The piece by one Annabel Ogheneganre, captioned “Between Ogboru and Omo-Agege: Who is the greater asset to Urhobo”, was a sour taste and a toxic narrative of a hack writer.
What I initially thought would be an interesting and insightful piece turned out to be a figment of the writer’s imagination. I couldn’t help but wonder what he intended to achieve.
Ordinarily, I do not respond to such baseless write-ups, but after reading through it, I felt I should address the misrepresentations. Initially, I took an interest in his views on hate speech, believing he had a sound perspective. However, as I continued, I realized his write-up was even worse than the hate speech he claimed to criticize. If this was an attempt by a paid writer to stir division between Senator Ovie Omo-Agege and Great Ovedje Ogboru’s supporters, it is a poor one.
I have studied Ogboru’s political journey, and it is evident that he is not one to encourage violence. Time and again, he has been seen advising his supporters to avoid the use of foul language or any actions that could create tension in the political space. Is this the same person the writer accuses of sponsoring attacks on Omo-Agege?
If you must make accusations, it only makes sense when you back them up with proof instead of peddling baseless claims simply because you were paid to do so.
The question of who is an asset to the Urhobo people should be examined with facts, not sentiments. If your definition of an asset is based on streetlights, tricycles, a few Toyota Corolla vehicles, some projects attracted to Orogun, his home town, or transformers given to all states by the Federal Ministry of Power that he distributed in his constituency is what the writer assumes as personal gifts, his notion of an asset is not only misleading but also a gross misrepresentation of reality.
If the writer wanted to highlight achievements, he should have focused on the lives of Urhobo sons and daughters whom Omo-Agege transformed during his eight years in the Senate. Apart from his younger brother, who was the sole beneficiary of his mandate, what tangible impact did his eight years in the Senate have on the lives of Urhobo youths? I use the term “sole beneficiary” deliberately because of Omo-Agege’s fondness for the phrase “sole leader”.
Let us take a moment to appreciate the legacy of Chief James Onanefe Ibori. History will remember him for his contributions to human and infrastructural development in Urhobo land. Many Urhobo politicians from 1999 till date owe their political rise to his positive influence and contributions to their lives. Can any of them honestly say they did not benefit from his leadership?
The writer should have asked how many Urhobo sons and daughters Omo-Agege empowered outside his immediate constituency in Orogun. Can anyone name a single person he lifted politically or economically? The only thing I recall vividly is the Toyota Corolla vehicles he distributed to a few local government party chairmen, which he later retrieved from some when they opposed his leadership style. The old saying, “He who lives in a glass house should not throw stones,” is apt in this respect.
Take a tour of the eight local government areas of Delta Central and the 24 kingdoms of Urhobo land. Show me any flashy car or edifice built by any of Omo-Agege’s diehard close associates. Show me a single outstanding initiative he funded for the betterment of the Urhobo people. Yet, some people prefer to sing his praises while attacking Chief Ogboru, a highly respected leader.
Nobody will pay me to write against any illustrious Urhobo son or daughter for personal gain. Most of the projects Senator Omo-Agege embarked on were funded through constituency allocations. Does the writer think these projects came from Omo-Agege’s pocket? If so, he is gravely mistaken. Even local government councilors execute similar constituency projects. So what is this hullabaloo all about?
One undeniable fact is that whatever Senator Omo-Agege has become today is due to the positive influence of Ogboru. This is a fact, whether anyone likes it or not. If Omo-Agege had been denied the Labour Party (LP) senatorial ticket when he pleaded with Ogboru for it, he would have described Ogboru as wicked. But Ogboru gave him the opportunity, and he won.
When Ogboru later joined the All Progressives Congress (APC) to run for governor, Omo-Agege followed because he knew that he lacked the political strength to win.
Ogboru’s support for Ono-Agege was the leverage he used to become the Deputy Senate President. Should he not remain eternally grateful to Ogboru rather than betraying him?
In 2011, without holding any government position, Ogboru contested against Dr. Emmanuel Uduaghan for governor and secured 12 seats in the Delta State House of Assembly, two House of Representatives seats and a Senate seat, which was a remarkable feat. It was a genuine victory based on his popularity.
Can any of these persons say they did not rise through Ogboru’s influence? If they try it, they will be visited by karma.
Someone without government backing secured 12 Assembly seats, two House of Representatives seats and a Senate seat. Yet, out of ignorance or sheer callousness, the writer is asking who is a greater asset to Urhobo. It is laughable. How can Omo-Agege even be compared to Ogboru, who made him a two-time senator?
How long will Annabel Ogheneganre continue to be deceived with political gimmicks for a mere share of peanuts without recourse to his dignity? That is if he has any.
The most recent betrayal occurred 24 hours before Ogboru was supposed to be received by the college of leaders. Suddenly, news spread that the event had been canceled and a new date would be announced without the knowledge of the state publicity secretary, the Delta Central party chairman, or even the state chairman. But, upon this distraction for fear of the people’s general, the turnout was massive. Who get name, get name. No wayo.
That is the height of desperation and an attempt to play the fast one, but the people are faster.
In his goodwill message during the reception, the Minister for Aviation, Festus Keyamo (SAN), who welcomed Ogboru and his thousands of supporters, noted that they were still in the party before now, and there is nowhere in politics that someone would stop other people from coming into a party. It is not done. You cannot close the door against people who want to join the party. He frowned at the move by some persons to sabotage the event by making a false announcement on a radio station claiming that the event had been cancelled.
He added: “I have never seen this kind of desperation in my entire life. Ogboru won 12 seats in the Delta State House of Assembly, two seats in the House of Representatives and a senator at the height of opposition in the Delta State when the PDP was the PDP in Delta. He did this without federal power. He is an authentic opposition leader, and come 2027, the PDP will fall.”
The Director of NEXIM Bank, Stella Okotete, also expressed joy in joining other leaders to welcome Great Ogboru to the party. She lamented that Ogboru was betrayed by his own brother in 2019 because of his ambition of 2023, which according to her was the beginning of betrayal; “but thank God that the Delta State is now stronger than ever before.
She added: “It was a shame we were only able to give the national 14 per cent of votes — it was a poor outcome because some of us who were critical stakeholders were shut out of the process. It was an ‘aide’ affair. But this time we are going to win landslide for the APC in Delta State with the governorship seat, Senate, Reps and House of Assembly.”
These statements are testament to the candid facts that Ogboru is a worthy and great asset not only to the APC and the Urhobo nation but also to Delta State as a whole.
Regardless, all the prominent APC leaders, including Chief O’tega Emerhor, Keyamo (SAN), Okotete, the member representing Ughelli/Udu Federal Constituency, Francis Waive, Delta APC Chairman, Chief Omeni Sobotie, Chief Paulinus Akpeki, Halims Agoda, Godsday Orubebe and Victor Ochei, amongst others came together to honour Ogboru. This speaks volumes about his political strength and relevance in Urhobo land.
Let those who seek to mislead the public have a rethink, follow the path of truth and seek forgiveness for their volumes of ignorance because Ogboru’s contributions to the political landscape of Delta State cannot be erased, no matter how hard his detractors try.
• Adamudagha, a political analyst, writes from Warri, Delta State
All Progressives Congress (APC) chieftain Alhaji Toyin Balogun has promised to transform Ikosi-Isheri Local Council Development Area (LCDA) in Lagos State, if elected as chairman.
He is among 10 aspirants vying for the ticket at the proposed primary. The council polls may hold either in May or June.
Balogun’s Media Team, in a statement in Lagos, said his leadership would be beacon of hope for Ikosi-Isheri’s growth and development, adding that his commitment to grassroots governance, community development, economic empowerment, and social welfare programmes is truly inspiring.
According to the Team, his vision for transformative initiatives would undoubtedly elevate the community’s standard of living.
The statement reads: “His focus on crucial areas like education, healthcare, and infrastructure development will be instrumental in creating a thriving environment where residents can flourish. It’s heartening to see his dedication to community-driven initiatives and grassroots governance.
“Rallying behind his vision and working together as a community is indeed crucial to achieving the desired development. By doing so, Ikosi-Isheri will become a shining example of community-driven initiatives and grassroots governance.
“Balogun’s vision for transforming the education sector in Ikosi-Isheri truly stands out as a beacon of hope for future generations.
“His focus on Upgrading Infrastructure and Providing Quality Resources will make a significant difference in creating a learning environment that fosters both academic excellence and personal growth.
“The emphasis on Meeting International Standards is a crucial step toward ensuring that students are equipped with the best tools and knowledge to succeed in a globalized world.
“Moreover, his attention to Technical Education is vital in shaping well-rounded individuals who are not only academically proficient but also skilled in practical areas that are highly valued in the workforce.
“This will undoubtedly contribute to a more dynamic, self-sufficient community.
“Balogun’s approach demonstrates a true commitment to uplifting the educational landscape and empowering future generations.
“The work ahead is inspiring, and the collective effort of the community to support this vision will go a long way in building a world-class educational system in Ikosi-Isheri.”
The resort to personal, group, regional or primordial interests in politics has robbed the country the opportunity to develop. This was the consensus of the various speakers at a recent symposium at the University of Lagos, Akoka, Lagos, to mark the 70th birthday of diplomat and scholar Prof. Babafemi Badejo.
The speakers at the symposium, which took place under the theme, “Politics is Interest: Interrogating the Role of Special Interests in Nigeria’s Development”, lamented the promotion of the interests of the political class over and above that of the people, adding that such special interests are drawing back the country’s development.
They said every region and every group, including elected officials in government houses and lawmaking chambers across the country, promotes its interests, even if they conflict with the national interest. Renowned scholar, Prof Adele Jinadu, who echoed this in his keynote address, said the tragedy of Nigeria’s politics is that the political class has elevated its interest over and above that of the nation.
Nobel Laureate and President of Timor-Leste, Jose Ramos-Horta, who chaired the opening session virtually, said Nigeria faces the burden of navigating domestic and external interests. He said: “Nigeria’s history is one of resilience, one also of a history shaped by competing interests – of political elites, multinational corporations and global powers in the form of what Prof Badejo aptly refers to as ‘external dynamics’. These interests have determined policies, economic priorities, and even the fate of people.”
President Ramos-Horta urged Nigeria to redefine its interest to align with its developmental needs, given the changing global interest structure.
Former Foreign Minister Major-General Ike Nwachukwu, who headed the panel of discussants, said successive leaders may have made mistakes, but the country remains on the right track. Nwachukwu said Nigerians should not abandon their duties as citizens. He said they should take their elected leaders to task by challenging policies they disagree with.
Gen. Nwachukwu said Nigeria’s development should be anchored on its cultural values, like those of countries like China. “Our cultural values should be codified, and our development should be anchored on them,” he said.
Former Director-General of the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA), Prof Bola Akinterinwa, who spoke on “Nigeria’s Foreign Policy and National Interests”, said the country should take advantage of Prof Badejo’s 70th birthday celebration to reflect on its strategic foreign policy objectives.
The former NIIA boss added that Nigeria does not have a coherent foreign policy objective. He said the country has refused to develop because it does not want to take advantage of people like the celebrant whose contributions in political thought and governance could make a difference.
Akinterinwa hailed the proposal of the former Permanent Representative to the United Nations, Prof. Ibrahim Gambari, who proposed the concept of concentric cycles to improve the country’s foreign policy. He said, “Prof Gambari divided the world into four concentric cycles, with Nigeria in the innermost cycle. The first cycle around it is our immediate neighbours; West Africa is the second cycle; Africa is the third cycle; while the rest of the world is the fourth cycle.
“In another development, Ambassador Oluyemi Adeniji agreed with Prof Gambari. However, he said there is a need for constructive and beneficial foreign policy in each concentric cycle. He said whatever the country is doing in each concentric cycle must be to the benefit of Nigerians.
“Section 19 of the 1999 Constitution talks about tactical foreign policy. It did not talk about the ultimate objective of our foreign policy. So, the six so-called objectives are not objectives. We need to redefine that.”
Akinterinwa hailed the proposals of the current Foreign Minister, Ambassador Yusuf Maitama Tuggar, which focus on strategic autonomy. The former NIIA DG said the minister describes it as the fulcrum of the Tinubu administration’s foreign policy thrust.
He said the country should be self-reliant and “should be pursuing is a grand strategy of great country; a Nigeria that is second to none”. He said this will entail acquiring the capability and capacity to do and undo in all ramifications. He added: “This means that we should be self-reliant as a country. So, in each concentric cycle, we must have our identity, and we must dominate.”
Akinterinwa said Nigeria has abundant human resources that should be tapped to develop the country. He said Nigerians excel in different fields of endeavour globally, but the environment at home appears to discourage creativity. “I think it is only when we take advantage of our huge human resources that we can develop,” he added.
In a statement by his Special Adviser on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, read out at the symposium, President Bola Tinubu congratulated Prof Badejo on his 70th birthday.
In the statement, Tinubu lauded Badejo’s remarkable contributions to global diplomacy, peacebuilding, and academia, highlighting his impactful roles at the United Nations, the African Union, and legal scholarship.
The president acknowledged Badejo’s unwavering commitment to political reforms and his courageous service in conflict-ridden regions during his tenure at the United Nations. He praised the scholar’s instrumental role in the peace processes of Somalia, Liberia, Guinea-Bissau, and Sudan and his leadership in the Djibouti Initiative, which helped lay the groundwork for Somalia’s national governance structures after years of turmoil.
Ahead of 2027 general election, politicians are neck-deep in various permutations, proposing alliance talks and mobilising voters. Deputy Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU examines the calculations towards realignments, mergers and coalition-building.
Politics is in the air, although the next general election is still two years away. The almost two year-old administration of Bola Ahmed Tinubu is consolidating. But, internal opposition elements within the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and contending leaders of the core rival parties – Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Labour Party (LP), New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), and Social Democratic Party (SDP) – are returning to the drawing board – seperately – to strategise.
As from June, attention may shift to the 2027 calculations by political actors in a country that, traditionally, cannot set a line of demarcation or boundary, no matter how thin, between politics and governance.
The ruling party is not sleeping on guard. Its leaders are working assiduously to enlarge its coast by wooing opposition figures, particularly in the state and national parliament where some PDP and LP lawmakers have defected, citing the multiple crises in the opposition camps as justification.
There is a sort of miniature threat posed by some aggrieved and grumbling APC chieftains, who have tentatively lost out in the distribution of largesse by the Tinubu government, to the platform. The plot to decimate the ruling party has manifested in the defection of a foundation stalwart, Mallam Nasir El-Rufai, former governor of Kaduna State, to the SDP.
El-Rufai has ambition, like all politicians. Ahead of 2023 polls, he had his eyes on the Vice Presidency. Smart, clever, confident and fork-tongued, he started shifting loyalty. As a Muslim, he positioned himself as likely running mate to Christian presidential aspirants -Rotimi Amaechi, former governor of Rivers State, and his Ekiti State counterpart, Dr. Kayode Fayemi. He had fired salvos at Tinubu, describing him as a godfather who should be retired. He only shifted allegiance to the leading APC presidential candidate when he knew that he had overcome the odds.
But, El-Rufai’s bid for the number two position collapsed. While avoiding a Muslim/Muslim ticket, President Tinubu settled for the hard, but objective option and survived the hues and cries. The former Kaduna State governor lost out when Senator Kashim Shetimma was picked as running mate.
Since his name was also dropped from the ministerial list after attending screening at the Senate, El-Rufai has been predictably bitter. He said the distance between him and APC was widening.
At the recent national conference on strengthening democracy, he attacked the Tinubu administration, describing the current state of governance and opposition in the country as a “national emergency.”
He alleged lack of internal democracy within the APC, declaring that “mo party organ has met in two years—no caucus, no NEC, nothing. You don’t even know if it is a one-man show; it’s a zero-man show.” El-Rufai added: “You cannot afford to have illiterates, semi-illiterates, and cunning people as your leaders. This is why we end up with the poor leadership we have today. The problems that led to the formation of the APC remained unresolved, but I no longer believe the APC is interested in addressing them.”
Setting a stage for jumping ship, he alleged personal and regional exclusion, threatening that the North, which, in his view,retains the numerical voting strength, would not endorse President Tinubu and APC at the poll.
Prominent northerners, both in the APC and outside the party, disagreed with his assertion, saying that he merely expressed a personal opinion.
The APC National Chairman, Dr. Abdullahi Ganduje, former governor of Kano State, said his personal portrayal of collective northern perception and permutations paled into a figment of hyperactive imagination. “The North will not abandon President Tinubu and APC,” he added.
El-Rufai is the first prominent defector from the party. While announcing his departure, he unfolded plans to rally the opposition to hijack power from the APC during the 2027 elections. The former Minister of Federal Capital Territory (FCT) whipped up sentiments, posing as a rallying point and champion of public interest.
“I have now decided to join the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and adopt it as the platform for our future political engagements and activities.
“Without prejudice to this decision, as a member of the SDP, I will focus on engaging with and persuading other opposition leaders and parties to join us and congregate under a unified democratic platform to challenge the APC in all elections and by-elections between now and 2027 by the grace of God,” he said.
But, the National Secretary, Senator Ajibola Basiru, ruled out an imminent implosion in the ruling party, saying that APC will continue to wax stronger, in Kaduna and other states.
Also, the Presidency dismissed the defection as a reaction to defeat. Spokesman David Bwala ponted out that it has no ideological underpinning, stressing that it is in exercise of constitutional right for the defense of self-interest.
But, he predicted failure for the defector, saying: “We would intellectually remind you that associating with sore losers to unseat the incumbent is not an ideology. Neither is it progressivism. It is simply an inordinate ambition that is destined to fail.”
According to observers, El-Rufai may be deficient in accurate self-assessment. His structure, which has been shrinking after leaving power, has further been decimated by his decision to quit APC. Many of his followers who have stakes in the party are not likely to follow him.
Besides, he is labelled as a serial defector, who has crisis-crossed four parties – PDP, Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), APC and SDP – in his bid for power and relevance.
Apart from his loss of relevance in national politics, Kaduna, his base, is also hot for El-Rufai. A predecessor-successor crisis broke out, shortly after he handed over to Governor Uba Sani, who is popular because of his inclusive style of administration.
Also, those he fought and chased out of the party in Kaduna State, including Senator Suleiman Hukunyi whose house he demolished, Senator Shehu Sani whose renomination he blocked, and Danjuma La’ah, have all returned to the APC to team up with the governor against him. Also, his rival, former PDP Governor Ramalan Yero is now in APC.
Currently, officials who served under El-Rufai as governor are facing allegation of embezzling N423 billion, which the House of Assembly is investigating. Others are being grilled by the Independent Corrupt Practices and other Related Matters Commission (ICPC).
Kaduna APC Secretary, Yahaya Baba-Pate, said the chapter is unperturbed by El-Rufai’s defection.
He said the former governor bade farewell to APC at a time high-profile politicians in the state are leaving their parties for the ruling party.
Pate stressed: “We are unperturbed by former Governor Nasir El-Rufai’s defection to another party.
Our main focus in Kaduna is on how to deliver the state to both President Bola Tinubu and Governor Uba Sani in 2027. The APC in Kaduna State is growing day by day, judging from the calibre of politicians streaming into the party on a daily basis.
“So, we are not disturbed by anybody defecting to another party based on our governor’s inclusive governance in the state. We are not disturbed, and we are not going to lose our sleep over El-rufai’s moves. The party in the state is growing more than before.”
Echoing the party secretary, another party chieftain, Mohammed Aliyu, said: “El-Rufai has no support base in Kaduna. The few people that are supporting him, are either his appointees when he was governor or those who benefit from contracts by his government. So, his defection to the SDP, as far as I am concerned, is of no effect to the APC.”
Some of El-Rufai’s potential collaborators have also faulted the timing of the defection. It underscored the lack of adequate consultation, proper brainstorming, synergy and agreement. For example, Salihu Lukman, former Northwest APC Vice Chairman, said although he anticipated the move, El-Rufai should have exercised more patience to allow coalition talks to be finalised.
He added: “My expectation was that he should have been a bit patient for us to work as a group based on the current negotiation that is ongoing.”
Sources said some former ministers, who served in the Buhari administration, are likely to follow suit, due to the “force of companionship.” El-Rufai has disclosed that their former leader, Gen. Muhammadu Buhari, is aware of his defection. But a source said that the former leader, now in blissful retirement from politics, is not in a partisan position to frontally encourage former followers to stay on in the party or defect.
Those being rummoured as potential defectors are Amaechi, former Governor Rauf Aregbesola of Osun State, Kayode Fayemi, and former Attorney-General and Minister of Justice, Malami (SAN).
However, although Fayemi has reiterated his opposition to certain issues in the party, he said he would not abandon the party.
“As I have had cause to state in the past, I am a card-carrying foundation member of the APC, and this position has not changed.”
The former Ekiti governor, however, alluded to what he desctibed as the growing dissatisfaction within the party, warning that the APC still had time to “change course” and embrace internal democracy and inclusivity before it was too late.
“While I have been at the vanguard of the demand for greater internal democracy and inclusion in the ruling party, I believe it is still not late for our party to change course and move towards greater inclusion and internal democracy,” Fayemi added.
Alliance dilemma:
The history of Nigeria is replete with the activities of the opposition targetted at alliances, fusion, accord, mergers, and coalition, right from independence. Those moves affirmed the country as a potentially two-party state, despite its practice of multi-party presidential democracy.
Of about seven concrete moves towards collaboration, only two – that of the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC)/ National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) alliance of the First Republic and the fussion of the Action Congress of Nigeria (APC), All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), CPC, a section of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) and n-PDP – were successfully. Despite that, there were deserters who retraced their steps to their former parties.
The prolonged alliance talks that gave birth to APC followed a tedious process. It involved a lot of negotiations, concessions and consensus building. Tinubu, who spearheaded it, offered a great leadership, which was rare and unprecedented.
In any coalition talk, the so-called like-minded parties are not of equal strength, giving rise to the dichotomy of senior and junior partners, or party founders, long standing members and joiners.
A major strain or setback, usually, is mutual suspicion; mistrust and lack of confidence. Those factors thwarted the 1959 Action Group (AG)/NCNC alliance talk. As AG, led by Chief Obafemi Awolowo, sent a delegation to Dr. Nnamidi Azikiwe, leader of NCNC, Zik opened another another talk with NPC, which led to the formation of Balewa Government.
By 1964, when a section of NCNC consummated another alliance with AG, it was weak. Despite the dissolution of NPC/NCNC alliance, NCNC federal ministers, including Chief Festus Okotie- Eboh (Finance) did not quit the government.
In the Second Republic, the National Party of Nigeria (NPN)/Nigeria Peoples Party (NPP) accord broke down, two years after. Not all the NPP ministers resigned from the Shagari administration.
In 1982, the proposed Progressives Parties Alliance ,(PPA) of the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), NPP, Great Nigerian Peoples Party (GNPP) and the Imoudu faction of Peoples Redemption Party (PRP) collapsed over the choice of presidential candidate between Awo and Zik.
In 1999, the emergency understanding between the Alliance for Democracy (AD) and APP, which made the two parties to project Olu Falae as presidential candidate on the platform of the APP did not achieve the desired results. The two parties went their seperate ways after the election.
Also, the quest for a formidable third force was stalled. At a time, it was mooted by prominent rights activists, who later withdrew to their sheds.
The Mega Social Democratic Party (MSDP) of mushroom parties that came together around 2006 was hugely unpopular. It collapsed.
Also, the talks between LP and PDP ahead of 2023 presidential poll did not see the light of the day.
Last year, a group, the League of Northern Democrats, floated by Senator Ibrahim Shekarau, former governor of Kano State, was going round the country. But its defect is the name. It lacks a national outlook. After some weeks of noise making, the group appears to have fizzled out.
Friction among PDP, NNPP, LP
Recently, alliance or coalition became a bone of contention among leaders of PDP, LP and NNPP. While former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, presidential candidate of the PDP in the last election, was said to have made overtures to Peter Obi of LP and Senator Rabiu Kwankwaso of NNPP, they dissociated themselves from the move.
Emphasising the significance of coalition building, Atiku said: “Opposition parties must realise that it is extremely difficult to dislodge a governing party, however unpopular it may be and however fed up the people may be with it.
“Coalition-building and outright mergers are critical for building the capacity of the opposition to achieve that goal. Our own history and examples from other countries prove that.”
The trio of Atiku, Kwankwaso and Obi were in PDP before. At various times, they defected, which means that they have grievances against the party. Only Atiku has been staying on in the party after retracing his steps.
There are puzzles: What new thing can suddenly bring them together? Is merely fighting the APC led-Federal Government enough criterion?
Kwankwaso, who ruled out the prospect of collaboration and power sharing deal with Atiku and Obi cited lack of trust as his reason. He dismissed it as a speculation; a ruse.
Kwankwaso also said that he was not ready to fall for the unpardonable deception and antics of the PDP, which led to the defection of many big wigs from the platform. Without mentioning names, he alleged that some politicians, who never did anything tangible for the North, are working hard to manipulate sentiments across the northern states in a desperate bid for power in 2027.
Kwankwaso even said any discussion on 2027 politics could distract the federal and state governments.
He recalled that the desperate and selfish agenda of certain PDP leaders forced him and Obi to leave the party. He pointed out that a similar scenario is being re-enacted in a bid to manipulate sentiments and corner the support of the North.
Kwankwaso said: “I got information from sources purporting that former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and I have met, but what I know is that nobody contacted me, and I have not spoken with Atiku.
Speaking to a BBC Hausa language programme, the NNPP leader added: “I got information from sources purporting that former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and I have met, but what I know is that nobody contacted me, and I have not spoken with Atiku.
“Also, I have not spoken with Peter Obi because I have decided that until the end of this year (2024), it is better to allow state governments and the federal government to work for the people and apply their wisdom in governance.
“The most annoying thing is that I heard from a source the latest I have heard that some people in the PDP told a group of about 45 (Islamic) scholars that there is a consensus that Atiku will rule for four years, Kwankwaso will subsequently rule for four years and Peter Obi, eight years; this is totally untrue; it is not true.
“This has infuriated me: why is it that elder statesmen in their 70s and 80s will be spreading such lies to these scholars about something that has never existed?
“Such statements and deceits were part of the things that made me and some other people leave the PDP, and now they have destabilised the party,” the former governor stated.”
Kwankwaso, who recalled that the desperate and selfish agenda of certain PDP leaders forced him and people like Peter Obi, FCT Minister, Nyesom Wike and many others to leave the PDP, lamented that a similar scenario is now being re-enacted to manipulate sentiments and garner Arewa support.
He stressed: “For me to accept any alliance arrangements, we have to go back to history; I understand the PDP in totality, I know that their plan is to procure a party or be beating about the bush in other parties, bringing us together to make northerners vote for them.
“But what we are asking them is: ‘what have they done for the North before?’ These are the kind of things that will come into play.
“To my mind, we have witnessed the worst humiliation from these people; we love the party, we wanted to rejig it so that we could all prosper, but they made us leave by force.
“Kwankwaso left, Peter Obi left, Wike left and others left too, and there is no estimate of the number of those who left; yet they are the same people now coming to the fore, expressing interest in being made President (in 2027)
“Even if all such persons can do now is express remorse or seek forgiveness, it won’t change the fact that people like him had been deceived and humiliated in the past.”
Obi distanced himself from any proposed coalition with the PDP, saying: “I’m not interested in coalition for the purpose of power grabbing.”
The former Anambra governor noted that past moves to evolve a coalition have been reduced to an exercise for power grabbing. He wondered why political leaders would allow the country to collapse in their desperation for political power.
Obi said: “I am not interested in any coalition for the purpose of taking power. It is about discussing Nigeria, how we care about securing Nigeria, about the common people and their education. That is the most important thing in Nigeria for now.”
More than Kwankwaso, Obi appears to be in a precarious situation. He is leaning on LP, a borrowed platform. The party is not in a position to respond to an offer of alliance. It is divided and weakened by leadership tussle between the national chairman. Julius Abure, and the National Caretaker Committee chairman, Senator Esther Nenadi Usman.
The Obidient Movement, which is the main pillar and strength of Obi, has no footing in the party. Its members are scattered and not coordinated. There is nothing that can actually attract them to PDP.
Besides, there is a clash of ambitions and egos. As an observer queried: “Can Atiku, who will be 81 years old in 2027, step down for Obi? Can he make the sacrifice? What would be the reaction of his followers?
“Can Obi accept to be Atiku’s running mate again? Would that not be infuriating to the obedients who would demand nothing less than a presidential ticket? In the power sharing deal, what would be the place of the Kano power broker, Kwankwaso?
SDP as merger springboard
The current SDP contrasts sharply with the defunct Third Republic formidable SDP, which served as platform for the 1993 presidential ambition of the late Chief Moshood Abiola. Thus, according to analysts, the handlers of the SDP only indulge in name dropping by conveying the impression that it is an incarnate of the banned party.
Since its birth under this dispensation, SDP has not been able to spring any surprise. Like the LP, it has largely been a borrowed platform, often hired by aggrieved politicians from the two leading parties – APC and PDP.
In Yobe, protesting APC members have taken refuge in the party. In Ondo State, former Minister Dr. Olu Agunloye has been holding fort in the party. In Kogi State, it was adopted by an APC defector, Muritala Ajaka, for the last governorship election. In Osun State, it was the party that once accomodated PDP followers of Senator Iyiola Omisore. In Ekiti State, it was used as goverorship platform by Segun Oni, an engineer and former PDP governor. Before that election, a PDP elder and former Education Minister, Prof. Tunde Adeniran, sought refuge in the party.
However, the temporary chieftains of SDP returned to their former parties.
The most prominent SDP chieftain in the country today is Adebayo Adewole, a lawyer and businessman, who was its presidential candidate in 2023.
He received the news of El-Rufai’s defection with a mixture of excitement and reservations. The Ondo-born politician described the former Kaduna State governor as a man of strength and weaknesses. He said the defector has to work on his weaknesses.
Part of the weaknesses has led to the perception of El-Rufai’s as a symbol of ethnic and religious bigotry in a plural country, whose previous remarks have sparked tension.
In fact, Senator Shehu Sani, warned that El-Rufai may even create problems in SDP because of his domineering nature. He described the defector as a civilian dictator, who is guilty of his allegations against the APC.
Sani said El-Rufai has no respect for internal democracy, recalling that when he was governor, the party chairman, secretary, elected local government chairmen and most of the elected public officials were handpicked by him. “I left APC because of him. If he returns to the APC, I will leave again,” he said.
El-Rufai’s defection to the SDP means that the party has to immediately grapple with the challenge of harmonisation. A leadership tussle may ensure as the defection cannot play the second fiddle.
Also, plans to invoke the spirit of Abiola for partisan gains by the latter-day politicians hibernating in the SDP may not fly. President Tinubu is more associated with the struggles of Abiola and the travails of democracy after the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election more than today’s self-acclaimed defenders of popular rule.
Buhari factor:
El-Rufai’s projection, according to sources, is that the CPC segment of the APC, which is boasting that it still has in its pocket the ‘Buhari’s 12 million votes,’ may dump APC. The ‘cabal’ include core loyalists of the former president, who are outside government.
The calculation is that as the toast of the North during his presidential pursuits, El-Rufai and others can hide under Buhari’s name to run a campaign against President
But, on Thursday, Buhari reiterated his loyalty to the APC, on which platform he was elected president twice, saying that he has no plan to dump the party. This may be a big blow to the permutation.
While a faction of the PDP segment in APC, led by Amaechi, may make an adventorous journey to SDP, malcontent chieftains of the ACN segment of APC, including Ibikunle Amosun, former governor of Ogun State, and Aregbesola, may offer SDP lobbyists a listening ear.
Already, former Governor Sule Lamido of Jigawa State is in contact with Aregbesola over collaboration talks. In Lagos, unconfirmed sources said former PDP governorship candidate Jide Adediran was being wooed by SDP. But another source said he has been taken to the APC National Leader in Abuja. During the 2023 poll, Adediran, fondly called Jandor by supporters, came third, trailing Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu of APC and Chinedu Gbadebo Viviour of LP.
In Ekiti, wooing Fayemi for SDP would be difficult. A source said:”Fayemi enjoys popularity as one of the pillars of APC in this state, and the home situation does not favour the defection of our leader. Our leader may be complaining about exclusion in Abuja. But here in Ekiti, there is inclusion under the leadership of Governor Biodun Oyebanji, who is a loyalist of our respected leader, Dr. JKF.”
The most laughable step taken by El-Rufai in the Southwest is his consultation with the vocal APC chieftain, lawyer and popular cleric, Pastor Tunde Bakare. In 2011, when he paired with Buhari as running mate, the outing was not impressive. Two years ago, he boasted that he would succeed Buhari as the 16th president. But during the APC presidential primary, Bakare did not score a single vote. He presides over a big church, no doubt. But he lacks a formidable political structure.
NNDP’s search for allies:
NNPP lays claim to Kano State and nothing more. In other states, it only maintains skeletal presence. But the attribute of Kano is that its votes can dwarf the votes of three smaller states in the South.
The implication is that Kwankwaso has a bargaining power. However, the constraint is that he may not be disposed to any association or collaboration that may rob him of a presidential ticket in 2027.
Kwankwaso’s best bet, in the final analysis, is the APC, where he can team up with his erstwhile political compatriots to deliver a second term to Tinubu, with the hope of an opportunity to thrown his hat in the presidential ring in the future.
It is noteworthy that despite attacking APC as a party, Kwankwaso has not personally attacked Tinubu, who was senator when he was deputy speaker of House of Representatives in the Third Republic. Until after 2015, Kwankwaso was a respected chieftain of APC.
SDP/Southeast collaboration?
Can SDP make an in-road into the Southeast? Despite the region’s bloc votes for Obi in 2023, it is evident that he needs help beyond his LP. If LP survives its leadership crisis, it is possible that the party would be open for alliance talks.
Without aligning with other formidable parties, LP may not be a viable platform in 2027. It may regress to what it was prior to 2023; a borrowed platform, ‘a use and dump,’ a special purpose vehicle for rentage by interested politicians.
LP faces two internal challenges that constitute distractions. Its founder, the Political Council of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), is at loggerheads with its leadership. Also, the party is factionalised. Although the Abure leadership is strengthened by the court pronouncement, the verdict has not restored unity and cohesion. The NWC and the lone LP governor, Alex Otti of Abia State, who is the backbone of the caretaker committee, are working at cross purpose.
PDP and merger, coalition challenge
Atiku desperately needs alliance, as he warms up for the presidential race, perhaps, for the last time. But, his party is currently in disarray, torn apart by protracted leadership squabbles.
If the FCT Minister, Chief Nyesom Wike, continues to have his hold on the main opposition party, Atiku may consider leaving the fold. Since pro-Wike forces in the “G5” succeeded in shoving the former national chairman, Dr. Iyorchia Ayu, aside, the control of the party had slipped from the hands of Atiku, who is one of the oldest and active foundation chieftains. The influence of Wike on the key party officers is to the discomfort of the former vice president
Instructively, in the last two years,no notable politician has defected to the PDP. Analysts contend that it may be due to its lack of politics of accommodation.
However, if Atiku gets hold of the PDP National Working Committee (NWC), as he is working hard to achieve, the game will change. One of the scenarios being built by observers is that Wike may become a casualty of intra-party power shift. He may be expelled from the PDP. The stage is being set for that. On Thursday the PDP Disciplinary Committee, lef by former Senate President Adolphus Wabara,recommended the expulsion of Wike’s crony, Senator Samuel Anyanwu, who is battling in court to keep his position as the National Secretary.
Also, on Thursday, Bauchi State Governor Bala Mohammed, who is believed to be nursing a presidential ambition, contacted Obi for an alliance.
APC and realignment
The ruling party is waxing stronger. It is receiving defectors from the opposition parties, extending tentacles and building on the incumbency factor.
A master strategist, with long years of experience, President Tinubu, as the National Leader, has been able weave the ruling party together. He has repositioned the platform in a way that can make it to weather the storm and withstand the anticipatory stress of electioneering.
To the opposition, the President, a source said, is also accessible. A democrat, he has not ruled with an iron hand. His government is on course, living to expectation and fulfilling its campaign promises across the sectors, despite the challenges. Thus, the administration retains credibility and legitimacy.
A party source said: “It is not the opposition alone that is interested in alliance. Our leaders have also embarked on aggressive membership drive, talking to politicians who have clout. We are committed to the second term project, based on zoning to the South and micro-zoning to the Southwest, after which power will automatically return to the North.”
Most people think that Renewed Hope Agenda which is the pillar on which President Bola Ahmed Tinubu anchors his programme for Nigeria is new; no, it is not. He has always applied it to redeem hopeless cases like most people would class the Nigerian economy before he assumed reign of office.
He has always proverbially, though adroitly, squeezed water out of stone which people would ordinarily see as miraculous. He reads situations and predicts trends accurately.
One other gift President Tinubu has is that of forging the right alliances to produce unexpected results; a head hunter per excellence in gathering sterling teams.
A look at the political trajectory of the country stops short of confirming him as Kingmaker, a reason people were telling the President not to contest as kingmakers are understood never to be kings, an aphorism that has been debunked practically.
When former president Muhammadu Buhari struggled to attain the leadership of this country as a civilian, all his efforts came to naught as his best efforts proved his regional but not National dominance.
Buhari was so touched that he broke down in tears of resignation and announced to the whole world that he was not going to vie for the highest office of the land again. That was the voice of frustration before his hope was renewed by Tinubu and the rest is history.
However, a walk down memory lane will prove this assertion and may be apt here.
Buhari first had his political stint when he contested on the platform of All Progressives Party, APP in 2003 against Olusegun Obasanjo and scored 12.7 million votes to lose to Obasanjo who ran on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) who garnered nearly twice Buharis score with 24.5 million votes
Four years later, he contested under the All Nigeria Peoples Party, ANPP against another northerner, Umaru Musa Yar’adua who trilpled his votes. Buhari got 6.6 million votes to Yar’adua’s 24.6 million votes.
In 2011, he formed Congress for Progressive Change CPC and contested again and polled 12.2 million votes to lose to Goodluck Jonathan who got almost twice his votes. GEJ polled 22.4 million votes.
That was when Buhari in resignation said that he would not contest for the highest office in the land again.
Then came in Tinubu who confided in friend and political acolytes that he was going to renew Buhari’s hope and show him how to realise his dream of leading the country.
According to a popular tweet on X by @Ashafa, Tinubu took his men, including Baba Bisi Akande to Buhari in Kaduna and told him that if he’d agree to work together with him by forming a big political party with national acceptance, his dream would not be truncated but renewed and he would win.
Buhari like an exhausted giant, reluctantly accepted and All Progressives Congress APC was formed. He went into another contest where he polled 15,416,221 votes to defeat the incumbent and candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party, President Goodluck Jonathan, who got 12,853,162 votes.
APC went into that merger with six governors from Lagos, Oyo, Ogun, Ondo, Osun and Edo states while CPC with one (Nasarawa) and APGA with one (Imo).
The APC candidate won in 21 states of Adamawa, Bauchi, Benue, Borno, Gombe, Jigawa, Kaduna, Kano, Katsina, Kebbi, Kogi, Kwara, Lagos, Niger, Ogun, Ondo, Osun, Oyo, Sokoto, Yobe and Zamfara.
It became clear to all that political dexterity was at play as it was the first time Buhari won in states outside the north since 2003 that he started contesting.
For the record, he won all SW states except Ekiti which Fayose, as governor, delivered for his party with a narrow margin. GEJ had 176, 466 to Buhari’s 120,331.
Fasforward to 2025 when political gerrymandering has thrown up some overambitious political paperweights who are namedropping who they feel would confer political advantages on them. One of such said he consulted Buhari who gave him go ahead to leave APC. Buhari being someone that talks straight came out immediately to confirm that he was still in APC and would work for the party.
Buhari followed up the statement which stunned naysayers with relocating to Kaduna State in an apparent reinforcement for the battle there should any arise.
El-Rufai knew what he wanted to achieve by saying that he left the APC with Buhari’s consent and Buhari knew what he wanted to achieve by responding same day that he would not turn his back against the party that made him president after several attempts.
Buhari did not return to Kaduna because he was not comfortable in Daura. He returned for political reasons and it will become clearer with time.
This game is not for people who cannot control their emotions. It is not for those who can not be calm when things seem not to go their way like it was for Tinubu under Buhari presidency when Aso Rock cabal were working openly against Akanbi.
Those elements, which El-Rufai himself mentioned are now private individuals and some of them are seeking favour from the incumbent President. That is what God can do.
Buhari has told us where he belongs and if you’re in his shoes, I don’t think that you would do otherwise because gentlemen know how to return favours and would not because somebody wants to bring down the house on account of not getting appointment this time, tow his line.
APC made Buhari president twice and the least he can do is what he has done. Those who APC made governors twice but are ungrateful to God are free to remain unthankful but their failure is not negotiable.
•Bamidele writes from Abuja and is of the BAT Ideological Group
Former Senate President Ameh Ebute has argued the removal of Benue Chief Judge, Justice Maurice Ikpambese, by the resolution of the House of Assembly, remains valid.
He insisted that Justice Ikpambese no longer has the legal authority to order the relocation of the Local Government Election Petition Tribunals and Appeal Panel from Makurdi to Abuja.
Speaking during a recent live interview on TVC NEWS’ STANDPOINT, Ebute described the relocation of the Tribunals as unprecedented and a violation of legal procedures.
Ebute, who is a practicing lawyer actively involved in legal proceedings at the Tribunal defending the local government elections in Okpokwu Local Government Area, recounted the sequence of events.
He explained that Tribunal sittings initially commenced in three senatorial zones of Benue State, with his zone, Benue South (Zone C), sitting in Otukpo. However, the proceedings were unexpectedly moved to Makurdi, a decision the legal teams questioned but ultimately accepted.
“I attended the sittings in Makurdi on three occasions before the then Chief Judge, Justice Ikpambese, made the decision to relocate the Tribunal sittings to Abuja,” he stated.
Senator Ebute emphasised that this move was unprecedented as local government matters are exclusively state affairs. He declared that Justice Ikpambese had no authority to transfer the sittings outside Benue State, particularly given that his removal from office by the Benue State House of Assembly had already taken effect.
When asked about the recent order by the Federal High Court in Makurdi, which ruled that further Tribunal sittings must be held within Benue State, Senator Ebute asserted that the ruling reinforced his long-standing position that a Local Government Election Tribunal cannot sit outside the state where the election took place.
“It is not a National Election Tribunal, and it is only within the state that the Tribunal can sit…. But I assure you that if security is the problem, the Executive Governor of Benue State is the chief Security Officer of the state, and if any complaint is brought before him, I’m sure he’s going to provide adequate security, to protect the litigants as well as the members of the Tribunal in Benue State, but nobody has come to the governor with any complaint of insecurity at the Tribunal…” he stated.
The former Senate President further revealed that this marked the third time the Tribunal had been relocated – first from Otukpo, Adikpo, and Gboko to Makurdi, and now from Makurdi to Abuja.
He questioned the motives behind the ousted Chief Judge’s insistence on relocating the Tribunal when the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) Headquarters in Abuja, where the sittings were scheduled to take place, is not recognized as a court under Section 83 of the Benue State Electoral Laws, 2007.
Ebute alleged Justice Ikpambese may have insisted on relocating the proceedings of the Tribunal to Abuja for “them” to manipulate the decisions of the Tribunal.
He said none of the people involved in the Tribunal was coming to rule any constituency in Abuja, as they were coming to rule local governments in Benue State, so they must have the support of the people of the state.
However, the elder statesman maintained that his core interest in the whole controversy is to ensure that things were done properly, adding that in his almost 80 years of existence, he had never seen where Tribunal sittings of the local government election would be transferred to Abuja.
He urged the appropriate authorities to take the proper step by moving the Tribunal sittings back to Makurdi, so the Tribunals can conclude as soon as possible, adding that they may decide to sit all day of the week, even on Sundays, in order to conclude within the timeframe stipulated by law.
“There is no law backing this relocation. So on that ground, we will not attend sittings in Abuja,” he declared.
On the temporary suspension of Tribunal proceedings, Senator Ebute noted that the process must remain on hold until a competent court delivers a final ruling directing the Tribunal to return to Benue State. He reassured that, despite the ongoing legal proceedings, the duly sworn-in Local Government Chairmen would continue performing their constitutional duties until their elections were either upheld or nullified by the Tribunal.
“As long as the Tribunal process continues, governance at the local level remains unaffected. The Chairmen will continue executing their responsibilities until a final judgment is reached,” he said.
Addressing the leadership crisis within the Benue chapter of the APC, Ebute confirmed that the party’s National Secretariat had constituted a seven-man Caretaker Committee led by Chief Benjamin Omale, under whose leadership the last local government elections were conducted. However, he noted that the faction led by former Chairman Austin Agada had refused to recognize the party’s new leadership.
Ebute added that most of the petitions before the Tribunal were from members of the APC. However, it is the APC Primary Election conducted by Chief Benjamin Omale that is recognised by the Benue State Government, noting that Austin Agada’s faction had not conducted any election, and none of their alleged candidates was recognized by the state’s electoral commission. He concluded that Austin Agada and his cohorts were only fighting of nothing.
Ebute criticized Agada and his supporters for challenging the Benue Governor’s leadership instead of working with him for the progress of the state.
“But Austin Agada’s faction is very stubborn, and will not take orders from the Governor of the State. How can a state party Chairman vow to fight the governor, rather than cooperating with him to move the government ahead smoothly,” he queried.
The former Senate President said when the party held its National Caucus meeting recently, it was Chief Omale that was allowed to participate as a member. And the following day, when the National Executive Council of the party also met, it was Benjamin Omale that was granted access. “So the national leadership of the party doesn’t recognize Austin Agada as State Chairman anymore, and he is also not recognized by the Benue State Government as well as the majority of APC members in Benue State,” alleged Sen. Ebute.
He added that but being supported by a powerful person in Abuja, Austin Agada still insists that he is the Chairman of the Benue State APC, hence he keeps jumping from one court to another, without the support of the people.
Ebute maintained that Justice Ikpambese’s removal was legally executed in accordance with Section 292 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended), which grants a State House of Assembly the authority to remove a Chief Judge through a resolution supported by a two-thirds majority.
“He is no longer the Chief Judge of Benue State, as long as legality is concerned. Section 292 does not require the National Judicial Council (NJC) to confirm the removal of a state Chief Judge,” he insisted.
He emphasised that allegations of serious misconduct were made against Justice Ikpambese, including multiple infractions of state laws, and that these allegations were tabled before the House of Assembly, which followed due process in removing him.
“So he cannot claim to serve a state government that he is actively working against. He has even boasted publicly about his intent to bring down the governor. How can an individual declare war against a duly elected state government? We will not allow that to happen,” Sen. Ebute asserted.
Regarding insinuations that all is not well with the APC in Benue State, Ebute said because of the faction created by the former Chairman of the APC in the State, Austin Agada, the ousted Chief Judge earlier constituted a court that ruled that Agada’s faction was the legitimate one, but the ruling is currently being appealed by the Omale faction, and will be appealed up to the Supreme Court. He said and until the final judgment of the court on the matter, Agada cannot claim to be the genuine Chairman of the Benue State APC.
Emphasizing the power of the people in such a matter over the power of the court, Sen. Ebute said support in a political party is by the people, not by court. “Once the people say you are the holder of the office, then it confers legitimacy on you, and it’s not the court that will decide who the true holder of the office is.”
On the prospects of out-of-court reconciliation of the Benue APC leadership tussle, Sen. Ebute frankly remarked, “You cannot have a governor of a state, and then somebody outside the government of the state is saying he will continue to be the leader of the party in the state. There is a laid-down convention that where a party produces the governor, that governor automatically becomes the leader of the party in the state. ”
He added that the moment Father Alia was elected as Governor of Benue State, some powers in Makurdi started instigating the erstwhile State Chairman, Austin Agada, to disagree with all the decisions of the governor. He wondered how a state governor could work with a state party chairman who doesn’t support his policies.
“The governor is supposed to be the leader of the party in the state, and definitely in Benue State, Governor Alia is the leader of the APC, and the majority of the elders and stakeholders of the party in the state will not accept any other person as the leader of the APC in Benue State. Therefore, as soon as the faction within the APC in the state gives up, by either going to another party or returning to the APC as members, genuine peace will be restored to the party. Otherwise by the next election, they will be nowhere in terms of any political power in the state,” stated Sen. Ebute.
Senator Ebute urged all parties involved in the Benue APC crisis to acknowledge the governor’s position as the party’s leader in the state, and work toward reconciliation.
He insisted that the Leadership is for the people; and the government at the state level should be allowed to run smoothly in the interest of the people. Regarding Governor Alia’s leadership, Senator Ebute expressed confidence in the governor’s performance despite the internal party disputes. He insisted that the governor is in full control, and performing as though there was no crisis in the party at the state level. He added that since Governor Alia came on board, the lives of the people have been changed positively.
“They are now enjoying the dividends of their democracy. Governor Alia is providing roads, paying salaries on 25th of every month, paying gratuities and pension to people whose gratuities were not paid for the upward of two to three years before the coming of Alia into office. So I don’t know what the whole faction is about. But the matter will be there until the next election, either election at the state level of the APC, to constitute a new EXCO, or the General Elections. And I think Agada’s tenure will soon expire; then we will elect another state chairman of the party. That is the time that this crisis will finally come to an end,” stated Sen. Ebute.
He added, “Father Alia is not minding anybody’s claim to be the leader of the APC in Benue State, he is going ahead as the leader of the party, and we and others are supporting him squarely.”
Concluding, Senator Ebute dismissed speculations that Governor Alia would not secure a second term, arguing that his popularity and achievements had already endeared him to the electorate.
“If Governor Alia comes out as a candidate, I don’t see any demi-god that can stop him, because God will not stop him, and it’s only people who feel they are demi-gods that are boasting all over the place that Governor Alia cannot return to office in 2027…we are just laughing at them, because their votes are only few, maybe one or two. But Alia, through his performance, has captured the generality of Benue people, and if you now go to Benue State and say Governor Alia will not come back in 2027, you will be lynched,” he declared.
• Atiku, Wike groups intensify scheming over National Secretary’s job
The embattled Acting National Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Ambassador Umar Damagum, yesterday alleged mischief by some ‘highly-placed persons’ to force him out of office.
Damagum said the plot entailed a rumour that he had resigned.
He denied quitting and warned the brains behind the rumour to desist.
Damagum, in a statement by his aide Nuru Shehu Jos, said “the formless authors of the fake news had attributed their source of information as a television station, which is equally false.”
He cautioned “these mischief makers to desist forthwith from spreading fake news to malign a dedicated and hardworking Acting National Chairman.”
He said the party’s constitution guarantees the chairman a four-year tenure.
“To set the records straight, the Acting National Chairman, Ambassador Umar Damagun, has not resigned from his office; the PDP constitution affords the National Chairman a term of four years in office, in the first instance.
“We assert that this malicious content against Ambassador Damagun is fake, defamatory and a height of criminality.
“We therefore call on all members of the PDP, including party elders, stakeholders, all youth and women groups, to disregard the fake news.”
Damagum, who took over as acting national chairman following the exit of Dr. Iyorchia Ayu in the aftermath of the PDP’s defeat in the 2023 presidential election, has been under intense pressure to leave.
In October last year, a Federal High Court sitting in Abuja restrained the party’s National Executive Committee (NEC) and the Board of Trustees (BoT) from removing him as acting national chair.
In a judgment delivered via Zoom, Justice Peter Lifu, ordered that aside Damagum, no other person must be recognised as the PDP acting national chair until the party’s convention scheduled for December 2025.
Lifu held that party members are bound by Articles 42, 47 and 67 of PDP’s constitution which stipulates that national officers of the party can only be elected during the party’s national convention.
Party sources say Damagum’s influence in the party appears threatened following the Supreme Court’s recent dismissal of the stay of execution sought by Samuel Anyanwu on a Court of Appeal’s verdict voiding his retention as National Secretary.
Anyanwu was, until now, Damagum’s right hand man in running the PDP National Secretariat.
Both are understood to be allies of FCT Minister Nyesom Wike and are resented by former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and majority of state governors elected on the platform of the party.
PDP cautious on Udeh-Okoye’s functions as Nat. Secretary
Hon. Sunday Udeh-Okoye, who is being backed by the PDP Governors Forum and the BoT as Anyanwu’s replacement is treading cautiously in the performance of the duties of national secretary for legal reasons.
Justice Inyang Ekwo of the Federal High Court Abuja had on February 24, 2025 barred the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) from taking any step relating to the removal of Senator Samuel Anyanwu as PDP National Secretary.
Consequently, Udeh-Okoye has refrained from appending his signature to any critical document or correspondence emanating from the PDP.
His first public outing and presence at the high table during the inauguration of PDP’s South-South Caretaker Committee last Thursday speaks volumes about his endorsement by the PDP Governors’ Forum and the BoT.
Also last week, the PDP National Working Committee (NWC) met in Abuja to discuss the much-postponed meeting of the party’s highest decision-making organ, the National executive Committee (NEC).
A party source said: “This time, there is an agenda for PDP NEC to consider firm decisions that may lead to the invalidation of some state congress results won by purported Wike loyalists and Kogi State is among the likeliest cases.
“Atiku’s ally, High Chief Tom Ikimi’s National Disciplinary Committee has also tabled a March 10 letter recommending the expulsion of Senator Samuel Anyanwu, solely based on the petition submitted by one Hon Nurudeen Afolabi Adekambi from Ogun State on behalf of a group identified as Young Generation Caucus.”
While Hon Udeh-Okoye has tactically refrained from signing PDP’s correspondence with INEC as well as other documents related to the forthcoming zonal congresses/elections, governorship aspirants for the Anambra governorship race have held back for fear of being caught up in the ongoing legal tussle as the Supreme Court’s decision on the rightful claimant of the position of National Secretary may invalidate any process done under the secretarial seal of whoever loses the case.
A strong loyalist of Wike in the House of Representatives dismissed ongoing efforts to weaken Wike’s hold on Rivers State, the South-South zone and at the national level.
He said: “Several people, including Senator Anyanwu, are being quiet for strategic reasons, and we know that some people have to, at least, temporarily justify what they had been ‘mobilised’ to do.
“We know how some PDP governors mounted pressure on Damagum, pressure came from the only governor from the South East, one governor from the South West and the South-South governors who are demonstrating loyalty to one of them, Fubara, who may inevitably be on the way towards his impeachment hearing.
“Let them all enjoy it while it lasts but note that Udeh-Okoye who acknowledged during Thursday’s inauguration of their South-South caretakers that he was at least a National Secretary for that day will not dare sign any official PDP document going to INEC and also, only two or three persons have bothered to pick PDP governorship nomination forms that the secretaryship tussle may invalidate.
“The Wike factor remains very strong in Rivers state, no caretaker committee can uproot it in the South-South and at the national level, a Supreme Court judgment in favour of Anyanwu will send them back into their conspiracy enclaves; we know that they are trying to move fast because they know that Senator Anyanwu will likely prove them wrong at the Supreme Court very soon,” he said.
In the annals of Ekiti State’s political history, Governor Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji (BAO) has etched his name as a leader of uncommon grace, competence, and unity. His leadership has not only reshaped the developmental trajectory of the state but also redefined its political landscape, bringing together stakeholders who were once on opposing sides of the divide. In just two years, BAO has delivered an administration that stands as a masterclass in governance, progress, and inclusion—making it impossible for even his critics to deny his achievements.
Ekiti’s political terrain has historically been one of discord, where past leaders often found it difficult to work together. But under Governor Oyebanji, that narrative has changed. In an unprecedented move, he has bridged political divides and brought together past governors, past senators, and other political gladiators who once stood in opposition. Today, former governors and political leaders, regardless of party affiliation, have aligned with his vision for Ekiti’s growth.
This rare political unity is not accidental; it is a testament to BAO’s humility, maturity, and unwavering commitment to service above self. His ability to listen, engage, and collaborate has fostered an era of political stability in Ekiti, ensuring that governance is focused on development rather than unnecessary distractions.
Governor Oyebanji’s infrastructural strides are nothing short of transformative. His administration has embarked on ambitious road projects that have redefined connectivity across the state. Roads that were once in deplorable conditions are now being reconstructed to ease movement and boost economic activities. The ongoing construction of the Ekiti Ring Road is set to ease traffic congestion and open up new areas for investment and development. Additionally, the construction of a flyover bridge underscores his commitment to modernizing Ekiti’s urban infrastructure.
Education has also received a significant boost, with the perimeter fencing of 48 schools across the state within two years, enhancing security and creating a safer learning environment for students. This commitment to education infrastructure speaks to BAO’s broader vision of positioning Ekiti as a knowledge-driven economy.
Under Governor Oyebanji, healthcare in Ekiti has witnessed remarkable improvements. The renovation and upgrade of general hospitals and basic health centers across the state have ensured that quality healthcare services are within reach for residents, regardless of their location. These upgrades are not just about physical structures; they include equipping the facilities with modern medical tools and ensuring the presence of qualified personnel to deliver efficient healthcare services.
The administration’s investment in health is not just about today; it is about the future of Ekiti’s human capital. By ensuring a healthier population, BAO is laying the groundwork for a more productive and prosperous state.
Ekiti’s agricultural sector is experiencing a revolution under Governor Oyebanji’s leadership. Recognizing agriculture as a key driver of economic growth and job creation, his administration has launched various initiatives to support farmers, enhance productivity, and attract investment into agribusiness. From land clearing programs to providing farmers with improved seedlings, fertilizers, and access to markets, the government’s efforts are positioning Ekiti as a major agricultural hub in Nigeria.
The ongoing agricultural reforms are not just about food security; they are about wealth creation. By empowering local farmers and encouraging commercial agriculture, BAO is ensuring that Ekiti taps into its rich agricultural potential to boost its economy.
Governor Oyebanji understands that development is not just about roads and hospitals; it is also about building a society that values arts, culture, and sports. The construction of the International Art and Cultural Centre is a groundbreaking initiative that will position Ekiti as a key player in Nigeria’s creative and tourism industry.
Additionally, the Indoor Sports Centre under construction is set to boost sports development in the state, providing a world-class facility where young talents can be groomed and nurtured for national and international competitions. This is a major step in fostering youth engagement and creating opportunities beyond traditional career paths.
While Governor Oyebanji’s administration has been marked by unprecedented achievements, it is not surprising that a few disgruntled elements have sought to undermine his progress. These individuals, who have lost political relevance, have resorted to spreading falsehoods to mislead the good people of Ekiti.
Knowing full well that they cannot attack BAO’s performance, they resort to fabricating lies, trying to paint a picture that does not exist. However, Ekiti people are discerning. They see the roads being built, they feel the impact of improved healthcare services, they witness the transformation in education, and they benefit from the agricultural revolution. No amount of propaganda can erase the tangible progress being recorded across the state.
Governor Oyebanji is not just a governor; he is a symbol of hope, unity, and progress for Ekiti State. His governance style is inclusive, his achievements are visible, and his impact is undeniable. Ekiti has witnessed leaders in the past, but few have been able to unite the political class, drive infrastructural transformation, and foster economic growth the way BAO has done in just two years.
As Ekiti people continue to experience the dividends of his leadership, one thing is clear: BAO is a leader worth celebrating, worth supporting, and worth bowing for.
• Oluwafemi, is SA, New Media to Ekiti State Governor.
As the battle for 2027 begins to gain momentum, one thing is for sure: there will definitely be almost-daily shifts in the nation’s political dynamic henceforth, and a steady intensification of strategic political discourses and maneuverings, with plenty of twists and turns. The next two years promise intense activity as both the ruling party, the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the various opposition parties position themselves for the battle ahead.
In the face of these, Nigerians remain unequivocal about their expectations of those who lead, or aspire to lead, them. Even now, two years into the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, citizens continue to be hopeful that the government can tackle insecurity, economic instability, and corruption in a more effective and timely manner.
In many ways, the President is a vulnerable incumbent right now (no thanks to the state of the economy and the declining quality of life of many Nigerian families). But the consensus among political watchers is that with his immense political influence and clout, and his reputation as the foremost political strategist of his generation, he is the man to beat, and can only be effectively challenged by a strong, united opposition party. At the moment, though, the opposition is anything but strong or united. The PDP is in disarray and a shadow of the dominant party that ruled the country for 16 years, while other parties lack the national spread of either the APC or the PDP.
From all indications, the 2027 elections look to be a referendum on Tinubu’s stewardship. His signature policies, necessary as everybody agrees they are, have translated to the worst cost-of-living crisis in decades, with most average Nigerians struggling to meet their basic needs. But the silver lining is the potential impact these measures are likely to have once they begin to bear fruit. If prices of basic commodities stabilise in 2025 and 2026, and Nigerians begin to see tangible improvement in their material conditions, they may not take a chance on someone other than the President. They will agree with the government’s assertions that the present shocks are only part of the pains of reforms, and will give the President the chance to see his reforms – whose stated objective is to reorganize the rudiments of the Nigerian economy in a manner that not only fast-tracks the country’s recovery from present woes, but also erects the building-blocks for sustainable development and growth – to a logical end.
From Day One, when he abruptly pulled the plug on the fuel subsidy regime in a bid to end leakages amounting to hundreds of billions of naira annually, Tinubu made it clear that he would embark on a far-reaching series of fiscal, macro-economic and legislative reforms. Since then, there has been a cascade of said reforms, such as the Electronic Foreign Exchange Matching System (EFEMS),, aimed at clearing billions of dollars in FX backlogs that had long militated against foreign investment in the Nigerian economy; and the Tax Reform Bill of 2024, aimed at delivering a radical improvement in the country’s tax-to-GDP ratio within two years.
Other reforms have impacted the country’s oil and gas ecosystem, with the result that today, Nigeria is the most attractive destination for oil and gas investments in Africa. And even as these industry-wide reforms were being negotiated, the Tinubu government was stepping up on its efforts to increase its non-oil revenues in order to lessen Nigeria’s disastrous over-dependence on this one resource.
Politically, who can forget the government’s bold move in implementing Local Government Autonomy – a decision that now empowers LGs with a level of financial autonomy previously unheard of in Nigeria’s history? This move has heightened the expectations of the generality of Nigerians (especially those who live and operate at the grassroots) that the much-desired fiscal federalism and devolution of powers will soon see the light of day.
Under Tinubu, Nigeria’s electricity generation/distribution profile has also seen a marked improvement, after years and years of gross inefficiency, coupled with the removal of bottlenecks embedded in our constitution. In signing the 2024 Electricity Act (which now provides a framework for state governments to also establish regulated electricity markets) Tinubu ended years of stifling and counterproductive regulations – just with the stroke of his pen. This is in addition to making it clear from the inception of his administration that he would make the widespread use of Nigeria’s Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) value chain a top priority – and immediately followed through with the establishment of the Presidential CNG Initiative (PCNGI), an agency which, since then, has either invested, or attracted, over $450 million into the quest to leverage on CNG and move Nigerians away from our over-reliance on fossil fuels as our primary energy source.
Our country’s greatest resource is its human capacity pool. Against this understanding, the Tinubu-leg government made targeted social interventions a cardinal plank of its Renewed Hope Agenda – the aim being to enhance the health, educational and career profiles of the Nigerian people. Notable among these interventions is the Students Loan Fund Scheme, which has so far disbursed over N32bn to about 170, 000 students in the country’s institutions of higher learning for both school fees and upkeep allowances. The same goes for healthcare, where the Tinubu administration has made significant financial investments, as well as introduced a number of intervention programmes under the aegis of the National Health Insurance Authority (NHIA), among others. In addition, the government is in the process of establishing 22 large-scale health-related investment projects across Nigeria. As it is in social investments, education and healthcare, so also in identity management. Prior to the dawn of the Tinubu-led government, obtaining a Nigerian international passport in good time was a herculean task, to say the least. But since last year, fundamental reforms made by the Ministry of the Interior have seen the clearing of a backlog of over 200,000 passports within a 3-week period in 2024.
And what about food? In spite of the abundance of arable land with which the country is blessed, Nigeria has long remained prone to food insecurity, languishing under the weight of challenges such as the lack of adequate investment, insecurity and low capacity, etc. But thanks to President Tinubu, Nigeria now has a Ministry of Livestock Development, set up to harness a multi-billion-dollar agricultural (and animal husbandry) ecosystem that can transform our rural communities and empower tens of millions of Nigerians.
President Tinubu has, time and again, demonstrated his desire to ensure inclusive and equitable (rather than exclusive and lop-sided) development across Nigeria. He recently did so once again when he signed bills establishing Development Commissions for three of the respective geopolitical regions of the country – namely, N/Central, S/East, and N/West regions – to add to the respective Commissions for the S/West, the N/East and the N/Delta Development Commission (NDDC).
Infrastructural development has, in a way, become the Tinubu Administration’s calling-card – the No. 1 indicator so far being the massive Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway, as well as other ambitious projects across the nation, in line with President Tinubu’s determination to bring the country’s infrastructure to global standards. The recent approval by the Federal Executive Council of the sum of N2.5tn for road infrastructure projects has been described as ‘unprecedented’ in Nigeria’s history.
In pursuit of Nigeria’s fight against terrorism and banditry, the President decided to go a step further than the predictable methods of the past; among other steps, he established the Office of the National Security Adviser, and appointed to that role former EFCC boss, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu. That was a statement of intent by the administration towards scaling up its successes in deterrence, crime-solving, and prosecutions.
Last but certainly not least, Tinubu has been assiduous in his pursuit of foreign investments in key sectors of the Nigerian economy. This campaign has taken him to a number of countries where he has rubbed minds with world leaders and members of the global business and investment elite. In the process, Nigeria has reached far-reaching agreements with her public and private-sector development partners in key areas such as Infrastructure; Power Generation; Mining & Solid Minerals Cooperation; Technology & Telecommunications; Cultural Exchange & Education; and Agriculture.
For the above measures and initiatives to attain to fruition and avoid being truncated, the Nigerian people will do well to return Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu to office, come 2027. As the President t himself has said, “The journey of economic renewal and institutional development … is very much underway. It is not a journey of our choosing but one we have to embark on for Nigeria to have a real chance at greatness.”
That journey must be allowed to culminate in its desired destination, come 2027.
• Keem Abdul, publisher and writer, hails from Lagos. He can be reached via +2348038795377 or Akeemabdul2023@gmail.com
A chieftain of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Abayomi Nurain Mumuni, has strongly condemned the recent remarks made by former Kaduna State Governor, Malam Nasir El-Rufai, where he alleged that those who worked for the ruling party were sidelined while political positions were given to “Lagos boys.”
El-Rufai, in the BBC interview, also accused the APC government of deviating from its founding principles, alleging that positions were now being distributed based on favouritism rather than merit.
However, Mumuni’s reaction underscores growing discontent within the APC over El-Rufai’s statements, with party loyalists dismissing his claims as baseless and self-serving.
In a statement issued on Friday, the renowned security expert accused El-Rufai of making flippant and divisive statements that unfairly drag Lagos indigenes into his grievances.
According to him, “One needs to caution Mallam El-Rufai about his reckless statements. Although, we were together in the CPC before the formation of the APC, he should not drag Lagosians into his unfounded claims. Those he refers to as ‘Lagos Boys’ are not even the bonafide sons of the soil. They are individuals from other states who have merely lived in Lagos and remained loyal to the President for years. Hence, El-Rufai should be mindful of his utterances. I have no issue with him speculating about APC or the Tinubu government, but he should leave Lagos out of his rhetorics.”
The APC stalwart, who was actively involved in the party’s campaign security committee during President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s presidential election, questioned El-Rufai’s assertions, emphasizing that his contributions to the APC were undeniable.
According to him, “Some of us, who are bonafide Lagosians and worked tirelessly for the president’s election, have not been appointed to any positions. I was in the campaign crew and personally procured equipment from A to Z for the security committee where I served.
“Despite my contribution to the success of Asiwaju’s victory, you will not see me parading the presidency like some people. If the president finds me suitable for an appointment, I would gladly serve, but that time has not come yet. So, I will not allow a stranger to take me across my father’s compound.”
Mumuni further dismissed El-Rufai’s criticism of President Tinubu’s administration, asserting that the former Kaduna governor has no right to undermine the contributions of Lagos-based APC loyalists.
