which will be critical, in engaging with the electorate, addressing their concerns, and presenting a clear vision for the future.

    This is particularly true since the PDP appears united in its resolve to back Governor Adeleke for a second term. The lawmaker representing Osun East, Senatorial District at the National Assembly, Francis Adenigba Fadahunsi, and his Osun West and Osun Central counterparts, Olalere Oyewumi and Olubiyi Fadeyi respectively were all elected on the platform of the PDP. Observers say Fadahunsi and other leaders from Osun East are behind the incumbent governor for his numerous developmental projects delivery in Ijeshaland. In Osun West, the governor has a solid home base in Ede and Iwo, alongside Ejigbo, Ikire, Gbongan and Odeomu. For Osun Central, the Osogbo people are believed to be behind the governor for transforming the state capital.

    The broader political landscape in the country, including the performance of the APC at the national level, could also impact the party’s fortunes in Osun. Public perceptions about national issues, such as security, economic challenges, and governance, could influence voter sentiment.

  • Rivers Emergency: NASS saved democracy, remains African pride – Obidike

    Rivers Emergency: NASS saved democracy, remains African pride – Obidike

    A chieftain of the All Progressives Congress Hon Obidike Chukwuebuka, has commended the National Assembly for approving President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s declaration of a State of Emergency in Rivers.

    He said the approval saved democracy and will help restore normalcy to the oil-rich State. 

    Speaking to newsmen in Abuja after a meeting at the National Assembly complex, Obidike emphasised the importance of the National Assembly’s role in maintaining democratic principles and upholding the rule of law. 

    He noted that the approval of the State of Emergency declaration demonstrated the lawmakers’ commitment to protecting the nation’s democracy and promoting peace and stability in the interest her people. 

    Read Also: BREAKING: Senate okays State of Emergency in Rivers State

    Obidike’s remarks come at a time when democratic institutions in Africa are facing significant challenges. 

    According to a report by International IDEA, the average level of democracy in Africa remains relatively stable, but there are concerns about the erosion of democratic norms and the rise of authoritarianism in some countries.

    He said: “The National Assembly’s approval of the state of emergency declaration is a significant affirmation of Nigeria’s commitment to democratic principles. The National Assembly has once again demonstrated its role as a guardian of democracy and a champion of the rule of law.”

  • APC members urge Tinubu, party leaders to zone guber ticket to Osun West

    APC members urge Tinubu, party leaders to zone guber ticket to Osun West

    Members of the All Progressives Congress (APC) have called on President Bola Tinubu and other party leaders to urgently convene a meeting to zone the party’s governorship ticket to Osun West Senatorial District.

    During a solidarity walk along Technical/Oke-Fia Road on Thursday, the party members emphasized the need for fairness and unity, urging stakeholders to support what they described as the “unity and equity agenda.”

    Read Also: APC set to release blueprint on its ideology

    Speaking on behalf of the group, The Progressives Frontliners (TPF), Comrade Ajijola Ayodele appealed to Tinubu, Chief Bisi Akande, Minister of Marine and Blue Economy Adegboyega Oyetola, APC National Secretary Senator Ajibola Basiru, and other leaders to reach a consensus on zoning the ticket to Osun West.

    He noted that such a decision would strengthen the party ahead of the primaries and encourage other districts to intensify their campaign efforts.