The Nation Newspaper

Category: Politics

  • Leadership beyond politics: When governance meets humanity

    Leadership beyond politics: When governance meets humanity

    By David Adeoye

    Public leadership is often judged by power, influence, and visibility. Yet the most enduring leadership is shaped by something quieter: humanity.

    This understanding lies at the heart of the partnership between Senator George Akume and Queen Zaynab Otiti Obanor. Both bring to public life an appreciation that governance and humanitarianism are not separate spheres, but complementary obligations.

    It is a partnership shaped by maturity, shared purpose, and an understanding that personal stability strengthens public duty.

    Especially in an era when public life is often reduced to spectacle, the union of Senator George Akume, Secretary to the Government of the Federation, and Queen Zaynab Otiti Obanor offers a different narrative—one grounded not in optics, but in service.

    As Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Senator Akume occupies a role that demands institutional memory, coordination, and balance. His approach has been defined less by confrontation and more by continuity ensuring that government functions with coherence and purpose.

    For Senator Akume, whose career has traversed multiple layers of Nigeria’s political landscape, leadership has always been about institutions rather than individuals. For Queen Zaynab, service has meant creating impact that is measured not by applause, but by lives improved and futures secured.

    Senator Akume’s public record spans decades of national responsibility, institutional stewardship, and political restraint. His career has been marked by a consistent focus on governance, national cohesion, and the quiet work of statecraft that rarely makes headlines but sustains the machinery of government.

    Queen Zaynab Otiti Obanor, on the other hand, has built her life around humanitarian engagement, diplomacy, and initiatives aimed at water access, education, and leadership development. Her work often conducted away from public glare has focused on building systems, partnerships, and platforms that endure beyond individual personalities.

    Their partnership represents the meeting of two lives already devoted to public purpose. It is not a reinvention of either individual, but a reinforcement of shared values: humility, discipline, empathy, and responsibility.

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    Queen Zaynab’s work, has focused on people rather than positions. Through charitable initiatives and international dialogue, she has championed access to clean water, youth development, and cross-cultural understanding areas increasingly recognized as foundational to long-term national stability.

    At a time when Nigerians increasingly demand integrity and humanity from those in leadership, this union sends a subtle but powerful signal that service is strongest when anchored in personal stability, shared values, and a long view of legacy.

     Together, they embody a leadership model that values empathy alongside authority, and service alongside structure. Their partnership underscores a simple truth: leaders who understand humanity govern better, and societies thrive when service is treated as a calling rather than a platform.

    Nation-building is rarely dramatic. It is sustained by steady hands, clear minds, and leaders whose personal lives support rather than distract from their public responsibilities.

    Their shared journey is rooted in a belief that leadership must be humane, deliberate, and forward-looking. It is a reminder that the most meaningful contributions to society often come from those who work quietly, guided by values rather than validation.

    As Nigeria continues to navigate complex challenges, such examples of grounded leadership offer reassurance that public service when practiced with dignity and empathy remains a powerful force for good.

  • From promise to performance: Rebuilding Ogun under Abiodun

    From promise to performance: Rebuilding Ogun under Abiodun

    By Kayode Akinmade

    History is often unkind to leaders who inherit complexity. It demands instant miracles while ignoring the weight of what came before. Yet, every so often, a leader emerges who understands that transformation is not always loud or dramatic, but steady, deliberate, and ultimately undeniable. In Ogun State, that leader has been Prince Dapo Abiodun.

    When he assumed office as governor, Ogun was widely acknowledged as a state of immense promise, yet burdened by deep contradictions. Its land attracted industries, but its infrastructure lagged behind demand. Its people were industrious, yet opportunities were uneven. Though it bordered Lagos—Africa’s commercial capital—it often bore the spillover costs without enjoying proportional benefits. What Abiodun brought to this reality was not noise, but order; not populism, but planning.

    Today, Ogun no longer pleads for relevance. It asserts it.

     Leadership with direction, not drama

    From the outset, Abiodun’s administration made it clear that governance would be anchored on a clearly articulated development philosophy. The ISEYA agenda was not presented as a slogan, but as a governing compass—one that placed infrastructure, social development, education, youth empowerment, and agriculture at the centre of public policy.

    This clarity of purpose has defined the administration’s approach. Rather than scatter efforts across unrelated initiatives, projects have been tied to long-term outcomes. Ministries and agencies operate through coordination rather than competition. The result is a state that moves with coherence instead of confusion.

    Infrastructure that speaks for itself

    If governance is best judged by what citizens can see and feel, then Ogun’s roads have become some of the most eloquent advocates of the Abiodun administration. Across the state, long-forgotten corridors have been restored to life. Roads in Abeokuta, Ota, Sagamu, Ijebu-Ode, Ilaro, and numerous rural communities now bear the mark of purposeful governance.

    The reconstruction of strategic routes such as the Sagamu–Interchange–Abeokuta corridor, the Atan–Lusada–Agbara axis, and key intra-city roads has redefined mobility and commerce. These are not ceremonial projects; they are economic arteries, carrying goods, people, and opportunity across senatorial boundaries.

    More profoundly, these roads have reunited communities with the promise of development. Farmers reach markets with ease. Traders move goods without losses. Families access schools and healthcare without dread. Under Abiodun, infrastructure has become a tool of dignity.

     Taking Ogun to the skies

    Perhaps no project captures the audacity of Abiodun’s vision more clearly than the Gateway Agro-Cargo Airport at Iperu. In a country where airports are often criticised as prestige projects, Ogun’s facility stands apart as a statement of economic intent.

    Designed as a cargo and logistics hub, the airport aligns seamlessly with the state’s agricultural and industrial ambitions. It reflects a governor who understands supply chains, export competitiveness, and the demands of modern commerce. By integrating the airport with road and rail infrastructure, the administration has positioned Ogun as a natural gateway for goods moving between farms, factories, ports, and international markets.

    This is infrastructure with purpose—conceived, initiated, and delivered by one administration, and one of its kind in Nigeria.

    Restoring investor confidence, one policy at a time

    Under Abiodun, Ogun has regained its standing as one of Nigeria’s most investment-friendly states. Through consistent engagement with the private sector, regulatory clarity, and strategic infrastructure support, the government has sent a clear message: Ogun is open, ready, and reliable.

    Industrial hubs in Agbara, Ota, Sagamu, and Abeokuta have witnessed renewed activity. Manufacturers continue to expand operations, encouraged by improved access roads, responsive institutions, and a government that listens. Strengthened investment facilitation agencies have reduced bureaucratic friction, allowing investors to focus on production rather than paperwork.

    The revival of discussions around the Olokola Free Trade Zone and inland logistics infrastructure further underscores the administration’s strategic outlook. Development is not pursued in isolation, but through regional collaboration and long-term positioning.

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    Sustaining Ogun’s place in education

    Education reform under Abiodun has been quietly transformative. Public schools have seen extensive rehabilitation, improved learning environments, and a gradual restoration of confidence in public education. Teachers, long neglected, have received renewed attention through recruitment, training, improved welfare, and prompt payment of salaries and allowances.

    Digital learning initiatives and model schools reflect an understanding that education must evolve with the times. The administration’s support for tertiary institutions through infrastructure upgrades and partnerships reinforces Ogun’s historic reputation as a centre of academic excellence. The launch of the OgunDIGI Class during the COVID-19 pandemic was widely praised for keeping learning uninterrupted.

    In tangible terms, the administration has built and renovated well over 1,000 blocks of classrooms across all 236 wards, identifiable by their distinctive yellow roofs. More than 50,000 desks and chairs, along with essential learning materials, have been supplied. The government approved the construction of 12 blocks of 900 smart classrooms in flagship schools across the zones and employed over 4,000 teachers through initiatives such as OgunTeach.

    Additional reforms include improved rural and transport allowances, the absorption of OgunTeach interns into permanent positions, the clearance of promotion backlogs, and the abolition of illegal levies and indiscriminate fees to guarantee free and accessible basic education. Governor Abiodun also secured significant UBEC intervention funds to clear backlogs from 2014–2019, earning commendations from the National Parents-Teachers Association (NPTA) and praise from the National Association of Ogun State Students (NAOSS).

    People-centred healthcare system

    Healthcare reforms under Abiodun have prioritised access, quality, and sustainability. Primary healthcare centres across communities have been renovated and equipped, bringing essential services closer to the people. Functional facilities, supported by reliable power solutions, have significantly improved service delivery.

    The Ogun State Health Insurance Scheme stands as one of the administration’s most people-centred policies, reducing out-of-pocket expenses and expanding access to care. In health infrastructure, the administration secured full accreditation and upgraded the state’s Schools of Nursing to collegiate status, inaugurated the Sexual Therapy and Assault Referral Centre (STAR) at the Olabisi Onabanjo University Teaching Hospital, completed and concessioned the 250-bed Medical Centre of Excellence in Abeokuta, and commissioned key projects at the Federal Medical Centre, Abeokuta, including a consultant complex and ward extensions.

    Redefining agriculture

    Agriculture in Ogun is no longer an afterthought. Through mechanisation support, farmer data systems, and market integration, the Abiodun administration has elevated farming from subsistence to enterprise.

    Farm settlements have been revitalised, access roads constructed, and rural markets improved. The alignment of agricultural policy with logistics infrastructure—particularly the agro-cargo airport—demonstrates a sophisticated understanding of value chains and export potential.

    Key initiatives include the development of a 20,000-hectare rice farmland in Yewa, a pilot rice project yielding 1,400 metric tonnes, and the empowerment of thousands of agripreneurs in cassava production. The creation of the Ogun State Investment Promotion Agency (OGUNIPA), youth-focused agricultural programmes, and the Ijebu Development Initiative for Poverty Reduction (Eriwe) to develop the fish sub-sector further reflect this strategic focus.

    Youth empowerment rooted in skills

    Rather than rely on token empowerment schemes, the Abiodun administration has invested in skills development and employability. Job centres, digital platforms, technology hubs, and vocational training programmes have expanded pathways for young people to earn, create, and innovate.

    These initiatives acknowledge a simple truth: empowerment without skills is charity; empowerment with skills is development.

    Governance anchored on stability

    Beyond physical projects, Abiodun’s greatest strength may lie in the tone of his governance.

    Regular consultations, town hall engagements, and collaboration with traditional institutions have fostered trust and inclusion. Fiscal discipline and transparency have ensured that ambition does not outpace capacity.

    Strategic security partnerships and community engagement have helped preserve Ogun’s reputation as a stable environment for investment and living—an achievement often undervalued until it is absent.

    Quiet but enduring transformation

    The transformation of Ogun under Dapo Abiodun is neither accidental nor exaggerated. It is evident in roads that endure, institutions that function, and policies that align with lived realities. While challenges remain, the direction is firm and the momentum unmistakable.

    What Ogun has witnessed is leadership that understands that development is not about grandstanding, but about groundwork; not about applause, but about permanence.

    In redefining governance with calm authority and strategic intent, Dapo Abiodun has not merely governed Ogun State—he has restored its confidence, reclaimed its relevance, and repositioned it for a future that now feels attainable.

  • Fatima Aliyu Proving the power of partnership in governance

    Fatima Aliyu Proving the power of partnership in governance

    By Emmanuel Ado

    In Sokoto State, Dr. Fatima Aliyu, wife of Governor Ahmed Aliyu and First Lady, has shown that governance is most effective when built on teamwork. Through supportive leadership grounded in empathy and public service, she exemplifies how strong partnerships can reinforce policy outcomes and bring government closer to the people. Through her dedication and hard work, Dr. Fatima has emerged as a quiet, supportive and influential force in her husband’s administration.

    In many respects, Fatima Aliyu’s approach echoes a proud historical legacy. She is following in the footsteps of Nana Asma’u, the celebrated daughter of Shehu Usmanu Danfodiyo, who played a transformative role in advancing education, women’s learning, and social reform in the Sokoto Caliphate. Like Nana Asma’u who used knowledge, moral authority, and community engagement to uplift society, Fatima Aliyu has deployed soft power and social advocacy to strengthen governance and expand opportunity, particularly for women and girls.

    Even in the United States of America, where the role of the President’s spouse, though not defined by law,  has however over the years become a powerful platform that has positively impacted  various programmes that address critical social issues. Eleanor Roosevelt, for instance, transformed the role by championing human rights, education, and women’s welfare, proving that influence can extend beyond ceremonial duties. Similarly, in Nigeria, Maryam Babangida used her position as First Lady to elevate the welfare of rural women and children through the Better Life for Rural Women programme, demonstrating how advocacy and public engagement can reinforce government priorities.

    Fatima Aliyu, is no doubt on a firm ground building on the foundation laid by these notable women.

    It is a fact that when such power is exercised with purpose, such roles like that of Fatima Aliyu complements formal governance by advancing policy implementation and fostering social acceptance. Fatima Aliyu’s   activities reflect this keen understanding. Her activism does not seek to rival executive authority; rather, it reinforces the policies of her husband particularly in areas where key government policies need the buy-in of women to succeed. Her effort in getting the people to embrace these policies can’t be denied.

    Often described as the wife of the Sokoto State Governor or simply as the First Lady, Fatima Aliyu has chosen a path defined by substance rather than flamboyance. Her various engagements consistently focus on social welfare, maternal and child health, women’s inclusion, youth development, and support for vulnerable populations. These are far from peripheral concerns; they form the social foundations upon which the administration’s broader development agenda is built.

    For instance, one of the defining priorities of Governor Aliyu’s administration is the revitalization of education, particularly at the basic and secondary levels. From the rehabilitation of schools to renewed emphasis on enrolment and learning outcomes, education has been framed as both a developmental and moral imperative. Fatima Aliyu’s vigorous outreach to parents, women’s associations, and community leaders reinforces this agenda at the grassroots. By engaging mothers on the importance of girl-child education and providing financial support for schooling, she helps address the social barriers that the provision of infrastructure alone cannot resolve. In this sense, her activism functions as a social multiplier for government investment.

    Her commitment to girl-child education is  reflected in her oversight of the disbursement of cash support to 41,821 female students under the Adolescent Girls Initiative for Learning and Empowerment (AGILE) project. The intervention, implemented as a Conditional Cash Transfer programme, is aimed at advancing girl-child education in Sokoto State by reducing financial barriers and encouraging school retention. Speaking on the initiative, Fatima Aliyu underscored its broader societal value, noting that “By educating girls, AGILE is helping to build a more just and prosperous society.”

    In the same vein, Governor Aliyu’s administration’s emphasis on improved primary healthcare and maternal health is strongly reinforced by Fatima Aliyu’s consistent advocacy. Sokoto State, like many states in the North, continues to grapple with challenges related to maternal mortality, child nutrition, and access to basic health services. While government-led efforts to upgrade healthcare facilities and expand access are essential, their success depends largely on community participation. Through health sensitization engagements that promote antenatal care, immunization, and preventive health practices, Fatima Aliyu has strengthened these initiatives with cultural sensitivity and personal engagement. Her role underscores a critical truth that healthcare outcomes improve when effective persuasion is incorporated into public policy.

    Governor Aliyu’s emphasis on social welfare and poverty alleviation also finds resonance in her public work. From engagement with widows and low-income families to advocacy for support for displaced or economically vulnerable communities, Fatima Aliyu amplifies the administration’s concern for social protection. While government interventions may take the form of relief materials, empowerment schemes, or targeted assistance, her involvement adds a human dimension that strengthens public confidence in such efforts. She signals that governance is attentive not only to economic indicators, but also to the dignity of the people.

    The focus on women’s empowerment is particularly noteworthy. Women play a crucial role in household and community well-being, and investing in their development yields far-reaching benefits. According to a report by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), empowering women economically leads to improved health, education, and social outcomes for entire families. By prioritising women’s skills acquisition and entrepreneurship, Sokoto State under Ahmed Aliyu is therefore not just fostering inclusive growth, but also strengthening social stability. Fatima Aliyu’s advocacy in this area reinforces the administration’s understanding that sustainable development must be gender-responsive.

    Youth development is another area where Fatima Aliyu’s invaluable contribution is evident. With unemployment and social dislocation posing security risks to the stability of the society, the Sokoto State Government has emphasized skills acquisition and economic inclusion as part of its development strategy. Fatima Aliyu’s interactions with the young people,  particularly in discussions around skills acquisition, self-reliance, and community responsibility reinforce these priorities. By lending her voice to conversations about taking advantage of available opportunities, she has helped frame youth development as a shared societal responsibility rather than a task for the government alone.

    While security remains the responsibility of formal state institutions, it is also shaped by important social dynamics. The administration’s efforts to improve security through collaboration with traditional leaders and community structures have benefited from trust at the local level. Fatima Aliyu’s respectful engagement with these structures, especially women leaders and community influencers, has contributed greatly to the improved stability. In communities where informal networks matter deeply, such engagement is not incidental; it is strategic.

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    What distinguishes Fatima Aliyu’s approach is her understanding of the power of soft power. She operates without executive authority, yet her influence lies in accessibility, cultural fluency, and moral persuasion. By listening to community concerns and amplifying them through appropriate channels, she creates feedback loops that have enriched governance. In doing so, she complements the governor’s emphasis on inclusive governance.

    Fatima Aliyu’s role reflects a deeper philosophy of spousal partnership in public life. Rather than existing as a symbolic presence at official functions, she has wisely chosen to function as a partner on purpose by reinforcing the administration’s development priorities through social engagement. This partnership is not about visibility for its own sake; it is about alignment. Governor Aliyu deserves credit for recognising her value and deliberately empowering her to contribute to the effective governance of the state.

    Importantly, Fatima Aliyu’s activism is marked by cultural sensitivity. In a society where tradition and religion play a major role in shaping public norms, progress must be negotiated rather than imposed. Her engagements respect existing structures while subtly expanding the civic space for women, much in the tradition of Nana Asma’u, demonstrating that women’s participation in public life is deeply rooted in history.

    As Sokoto State navigates the complexities of socio- economic development, Fatima Aliyu continues to prove that partnership in governance, when grounded in public service and aligned with the general good, remains one of leadership’s most powerful assets. Through compassion, advocacy, and quiet effectiveness, she stands as a modern embodiment of a timeless truth: that societies progress fastest when women are empowered to lead, serve, and inspire.

  • INEC: Resetting electoral umpire ahead 2027 general elections

    INEC: Resetting electoral umpire ahead 2027 general elections

    When a new Chairman assumes the leadership of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), expectations naturally run high. The Commission is one of Nigeria’s most sensitive national institutions, a body that often stands at the intersection of politics, law, and public morality. Its performance defines not only who wins or loses elections, but also the integrity of the democratic process itself. TONY AKOWE writes on the task before the new INEC Chairman

    There is no gainsaying the fact that Nigeria’s electoral landscape stands at a crossroads. This much has been admitted by even those who manage the system and those who play an active part in the electoral process. For one, the 2023 general elections left behind a trail of mixed emotions. While some saw triumph and victory, thereby regarding the process as successful and an improvement on previous exercises, others feel some sense of disillusionment.

    Two years or less to the conduct of the 2027 general elections, the debates over technology, logistics, credibility, and judicial outcomes have continued to dominate public discourse. At a time when agitations for the reform of the electoral system are high, Prof. Joash Amupitan steps into the saddle of the leadership of the nation’s electoral umpires, inheriting the huge burden brought to bear on the polity.  It is worth mentioning that the immediate past Chairman of the Commission, Prof. Mahmood Yakubu, left a big shoe for him to wear.

    Against this backdrop, Prof Amupitan steps into office with the urgent task of rebuilding confidence, deepening reforms, and reaffirming the Commission’s independence. Interestingly, Yakubu’s era has been marked by both commendations and condemnations, depending on where you stand. While those who lost elections believe that the commission has not done well, especially during the 2023 elections, those who won elections described Yakubu as the best thing to ever happen to Nigeria. This explains why he should realise from the onset that the task before him is enormous and enviable. From the onset, he must realise that the institution he leads must not only conduct credible elections, but must convince Nigerians that those elections are free, fair, and transparent. The agenda before him, therefore, is both technical and moral, which is a duty to reset the system and reawaken trust in the ballot.

    With public trust in the commission currently at a low ebb, largely due to the perception held by many, whether rightly or wrongly, it is essential to acknowledge that one of the most pressing challenges facing the new Chairman is how to restore public confidence in the commission. Whatever the position those holding the views may hold, there is no doubt that the issue of credibility of the electoral process, as raised by several Nigerians, cannot be ignored. In several quarters, questions linger about the consistency of the Commission’s procedures, especially in the transmission and collation of results. The commission must explain to Nigerians why a dedicated portal like the INEC Result Viewing (IREV) portal was created, and the fact that it does not take the place of a proper coalition of results. One of the reasons why many Nigerians appear to have lost confidence in the system is because of the belief that the IREV is a result collation portal. However, while the portal serves as a database for results from all polling units, it has not taken the position of a collation centre. The Electoral Act 2022 provides for the procedures to be followed before election results can be declared. Amupitan, as a lawyer, must educate and enlighten Nigerians on why the IREV was put in place and what purpose it is supposed to serve. He must also lead the commission to expand and build on the communication channels put in place by his predecessor, while carrying out massive training and retraining of the main staff and other adjunct workers whose output has a way of affecting the commission. Transparency must, therefore, become the Commission’s operating culture. Nigerians need to see an electoral umpire that communicates clearly, explains its decisions promptly, and engages openly with the electorate. Regular press briefings, stakeholder town hall meetings, and interactive digital platforms could bridge the perception gap that often fuels suspicion. One thing that is crystal clear is the fact that public confidence is the foundation of electoral legitimacy. When citizens believe their votes do not count, democracy begins to erode. The new Chairman must consciously rebuild this trust — not through rhetoric, but through consistent, open conduct.

     Deepening electoral reforms

    Since the return to democratic rule in 1999, the nation’s electoral space has been shaped by successive reforms, some of which have often been driven by public pressure. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and the INEC Result Viewing (IReV) portal during the 2023 general elections marked significant technological progress.

    The BVAS replaced the smart card reader, which was introduced into the electoral process in 2015. Its main function was to read the Permanent Voter Card (PVC) and verify the voter’s fingerprint to ensure the voter was genuine and accredited. But it could not capture facial recognition or transmit results directly. But the BVAS, which was introduced in 2021, replaced the Smart Card Reader and improved on it by combining fingerprint and facial recognition for accreditation and also transmitting election results electronically from the polling units.

    But both innovations also exposed new vulnerabilities, from network disruptions and failure to operational inconsistencies. Although the disruption to the IREV and delay in properly taking in presidential election results during the 2023 elections and attempts to hack the system despite a series of assurances have weighed down on the credibility of the final results. Prof Amupitan must lead the revolution that will change this narrative for good and ensure that all identified hitches are attended to and corrected before the 2027 elections and beyond. In addition, he should champion the next phase of reform. Part of the steps that must be taken immediately is to liaise with the National Assembly to clarify sections of the Electoral Act that still leave room for legal ambiguity, particularly regarding electronic transmission and manual collation, status of candidates who jump from one political party to the other on the eve of elections, the role of the courts in determining winners of elections, especially when the candidates involved did not participate in the elections, but lost or got manipulated out of the system during party primaries among other reforms. This is important at a time when the legislature is working on repealing and re-enacting the Electoral Act. He must also push for legislative protection of INEC’s independence, ensuring that future reforms are not left at the mercy of political expediency. He should also ensure that the reforms to be carried out within the electoral space do not end with technology. The Commission’s internal processes, such as recruitment, logistics management, and staff training, require a structural overhaul because the credibility of any election is only as strong as the competence of those who administer it.

    Rebuilding institutional integrity

    Every new INEC leadership inherits not only the machinery of election management but also the perception of institutional strength or weakness. The Commission’s credibility depends on the perceived neutrality of its officials, from the national headquarters to the state headquarters and down to local government offices. Although the President still has the right to appoint Resident Electoral Commissioners, their posting is still the prerogative of the commission. For ease of administration, the immediate past Chairman introduced a policy that ensured that RECs are posted within their zone or origin, but not in their states. Whether this insulates them from partisanship is left to be seen. But Amupitan must drive this process along with his National Commissioners, some of whom are already running out of their tenure. The Commission must champion transparent selection criteria and performance-based evaluation systems for state offices, especially when choosing the Administrative Secretaries who are staff of the Commission. Where misconduct is established, sanctions should be swift and public. This, again, is why he should work with the National Assembly in amending the 1999 constitution to allow the commission discipline RECs and remove them if possible. Institutional integrity is not built overnight. It grows from consistent adherence to ethical standards and the courage to enforce discipline internally. The Commission must prove that it can regulate itself before it can convincingly regulate others.

    Technology and electoral logistics

    No matter how advanced the laws or good the intentions, elections are ultimately won and lost on the field. However, logistics remain one of the most persistent weaknesses in electoral management, from delayed materials to malfunctioning devices. To address the issue of logistics, especially in the delivery of election materials, the new INEC leadership must sustain existing relationships with stakeholders in the transport sector.

    The use of residential houses as polling units must be discouraged, while such polling units must be moved to more neutral places. Cases abound across the country where polling units are located in front of residential houses that sometimes turn out to belong to politicians. Rather, public schools should be designated as polling units as they often have the capacity to take a large gathering of voters. The Commission must also build trust with the traditional rulers to serve as custodians of electoral materials. But the danger in this is that the ruling party in such places may have access to such materials. But if the commission can address the issue of logistics in the elections, a large percentage of the problem in the system would have been solved. The Amupitan leadership must also carry out a comprehensive audit of BVAS machines, IReV servers, and data storage systems of the commission. It must take steps to identify gaps in hardware integrity and data security. Every technology deployed must be stress-tested for Nigeria’s diverse terrain and network challenges. Beyond technology, logistics planning requires fresh imagination. Electoral materials should not arrive late because of last-minute contracting or poor transport coordination in addition to the road transport unions. The Commission can explore partnerships with reputable logistics firms and security agencies for better coordination. The danger in contracting transport companies, however, is that some of the reputable ones are also owned by politicians or their associates. In other words, the commission must work to create a network that will ensure transparent elections. Innovation should be seen as a continuous process. In the long term, INEC could explore blockchain-based verification systems to prevent tampering and ensure real-time transparency. The goal is to make manipulation increasingly difficult and confidence increasingly easy. Amupitan has, however, made it clear that while technology is key, it cannot completely guarantee credible elections because the telecom network has remained a major challenge.  He said the commission is discussing with network providers with a view to ensuring improved services during elections.

    Electoral offences and accountability

    Another recurring challenge that has undermined Nigeria’s electoral process is the culture of impunity. Ballot snatching, vote buying, falsification of results, and violence remain major features of elections largely because perpetrators rarely face justice. While incidents of ballot box snatching have been on the decline over the years, the political actors have devised means of carrying out their act of election rigging. Although the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) has often deployed its personnel to monitor elections while on the watch out for vote buying, it is instructive that not many people have been arrested and brought to book for vote buying. During the recent Anambra elections, the EFCC announced the arrest of only three persons for incidences of vote buying. But the Centre for Democracy and Development, in its preliminary report, alleged vote buying in two out of the three Senatorial districts in the state. The report also alleged that voters were snapping their ballot paper after voting. This is clearly a violation of the guidelines for the election. Such persons must be brought to justice if we are to clean up the electoral space. This explained why the Electoral Offences Commission must be created to handle incidences of vote buying and other electoral crimes. Prof Amupitan, as the new Chairman, must lend a strong institutional voice to the call for the establishment of the Electoral Offences Commission, as recommended by several panels and civil society groups. The immediate past chairman spoke strongly about the establishment of the commission. But while the last Senate passed the bill to establish the commission, the House of Representatives failed to consider the report of its committee to create the commission because of a typographical error. Many stakeholders have argued that without an independent prosecutorial body, INEC remains overburdened and underpowered to enforce discipline. The passage of the constitutional amendment to create the Electoral Offences Commission by the National Assembly and its concurrence by state Assemblies and eventual signing by the President will go a long way in enhancing electoral integrity ahead of the general election.

    Equally important is collaboration with the police, judiciary, and anti-corruption agencies to ensure that electoral offences are treated with the seriousness they deserve. Every prosecuted case strengthens public belief that democracy has consequences for wrongdoing. INEC staff, too, must be held accountable. Where internal compromise is proven, punishment should be public and deterrent. The credibility of an election is not only about what politicians do; it also depends on what the electoral officers refuse to do.

    Strengthening voter education and participation

    Since the return to democratic rule in 1999, the participation of Nigerians in the electoral process has continued to decline, even as the register of voters keeps growing. Available records showed that with about 57.9 million registered voters in 1999, the country recorded about 52.26 per cent voter turnout. This increased to 69.08 per cent in 2003 when the nation had about 60 million registered voters. This figure dropped to 57.5 per cent turnout in 2007 when the nation had a slight increase in voter registration to about 61.5 million. The figures dropped further in 2011 to 53.7 percent even when the voter registration increased to about 75 million eligible voters. But by 2015, INEC announced a decrease in the figure on the voter register to about 68.8 million, with a voter turnout of 42.7 per cent. With 84 million voters eligible for the 2019 elections, only 41 per cent of voters turned up to elect the President. The lowest voter turnout since the return to democracy has been during the 2023 general election, with only 26.7 per cent of eligible voters out of about 93. 4 million registered voters turning out to cast their votes.

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    Many have argued that low voter turnout does not add to the credibility of elections. Therefore, the new Chairman must treat voter education not as an event, but as a continuous civic duty. The Commission must therefore collaborate with the National Orientation Agency, civil society groups, and the media to reawaken civic consciousness. There is a need to localise and digitalise voter education, while those in the rural communities, young people, and first-time voters should be reached through targeted campaigns in indigenous languages and on social media. INEC must also review the Continuous Voter Registration (CVR) process to ensure accessibility, especially for displaced persons and marginalised groups.

    Democracy thrives only when citizens participate. The task before the Commission is to make that participation meaningful and easy.

    Navigating political pressures

     INEC’s independence has often been tested by political forces that seek to influence its decisions, both from local and international sources. From appointment controversies to policy disputes, the perception that the Commission is vulnerable to external influence has been difficult to dispel. As a lawyer and an administrator, Prof. Amupitan needs both administrative tact and moral firmness to navigate this terrain. Independence is not merely declared; it is demonstrated through consistent refusal to bend to political convenience. He must establish transparent policies on communication, decision-making, and stakeholder engagement. Every action of the Commission should be explainable in terms of law, not loyalty. Only then will public confidence deepen and political actors learn to respect the neutrality of the umpire.

    Planning for the next electoral cycle

    Even though the next general election may be a little above one year away, electoral reform must be treated as a marathon and not a sprint. One of the weaknesses of past Commissions was the tendency to begin serious planning only months before major elections. The new INEC leadership must initiate a comprehensive post-2023 review to identify what worked, what failed, and why. From this should emerge a Strategic Plan for the 2027 elections, complete with timelines for technology upgrades, logistics testing, and staff retraining. An early start will allow the Commission to anticipate challenges and engage stakeholders meaningfully. It will also help ensure that by the time the next elections approach, reforms are already institutionalised rather than improvised. The conduct of the Osun and Ekiti governorship elections in 2026 will serve as a litmus test for the Amupitan-led commission.

    Reinforcing inter-agency cooperation

    The success of any election depends on effective coordination among institutions such as security agencies, the National Orientation Agency, the National Broadcasting Commission, and the judiciary, among others. Past elections have exposed lapses in this synergy, especially in security deployment and information management. The new INEC Chairman should ensure that the Inter-Agency Consultative Committee on Election Security (ICCES) becomes a permanent structure, not just an election-time formality. If possible, the creation of the body should be embedded in the electoral legal framework because regular meetings, scenario planning, and early warning systems can reduce violence and confusion during polls. Presently, the ICCES meets only four times a year. Similarly, coordination with the judiciary must be proactive. Training and dialogue between electoral officers and judges on electoral jurisprudence can minimise post-election disputes and inconsistent rulings.

    Engaging the media and civil society

    He must realise the fact that a credible election process requires a credible information flow. The media and civil society organisations have historically served as watchdogs and educators, but relations with the INEC have not always been smooth. He should therefore cultivate a professional partnership with these groups. Press freedom and access to information are vital for transparency. When journalists are informed, misinformation and suspicion decline. Civil society groups, on their part, can provide early warnings and independent observation that strengthen public confidence.

    Funding and financial accountability

    Elections are expensive undertakings, and funding remains a recurring challenge. Delays in budget releases, coupled with allegations of financial waste, have sometimes affected INEC’s efficiency. He should push through the amendment to the electoral act that will ensure the immediate release of funds meant for the elections. He must find a way to strengthen the Commission’s financial management system. Transparent procurement processes, digital accounting, and external auditing should become standard practice. Early engagement with the National Assembly on budgetary matters will also prevent last-minute funding crises that hamper logistics. He must also find a way of reducing election expenses. That is why he needs to push through the amendment to the electoral act that seeks to eliminate bye elections, especially in legislative elections, to ensure that when an elected person resigns or dies, his political party should be made to produce the replacement.  The political parties, through the Inter- Party Advisory Council, are already in support of this.

    Building a Culture of Continuous Improvement

    Beyond policies and technology, the deeper challenge is cultural. The Commission must develop a mindset of continuous improvement, where each election becomes an opportunity to learn, not merely to survive. The Chairman can institutionalise post-election conferences, stakeholder assessments, and data-driven performance reports. Comparative learning from other African democracies like Ghana, South Africa, and Kenya will also be beneficial. Democracy is not perfected by chance; it is built by institutions that refuse to repeat their mistakes.

    Courage, vision, and integrity

    Amupitan, as the INEC Chairman, faces serious challenges from people who see nothing good in whatever one does. There is no doubt that there are enormous expectations from Nigerians and the international community, who give limited room for errors. As head of the only constitutional agency that wields the power to decide who occupies elective offices in Nigeria, both in the Executive and Legislature, he has constitutional power anchored on a mandate to deliver free and credible elections and therefore stands between political ambition and national stability and therefore must deliver fairness without fear, and reform without resentment. This is more important at a time when many Nigerians are advocating that the power to conduct local government elections be taken away from the states and handed over to INEC. The assignment before him is therefore both clear and demanding. That is, to rebuild trust, reform the system, and reaffirm the constitutionally guaranteed independence of the agency. It is important to say that Nigerians are not asking for perfection, but the credibility of the system. The road ahead may be difficult, and political pressures will be brought to bear by both local international forces and the political class and Nigerians alike. Public criticism will be heard and sometimes based largely on absolute falsehood, while operational challenges will persist. Yet, the measure of leadership lies not in avoiding these pressures but in standing firm under these pressures and insisting on doing what is right. Some analysts believe that if Prof. Amupitan can restore faith in the ballot, he would have succeeded in strengthening the foundation of Nigeria’s democracy.

    There is no gainsaying the fact that following the successful completion of the Anambra governorship election, which is the first to be conducted under the new Chairman, the time is ripe for him to properly settle down to his new assignment. He must quickly seek to strengthen transparency and public communication within the electoral space. One political analyst who followed the Mahmood Yakubu era closely, Ezenwa Nwagwu, believes that the commission was not always quick to respond to issues in the public domain. This is one area that Prof. Amupitan should quickly work on, especially in the run-up to the FCT Area Council elections, the Osun and Ekiti governorship elections and the 2027 general elections. In addition, he should take immediate steps to reform internal operations and staff integrity systems and push for the establishment of the Electoral Offences Commission. This commission will help reduce the burden of investigating and prosecuting electoral offenders, which is almost nonexistent at the moment. The commission must also build on the gains of the immediate past chairman in the area of use of technology in the electoral process by upgrading existing technology and logistics frameworks, while enhancing voter education and civic engagement. Many believe this will revive citizens’ participation and reduce voter apathy, which has seen less than 30 per cent of registered voters in the country participating in elections. Even though the recent Anambra elections witnessed a great improvement in previous elections, less than 30 per cent of the 2.8 million registered voters took part in the election.

  • We supported Tinubu when it was difficult – Wike

    We supported Tinubu when it was difficult – Wike

    …says we will keep supporting him now that is easy

    Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike on Saturday reaffirmed his support for President Bola Tinubu.

    Wike recalled that during his tenure as Governor of Rivers State, he and his supporters openly and boldly supported Tinubu to win the Presidential election in 2023 when it was difficult in Rivers State.

    He vowed to keep supporting the President now that things are easy.

    The minister spoke in Ochigba, in Ahoada East Local Government Area (LGA) of Rivers State, during a meeting with People Democratic Party (PDP), stakeholders, when he attended the end of the year thanksgiving service, organized by former Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Rt. Hon. Chibudom Nwuche in his hometown.

    He assured the stakeholders that their struggle will never be in vain, urging them to continue to support Tinubu despite intimidation in the state.

    Wike said those who supported Tinubu before the 2023 presidential election, which later led to his victory are recognized, compared to those who are presently shouting ‘on your mandate we shall stand’.

    The minister said, “I want to say thank you for being there for us all through these years. We know those who are ungrateful. Thank you for standing with us. Remember in 2023, When it was tough. Nobody knows what will happen in that election. So many people were saying that it will be difficult for the President Bola Tinubu to win then. So many people were not able to come out openly and boldly to vote for Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

    “But we all met to say in politics you must take a stand, you must take a decision whether it will be good or bad, but we know at the end of the day it will be good. And now it is good. We did it when it was difficult to say on your mandate we stand. And to the glory of God, we stood today. You are the ones who made the President strong as far as Rivers State is concerned.

    “So, all these people now that you are seeing singing on your mandate we shall stand, that time when they were needed most, they couldn’t sing that and could not come out to say vote for Tinubu. Now that we stood and voted for him and River State won, I tell you all your struggle will not go in vain. We have come to let you know that we are still strong. Nigerians know us, when we take a decision, we have taken the decision.

    “We don’t make decisions based on what people have seen, we make decisions that we are convinced and we believe that this will happen. From January next year, let me inform you that we will start politics. You know me, I believe in ‘agreement is agreement’. Anything you know you cannot do, don’t say it. Nobody can use us. Whatever you have agreed in the morning, you must agree in the night.

    “So don’t worry yourself about those who are shouting on your mandate we shall stand. We have shouted when it matters most. If we did not shout then for him to have won, would they have shouted now? I have never hidden my position, Nigerians know and you can attest to it. After President Bola Tinubu, the next most abused politician is me. Why are they abusing me because they know that ‘agreement is agreement’. When we have agreed on something let us implement it. If we cannot implement it, then don’t let us talk about it.

    “For us we have said that we will continue to support Ahmed Bola Tinubu. That is the position you took and that is the position you are going to still take. I came to reassure you that no problem.”

  • Akwa Ibom backs Tinubu’s directive on direct funding for local governments

    Akwa Ibom backs Tinubu’s directive on direct funding for local governments

    The Akwa Ibom state government has said it is fully aligned with President Bola Tinubu’s directive that funds should be paid directly to local governments.

    The Commissioner for Information, Mr Aniekan Umanah, stated this on Friday, noting that Governor Umo Eno has consistently supported financial autonomy for local government councils.

    Umanah said that even before the Supreme Court judgment which affirmed direct allocation to councils, Governor Eno had never interfered with local government funds.

    He maintained that the governor is a strong advocate of grassroots development, a commitment he said has enabled local governments in the state to thrive.

    “Governor Umo Eno is a lover of grassroots development, and that is why he fully supports the President’s directive for funds to be sent directly to local governments,” Umanah said.

    “Local governments in the state are executing projects, awarding contracts and carrying out empowerment programmes at the grassroots because the state government does not tamper with their funds.

    “To the governor, President Tinubu’s renewed directive is not just an instruction, but a moral duty for all governors across the country to allow the third tier of government to be financially independent.

    “Visit any of the 31 local government areas of the state and you will confirm that this administration aligns with the President’s mandate to uplift local communities,” he added.

  • 2027: Why Tinubu deserves southeast, Nigerians’ votes – Group

    2027: Why Tinubu deserves southeast, Nigerians’ votes – Group

    The South East Renewed Hope Agenda (SERHA) has reaffirmed its total support for President Bola Tinubu ahead of the 2027 general elections.

    The group cited Tinubu’s administration’s inclusive governance, developmental strides, and people-oriented policies as reasons Nigerians, particularly those in the Southeast, should renew his mandate.

    The group’s position was made known during the distribution of Christmas food items to residents of Ebonyi State, an event organized by SERHA to spread goodwill during the festive season.

    Speaking at the event, the National Coordinator of the South East Renewed Hope Agenda, Belusochukwu Enwere, described the exercise as a practical demonstration of compassion and the true spirit of Christmas. 

    He said the initiative aligned with President Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda, which is focused on inclusiveness, welfare, and restoring hope to Nigerians at the grassroots.

    According to Enwere, Ebonyi State and the entire Southeast have benefited significantly from the Tinubu administration.

    He stressed that the President has consistently shown concern for the wellbeing of the people through empowerment programmes, infrastructure development, and social interventions.

    “Last Christmas, we had a similar distribution. Six months ago, there was empowerment for our people, and today again, we are here to ensure that families have something to eat this festive period,” he said.

    He noted that the President remains committed to seeing Nigerians flourish.

    Also speaking, the Deputy National Coordinator of SERHA, Chukwudi Anyanwu Ocha, said the Renewed Hope Agenda has repositioned the Southeast from the margins to the center of national development. 

    He pointed to the establishment of the Southeast Development Commission and its investment-driven company, describing it as a landmark achievement.

    Ocha further highlighted ongoing and revived infrastructure projects such as the Eastern Rail Line, key federal appointments held by Southeast indigenes, and the student loan scheme, which he said has given thousands of young Nigerians access to education without financial stress.

    “As ambassadors of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, it is our responsibility to take these achievements to the grassroots,” he said, urging members to actively campaign and mobilize support for the President ahead of 2027.

    He emphasised that the only way to reciprocate the President’s goodwill and developmental efforts is to work tirelessly to ensure his return for a second term.

    The event ended with goodwill messages, as SERHA leaders wished Nigerians a Merry Christmas and a prosperous New Year, while reaffirming their commitment to a stronger Southeast and a more prosperous Nigeria under President Tinubu’s leadership.

  • Why it’s difficult to execute some of our mandates – Ondo Commissioner Akande

    Why it’s difficult to execute some of our mandates – Ondo Commissioner Akande

    Ayodele Samson Akande (FCA), the Ondo State Commissioner for Water Resources, Public Sanitation and Hygiene, stands out as an unusual politician. He is a Fellow of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria (ICAN). He served as the Executive Chairman of Akoko North West Local Government, Ondo State. In this interview with Gbenga Aderanti, he talks about how he tackled initial challenges in his ministry.

    How would you describe the Ministry of Water Resources, Public Sanitation, and Hygiene before you assumed office?

     Just like every other young ministry, the Ministry of Water Resources, Public Sanitation and Hygiene is equally still facing some teething problems that are not limited to personnel and funding, but policy somersault from the federal level, as an essential ministry, our operations are somehow tied to the apron of the parent Federal Ministry by law.

    The extant laws that established the Ondo State Ministry of Water Resources and its affiliate departments and agencies are overdue, as it needs total overhauling. I mean, through a holistic approach, and this is one of the major hindrances. Though the challenges are universal, not peculiar to Ondo State alone. Without prejudice, I must give kudos to my predecessors and all the management for their yeoman’s job in sustaining the ministry.

     In Ondo State, water is more than a basic necessity. It is the lifeblood of communities, the foundation of public health, and a key driver of socio-economic development. To what extent has your ministry met the yearning of the people of the state regarding this?

     Your assertions are correct, but it is more cumbersome when you inherit a ministry that is expected to function at full capacity under this grizzly economy. What I did when I assumed office as the Commissioner in charge was to go to the drawing board with my Administrative Secretary, (AS) of the Ministry of Water Resources; General Managers (GM) of the Ondo State Water Corporation (ODSWC); and Rural Water, Sanitation Agency (RUWASSA); and Project Coordinator of the Project Implementation Unit (PIU). I made consultations with some critical stakeholders and other top management staff to develop a working plan, and with that, we hit the ground running. Under my watch and the visionary leadership of Mr Governor, Dr Lucky Orimisan Aiyedatiwa, the Ministry of Water Resources, Public Sanitation and Hygiene has undertaken key reforms in line with ‘Our Ease’ Agenda aimed at expanding access to potable water, strengthening water infrastructure, and improving service delivery across urban and rural communities. These are already yielding fruitful results across the entire Local Government in the state.

     One would have thought the management of sanitation would have been given to the Ministry of Health, but the governor, in his wisdom, decided to merge this with the Ministry of Water Resources. Why would you think Mr Governor did this?

     Ab initio, even before this present government or before the establishment of the  Ministry of Water Resources, the Public Sanitation and Hygiene has been an integral department within the water sector. The reason is that water is the most important critical element in public sanitation and hygiene, which is why it was not even merged with the Ministry of Environment. At the Ministry of Water Resources, Public Sanitation and Hygiene, we have professionals who deal with liquid waste, while the Ministry of Environment deals with solid waste.

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    What have been the challenges of combining water resources with hygiene?

     Like I said earlier, our major challenges include scarcity of resources and the laws becoming obsolete, which made it difficult for us to really execute some of our mandates and penalise offenders regarding issues of open defecation, and also to fight poor and substandard pure and bottled water in commercial circulation across the state. The overlapping functions of our adjunct ministries, like the health and environment, created an avenue for criminal elements to hide under this to perpetrate their evils. But soon we will get our legislative backing to arrest and prosecute offenders regarding public water, vandalism, sanitation hygiene and related offences.

     Open defecation and water-borne diseases have been a source of worry. To what extent has your ministry managed this?

     Let me tell you, the Ondo State Ministry of Water Resources has a long-standing history of accomplishment on sustainability and maintenance of global standard public Sanitation and Hygiene. What I did when I assumed office  was to build on that solid foundation through the continuation of all the structures of community and citizens’ engagement. We have undertaken key reforms aimed at expanding access to potable water, strengthening water infrastructure, and improving service delivery across urban and rural communities.

    We have also continued to hold public enlightenment to increase awareness to eradicate water-borne disease, and we have increased the provision of more public solar-powered borehole homes across the nooks and crannies of the state.

     In tackling some of these challenges, the government cannot do it alone. Have you considered partnering with private bodies and organisations? How receptive are they?

     Yes this is one of our major yardstick and we have started to record positive response and success in our networking, collaborations and partnership which is not limited to accessing the long stagnated funds for the Owena Multipurpose Dam Reticulation and Renovation Projects funded through a counterpart funding with international donor agencies development partners ( AFD and AfDB),  through the National Urban Water Sector Reform Project (NUWSRP) of the Federal Ministry of Water Resources (FMWR). The Ministry of Water Resources, Public Sanitation and Hygiene is one of the most complex government ministries with professionally-studied MDAs and decisions and policies are carefully packaged to have positive impacts on the people because water is life and producing safe water requires sophistication and a highly hygienic environment.

     What are the specific things your ministry is doing with them?

     Despite the uphill task faced by various levels of government, which is not peculiar to Ondo State, to access grants and donors from developmental partners and international agencies due to the global standards and procedural limitations,we have continued our engagement with local and international partners through all medium and platforms by cross-pollinating our own ideas of project conceptualisation, implementation, personnel development and scientific advancements with theirs.

    Ondo State government and all its MDAs have maintained a high standard of reputation that helped in accelerating access to such reserved funds. And that is what we are leveraging on that resulted in the mothers of all groundbreaking events that was held by our ministry on Tuesday, 9th December 2025 and was officially flagged off by Mr Governor, and currently the largest water sector investment in the entire South West.

    While we have not rested on our oars, our ministry has also been contemplating further seeking other available partnerships to equally expand the frontiers of our operational mandates to beat the SDG Open Defecation Free, ODF and other challenges relating to public sanitation and hygiene in due course.

     A while ago, you received some decampees into your party, though you were not physically present to receive them. Since then, politicians from other parties have continued to come into your party. What does this portend?

     Thank you for that very important question. Yes, our party, the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Ondo State, is lucky to have our very Lucky Governor, Dr Lucky Orimisan Aiyedatiwa, the Executive Governor, as the unarguably and incontrovertibly the apex leader of our party. His leadership has made the party attractive from top to bottom to all the decampees you see trooping into APC. Looking at the calibre of decampees from Akoko North West LG, who recently dumped their various parties for the APC, that includes the former state leaders of SDP, the 2024 deputy governors candidates, senatorial leaders, and even House of Representatives and Assemblies flag bearers, are all testimonies to the fact that our party, the APC is firmly rooted and solid at the grassroots level.

     There is this phrase that you have to be mean to be a politician. You seem not to belong to this class. How have you been coping in politics?

     You are correct about the public perception of my person. I’m a mature-minded progressive democrat driven by ideology, not what I want to ‘ chop’ or in politics as a vendetta. I’m proud to tell you that I’m a professional in politics, still cordially maintaining my second address in my professional sector. As a Fellow of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria(FCA) there is a level of dignity expected from me as a frontline auditor in Nigeria, and I should be a moral compass wherever I find myself. That’s why people of my calibre see politics from a very broader perspective, just as a means to impact humanity and as a clarion call to render services to the community.

     Do you sometimes regret joining politics for one reason or another? If yes, what are those reasons?

     It is human for me to feel such atimes when I see the level of betrayal, back biting, political animosity, persecution, character assassination and other wars of attrition against fellow politicians. One would naturally feel demoralized as someone coming from the corporate sector with an untainted reputation now ruffling feathers and mingling with some vagabonds, men of questionable characters, highly intolerant and unintelligent sets. I was attracted to join politics in order to add my quota towards the development of my people because through politics, I have been giving back to my community in the form of various empowerment, youth development, poverty alleviation programs, and scholarship sponsors.

     Are you likely to contest an elective position in the near future? Which of the offices are you likely to take a shot at?

     For now, my answer is a capital NO, because I’m a highly focused person and in the history of Ondo State, I’m the only Executive Chairman with the most torturous, ambitious trajectory that took me almost two decades to achieve.

    I was lured by both the leaders of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the articulate Labour Party (LP), but I resisted their overtures but stood consistently with the Progressives, right from Alliance for Democracy (AD), to the Action Congress (AC) to the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), and finally to the  All Progressives Congress (APC), that’s why I called myself APC Aborigine. In fact when I  concluded my tenure as the Executive Chairman of ANWLG, amongst my colleagues I was the only one who immediately went ahead to hold my thanksgiving ceremony at my church with my people at home, while some of my co- Chairmen were still contemplating of lobbying to return to Council before the demise of our former Governor, Arakunrin Oluwarotimi Odunayo Akeredolu of a blessed memory, and I was officially received and given a civic reception by my colleagues from the corporate world, as the ICAN body sent representatives to welcome me back to duty and this was a highly emotive moment for me.

    This little explanation reflects on my person, and you will see that this present political office is a privilege with higher demand and expectations, and I need to deliver on the governor’s mandate to the best of my ability with absolute loyalty.

     Since you assumed office, what changes have you made as a commissioner?

     I came into the office with high hopes and was  highly intentional to succeed and impact on the water sector.

    Within my short stay as Commissioner, the management and staff of the Ministry under my watch and by private observation are now more cooperative, friendly and united, and these have catalysed a lot of prosperity in governance, accelerated and qualitative service deliveries, and positively impacted the water sector.

    One of my landmark achievements is the Owena Multipurpose Dam Reticulation Project, which has been abandoned for almost two decades, but by the magnanimity of Mr Governor, has gotten a fresh breath into it.

    We will not rest until water flows again in Akure and across every community in our beloved state. This marks the rebirth of Renewed Hope in the Ondo State Water Sector, as we lay the foundation for the future, where no child will drink unsafe water, where every household will have access to clean, running water, and where Ondo State will once again be a model of excellence in public utility management. The Rehabilitation of a moribund 60,000 cubic metre capacity dam, Water Treatment Plant, Construction of Transmission Pipelines from the Headwork to Akure, the State capital; Construction of Reservoirs in the city of Akure; Expansion of Reticulation Networks, are designed to address long-standing gaps in water supply.

     You were the Executive Chairman of the Akoko North-West Local Government Area of the state. What particular lesson would you say your experience as chairman prepared you for your present job as a commissioner?

     Yes, that experience was like an orientation to a much bigger and tedious assignment. Serving as the Executive Chairman of an LG is a public service environment, but an Honourable Commissioner is a civil service atmosphere where you are more under heavy bombardment from various stakeholders.

    The duty of a Commissioner, like that of the water sector, is not a tea party but demands full responsibility. For me, I can say equivocally that during my regime as LG Council Chairman, the LG. experienced a level of tranquillity, unity and development.

    Like the complexities of Akoko North West LG with over 24 Obas, with various interests, no allying cultural affinity and socio-political interest.  But the complexities of the water Ministry is divergent and in torrential that requires intellectual and competent deployments.

    Remember, I came into politics with experience and exposure garnered over the years as a globally respected Internal Generated Revenue (IGR) expert, auditor and corporate player with the highest reputation. These formed the basis with which I am approaching my administration at the ministry with a bottom-to-top mantra. Like I did as the Executive Chairman of ANWLG, is to first let everybody at the Ministry see me as a very dedicated, dutiful, determined and disciplined person. I believe in genuine conversation and engagement to drive home my points. As a leader, I believe so much in the theory of servant leadership and collective responsibility. I try to boost the morale of the staff regardless of their class, office or gender without discrimination. I don’t apportion blame, I take responsibility for all the infractions, mistakes and shortcomings of my subordinates and staff. But I make sure we share successful results. I never for once allowed a file to spend more than one day on my table because I know such a  singular act of negligence can lead to what is referred to as a bureaucratic bottleneck in governance and administration.

     How tough is the job of commissioner in Ondo?

     It is very tough at this time that the state is under a governor who is passionate about making life more meaningful to our people. So serving in the cabinet of Mr Governor, who is not only a talk and do governor but a man who walk-work-his-talk to certainty. That’s why you can see from the coinage of ‘OUR EASE’ Agenda, an Initiative of Gov. Aiyedatiwa to transform Ondo State. So by extension, every Commissioner must know their onion and work in tandem towards the actualisation of ‘Our Ease Agenda’. This governor is unusual; in fact, I call him a phenomenon. He’s the best governor any Commissioner can be privileged to serve

    .He is passionate and impatient with anything that can cause stagnation or backwardness.

     Is your job as a commissioner different from that of a Council Chairman?

     The two offices are not comparable, and the major differences between the duties and mandate of a Council Chairman and that of a Commissioner are beyond the mere operating environment. The core mandate areas and exclusive constitutional provisions made these offices different, as well as their scopes of operations.

    While the  LG Chairman relates to Public Servants, the Commissioners relate to civil servants and beyond.   But the experience I gathered from both my past corporate engagement of over three decades and that of the Council all prepared me for the demands of my present office as a Commissioner.

    It is said that all work and no play is bad for man. How do you spend your free periods?

    Apart from working in the vineyard as an Elder in the Christ Apostolic Church (CAC), I’m also the Baba-Ijo of my Parish at Okeagbe-Akoko. I’m an avid golfer, and it is the only way that I socialise in my free periods, though I still take time to read and study different subjects apart from my core career. I take delight in reflection on politics and socio-economic issues through discourse with other people from diverse professions. I’m a member of a few clubs, like Akure Recreational Club, Ikeja Golf Club, Ibori Golf Club, CrossCreek Golf Club, Ilado-Akure and Mountain Club, Okeagbe-Akoko, as well as my alma mater, Omuo Oke High School, Omuo Ekiti.

  • 2025 and the quiet capture of power

    2025 and the quiet capture of power

    Defections, the collapse of the opposition, and a shift toward the centre changed Nigeria’s political landscape in 2025, all without any major public break. Deputy Political Editor RAYMOND MORDI reports:

    In 2025, Nigeria’s politics changed quietly, not through big speeches or new laws, but through a slow shift of power to the center. A series of defections, especially around mid-year, helped the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) bring many political leaders to its side. Governors, lawmakers, and party leaders switched parties mainly to keep their influence before the 2027 elections, not because of shared beliefs. By the end of the year, the opposition still existed in name but had lost its real power.

    The mechanics of migration:

    The defections in 2025 were notable for how large and organised they were, looking more like a planned effort than random events. The APC did not go out of its way to recruit; instead, it accepted those who decided to join. When governors switched parties, lawmakers and officials soon followed.

    These defections happened when states were getting more money, not less. In 2025, states had higher oil revenues, a weaker naira, and more non-oil income. Still, this extra money did not solve politicians’ problems. Inflation, bigger wage bills, subsidy costs, and public demands kept governors under pressure. Joining the ruling party was more about getting political protection and easier access to federal help than about fixing budgets. Even with more resources, patience was running out.

    Defections, state by state:

    The big shift began in Delta State. In late April, Governor Sheriff Oborevwori left the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) for the APC, saying the state needed to align with the centre. Soon after, his predecessor, Ifeanyi Okowa, members of the State Executive Council, and key party leaders also switched. The State House of Assembly followed when Speaker Emomotimi Guwor led over 20 lawmakers to the APC, leaving the PDP with no real presence. Delta set the pattern: once the governor switched, others quickly followed.

    Akwa Ibom was next in June. When Governor Umo Eno switched parties, National Assembly members, state lawmakers, and party officials with government ties also changed sides in an organised way. This was less dramatic than in Delta, but it showed the same thing: the APC was attracting whole groups of leaders, not just a few people.

    The trend continued in October when Enugu State Governor Peter Mbah joined the APC. People called this a strategic move, not one based on beliefs, but it was important in a region that usually distrusts the ruling party. As expected, lawmakers loyal to him soon followed, making the opposition even weaker.

    By mid-year, the same pattern repeated itself in Bayelsa State. The governor’s defection led National Assembly members and state lawmakers to switch parties as well, showing that staying in the opposition at the state level had become risky.

    The wave peaked in Rivers State near the end of the year. The legislature moved first, with Speaker Martin Amaewhule and 16 lawmakers joining the APC. A few days later, Governor Siminalayi Fubara also switched after meeting with President Bola Tinubu and party leaders. That this happened in December showed how 2025 was a year of steady, planned weakening of the opposition.

    The governors of Taraba and Plateau States also joined this trend. Agbu Kefas from Taraba said he would join the APC, but his official welcome was postponed till early next year after national outrage and security concerns following the abduction of schoolgirls. In Plateau, after months of rumours and denials, Caleb Mutfwang also announced he would join the APC, and it is expected that all state officials will follow him.

    Not all defections started with governors. In May, three senators from Kebbi State—Adamu Aliero, Yahaya Abdullahi, and Garba Maidoki—left the PDP for the APC, giving the ruling party more control in the Senate. In other places, smaller but steady defections in state assemblies and the House of Representatives quietly shifted the balance of power, even if they did not make headlines.

    By the end of the year, the APC controlled most state governments and had a strong lead in the National Assembly. The opposition had fewer members and much less influence.

     Power without proclamation:

    President Bola Tinubu played a key role in bringing power together, but he relied on careful planning rather than issuing direct orders. He rarely made public demands. Instead, his team used good timing, quiet discussions, and steady party organization. Governors and lawmakers were allowed to decide for themselves, knowing the ruling party welcomed them. This was a patient, behind-the-scenes way of doing politics.

     Opposition in disarray:

    Many politicians moving to the APC both revealed and deepened the opposition’s problems. The PDP spent the year blaming itself, and its internal divisions got worse. When its governors left, it marked the end of a long fight over who should lead the National Working Committee. Rival groups supporting Atiku Abubakar and Minister Nyesom Wike made it hard for the party to decide on anything.

    Even after Atiku left for the African Democratic Congress (ADC), the PDP did not recover. Plans for a national convention were postponed from August to November due to disagreements. By year’s end, the PDP seemed less like a party ready to govern and more like a group of unhappy factions.

    Court involvement made things worse. Many legal actions and counteractions turned courtrooms into arenas for political fights, prolonging the crises rather than resolving them. Legal tactics replaced real efforts to make peace.

    The Labour Party (LP) broke down even more dramatically. The excitement of the 2023 ‘Obidient’ movement was hampered by organizational and funding issues. A strong fight between Peter Obi’s supporters and the national leadership under Julius Abure led to separate conventions, court battles, and even physical fights. By November, the party had split, and many lawmakers had left.

    This change affected how people felt. Young supporters became more cynical, and instead of organized activism, many just commented on social media. This raised early worries about possible voter apathy before the 2027 elections.

    The ADC, seen as a new ideological option, struggled with too much ambition. Efforts to attract a large assemblage of politicians from other parties are yet to materialise because of personal egos and disagreements over strategy. A public argument between 2023 presidential candidate Dumebi Kachikwu and interim leader David Mark showed how fragile the party was. In July, Kachikwu went to court to challenge INEC’s recognition of Mark and Rauf Aregbesola as national chairman and secretary.

    By the end of the year, the ADC was still more of an idea than a real competitor.

    A nation under strain:

    Besides politics, 2025 was a year of growing national distress. Insecurity got much worse, turning from a constant problem into a real emergency. Banditry in the Northwest became common, with frequent mass school kidnappings. In the North-Central, communal violence became more organized and deadly. The Southeast continued to face attacks by unknown gunmen and damaging sit-at-home orders.

    Economic hardship made things even harder. Labour unions often threatened nationwide strikes because of the rising cost of living. For many Nigerians, insecurity and financial stress felt the same, creating a constant sense of vulnerability.

    In October, the United States labeled Nigeria a Country of Particular Concern for religious freedom, pointing to issues in the Middle Belt. The Nigerian government called this interference, while critics said it was overdue. Either way, it showed that Nigeria’s confidence on the world stage had weakened.

    The pressure peaked in November, when President Tinubu declared a State of National Security Emergency, granting security agencies greater powers. Defence Minister Mohammed Badaru Abubakar resigned soon after and was replaced by former Chief of Defence Staff, General Christopher Musa. Many saw this as a move to take security more seriously.

     Legislating through consolidation:

    With so many defections, the 10th National Assembly worked more efficiently than usual and faced little resistance. It worked closely with the executive branch. Major laws, like the broad Tax Reform Act signed in September, passed easily. Work also started on constitutional changes for state policing and fiscal federalism, though progress was slow.

    Still, controversy continued. In July, Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan accused Senate President Godswill Akpabio of sexual harassment. Instead of starting an independent investigation, the Senate suspended her for misconduct. This decision was widely criticized and raised concerns about legislative accountability.

    Read Also: Naira rebounds, gains N1.65 against dollar at official market 

    Rivers State was the most unstable political scene of the year. A feud between Governor Siminalayi Fubara and his predecessor, Nyesom Wike, brought government to a halt and split the legislature. This conflict even led to physical fights.

    In October, the Federal Government declared a State of Emergency in Rivers and appointed an administrator. Supporters said this stopped chaos in an important state, but critics called it too much. Even legal experts who usually support the government questioned if the move met constitutional rules, warning that it showed how flexible center-state relations had become.

    Signals toward 2027:

    The November Anambra governorship election was a rare bright spot for institutions. Governor Chukwuma Charles Soludo of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) won by a large margin, in an election widely seen as fair and peaceful.

    INEC also changed leaders. In August, Prof. Joash Ojo Amupitan replaced Mahmood Yakubu as chairman and oversaw by-elections in 15 states, which further strengthened the APC’s position.

    The passing of an era:

    The death of former President Muhammadu Buhari in July, along with the passing of leaders like Ayo Adebanjo, Edwin Clark, and Mohammed Uwais, marked the end of a generation that once shaped Nigeria’s political values. Their absence left a gap in a political culture now more focused on deals and transactions.

     Conclusion:

    Looking back, 2025 was not a year of sudden change, but of steady consolidation. Power quietly moved to the centre. The opposition got weaker. Institutions adjusted but did not fall apart. The big shift was never officially announced; it just happened. As Nigeria moved toward 2027, the real question was not who held power, but whether there was enough room to challenge it.

  • 2027: Tinubu will win Oyo convincingly, Ex-Oyo chief whip slams Makinde

    2027: Tinubu will win Oyo convincingly, Ex-Oyo chief whip slams Makinde

    A former Chief Whip of the Oyo State House of Assembly, Hon. Abiodun Adigun-Hammed, has predicted a landslide victory for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in Oyo State in the 2027 elections.

    Adigun-Hammed described as “unthinkable” the idea that President Tinubu would entrust the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Oyo State to Governor Seyi Makinde. 

    His comments came in reaction to statements attributed to Makinde during a media chat on Tuesday, in which the governor allegedly claimed that former Rivers State governor Nyesom Wike offered to deliver Oyo State to Tinubu—a proposal Makinde purportedly declined.

    In a statement, Adigun-Hammed dismissed Makinde’s claim as false, asserting that the governor could not be trusted with any political arrangement. He cited Makinde’s alleged betrayals of former governor and Olubadan of Ibadanland, Oba Rashidi Ladoja, Senator Olufemi Lanlehin, Senator Sarafadeen Alli, and other political stakeholders who supported him in 2019, warning that such behavior could extend to anyone.

    The former lawmaker also raised questions about a contract Makinde said he was awarded in 1997, reportedly valued at $1 million, urging Nigerians to seek clarity on its execution.

    Adigun-Hammed further claimed that the APC was gaining momentum in Oyo State, arguing that residents were beginning to see through what he called Makinde’s “pretence and political games.”

    “Makinde has proved to be a serial liar and pretender. How can his ally ask President Tinubu to give Oyo State to ‘arrange’ for us, when we have three senators, nine House of Representatives members, three former deputy governors, ex-ministers, and experienced politicians? Such a claim is a lie from the pit of hell,” he said.

    He also accused Makinde of failing to acknowledge the support he received from the President and other stakeholders during his re-election bid in 2023, instead repaying them with falsehoods.

    Looking ahead to 2027, Adigun-Hammed expressed full confidence that President Tinubu would defeat Governor Makinde—and any candidate Makinde supports—predicting a decisive victory for the APC in Oyo State.