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Category: Politics

  • Why Bauchi political history may weaken Ali Pate’s 2027 governorship ambition

    Why Bauchi political history may weaken Ali Pate’s 2027 governorship ambition

    As the 2027 governorship election in Bauchi State draws closer, attention is turning to Minister of Health and Social Welfare, Professor Ali Pate, who is reportedly eyeing the ticket of the All Progressives Congress (APC). Political observers are divided on whether the former Minister of State for Health and renowned academic stands a realistic chance of emerging as the APC flag bearer, given the complexities of Bauchi’s political terrain, David Adenuga reports

    Several politicians in Bauchi are already showing interest in the 2027 governorship contest—Among those testing the waters behind the scenes is Pate. He is not new to Bauchi politics and remains a possible contender.

    Pate is no stranger to ambition. In 2015, Pate indicated an interest in contesting for the Bauchi state governorship election under the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

    At the time, he had promised to create one million jobs by 2020 if elected the governor of the state, adding that he would “feature deep youth and women participation and ensure improved management of the state fiscal spaces as well as improved investment climate for private sector participation.” He, however, lost in the party primary.

    Pate again attempted to contest for the governorship ticket for the 2019 and 2023 elections under the Peoples Redemption Party (PRP) and All Progressives Congress (APC) respectively but was also unsuccessful at the primaries.

    It’s believed that one major obstacle that may stand in the way of Prof. Ali Pate’s governorship ambition in 2027 is rooted in Bauchi’s political history: Bauchi Central has never produced a governor. Since the return to democracy in 1999, power has rotated between Bauchi North and South, leaving the Central zone without a precedent of nominating a winning candidate.

    This history matters because zoning and power-sharing are deeply entrenched in Bauchi’s politics. Party stakeholders often lean on “precedent” when pushing for candidates and opponents could weaponize this gap to argue that Bauchi Central lacks the political machinery, networks, or structures to deliver the state’s top seat.

    For Pate, despite his technocratic profile and international recognition in health and governance, building cross-zonal alliances will be critical. He would need to convince party leaders, traditional institutions, and grassroots voters that it is time to break the historical trend—and that his candidacy represents inclusiveness, not disruption.

    In short, while his competence is rarely in doubt, the absence of a Central zone governorship track record could make his path steeper than aspirants from zones with stronger historical claims.

    The reason is that Bauchi South itself has dominated the governorship in the last 23 years, taking advantage of its population and the number of local government areas. The Southern zone  accounts for 63 per cent of the votes in the state.

    All the governors since 1999 on the platform of both the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP)  and the All Progressives Congress (APC) are from the region. They include Ahmadu Adamu Muazu (PDP), Isa Yuguda (APC), Mohammed Abubakar (APC), and the incumbent Governor Bala Mohammed (PDP)

    The tradition in Bauchi State is that if the governor comes from the South, the Deputy must come from the North while the Secretary to the State Government (SSG), has to come from the Central.

    In fact, the only time the  northern zone, which comprises  Misau, Jama’re and Katagum Emirate Councils  produced a governor was 43 years ago when Abubakar Tatari Ali became the first civilian governor between 1979 and 1983. But, his tenure was thwarted by the military coup on December 31, 1983, which brought General Muhammadu Buhari to power as a military dictator .

    Pate hails from Misau Local Government in Bauchi Central, which has a moderate population, not densely populated, and this structural reality may limits Pate’s electoral weight.

    However, his father, Malam Aliyu, a respected academic and philanthropist, built wide goodwill across the state and northern Nigeria, a legacy that remains an advantage to his son.

    According to political observers in the state, the Minister’s image in politics has changed over time. “He was once seen as too stingy , unwilling to spend on grassroots politics, and viewed by many as distant. Some critics even called him someone who “uses and dumps” allies. But since becoming Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare, Pate has taken a different approach.

    “He reportedly gave over a huge amount of money to support party activities in Bauchi State, which improved his standing among politicians. His influence has also grown through federal projects in his hometown, including a new Federal College of Nursing in Misau and the upgrade of the Federal Medical Centre in Azare to a teaching hospital. These projects have provided jobs, especially for young people, and boosted his support base,” said a lecturer with the  Abubakar Tatari Ali Polytechnic (ATAP), Bauchi, Comrade Abdullahi Yelwa

    Abdullahi.

    Abdullahi continued “Nevertheless, his weaknesses remain. Many long-time allies argue that he has not rewarded their loyalty, leaving them disillusioned. Several have deserted his camp, insisting he lacks the consistency of a full-time politician.”

    According to the commentator, these estranged associates could puncture his campaign by leveraging their first-hand experiences with him. Unless he reconciles with these elements, they could become formidable obstacles.”

    More so, it’s believed that the internal structure of the All Progressives Congress in Bauchi also complicates matters. Though Pate has injected resources at intervals, other party stakeholders who consistently sustain and finance the party daily are likely to wield greater influence in candidate selection.

    It’s also believed that delegates may lean toward such steady supporters rather than “occasional benefactors.” Moreover, literate technocrats like Pate are often perceived as threats by entrenched grassroots politicians who fear their reformist instincts could disrupt long-standing patronage systems.

    National dynamics further shape Pate’s chances. While President Bola Tinubu leads the APC at the federal level, Abdullahi doubts his influence will significantly sway Bauchi voters. In the 2023 general elections, Bauchi South determined the outcome with its numerical strength, despite federal backing for the APC candidate, Air Marshal Sadique Baba Abubakar.

    Abdullahi mentioned perceived discontent with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s policies, including subsidy removal and rising hardship among farmers, may further weaken federal leverage in Bauchi. The perception that Tinubu’s appointments favor individuals rather than rewarding collective party loyalty in Bauchi also dampens grassroots enthusiasm.

    Pate will also have other strong aspirants to contend with within the APC. The Senator representing Bauchi South Senatorial District under the APC, Shehu Umar Buba, who is now seen as the leading candidate for the 2027 governorship election in the state, as he is now actively building a strong political base, distributing funds, and mobilizing supporters.

    Another notable contender in the APC is the Foreign Affairs Minister Ambassador Yusuf Maitama Tuggar who is being considered as also a potential governorship contender in Bauchi State.

    Furthermore, potential rivals within APC—including former governor Mohammed Abdullahi Abubakar and businessman Nura Manu Soro—are likely to contest, making the primaries a high-stakes affair vulnerable to the influence of money politics.

    Political observers believe that Pate’s candidacy is both promising and precarious. His federal clout, philanthropic legacy, and infrastructural interventions in the health sector give him leverage. Yet, his past political missteps, weak grassroots ties, and the entrenched dominance of Bauchi South present formidable hurdles.

    An elder statesman in the APC who also spoke on confidence with The Nation insisted that Pate’s weaknesses lingers “He has reasonable knowledge of the political terrain only that he has not been doing well in terms of maintaining his support base . He has not been supporting the people who have been with him in all his journeys moving from one party to another. Many don’t see him as a full time active politician.

    The analyst warned that Bauchi politics often discriminates against technocrats. “Sometimes names in conventional politics , doctor this doctor that , professor this , professor that are threat to a literate politicians who never want people like him to come closer to the corridors of power because they believe they know too much and they cannot be deceived so for that reason such people will do everything humanly possible to block opportunities for him to become the governor because they believe once he is there  manipulative tendencies and deceptions do not continue and there are those who live by that and that is their way of survival”

    The commentator, while stressing the peculiar nature of Bauchi politics, warned that unless deliberate steps are taken, Bauchi South will continue to hold sway.

    According to him, unlike Plateau State, where power has rotated among the three senatorial zones since 1999 and become an accepted convention, Bauchi has yet to adopt such a structured arrangement.

     He argued that unless stakeholders in Bauchi initiate a genuine dialogue to entrench a fair system of power rotation—not for the benefit of any single aspirant, but for the collective good of the state—the dominance of Bauchi South is likely to persist.

    Read Also: Every Nigerian child deserves good education—Gbajabiamila 

    At present, the odds appear heavily stacked in favour of Bauchi South, whose political actors have historically dictated the governorship. Without an internal crisis in the zone capable of fracturing its influence and opening space for rivals, it is difficult to see how any candidate from Bauchi North or Central can break through. As one commentator put it, if Bauchi politics continues along its familiar trajectory, the chances of producing a governor from outside Bauchi South remain slim.

    “In Plateau state I know they do rotate the governorship from 1999 to date and they were able to sustain that, we need to find time dialogue among stakeholders and start somewhere not because of anybody but for the overall interest of the state “

    “if that is done,  to me is going to assist greatly but if nothing of such is put in place I wonder and I seriously doubt if in time soon anybody outside Bauchi South will become governor except something happens among the actors in the Bauchi south that they may end up fighting themselves and thereby somebody accidentally emerge to become, but if the politics as it has been rolling itself keep going on the way it used to chances are very weak for anybody outside Bauchi south to make it to the government house.”

    On Pate’s personal prospects, the analyst was cautious. “Yes, he has the chance and he may not get the chance, this is probability, so he needs to do a lot of homework and the major challenge is even to get the party ticket and even where the party ticket is guaranteed, there is no assurance that if he is the flag bearer, the electorate will vote for him simply because of the reality of the politics in the state.”

     But the Secretary-General, of the Primary School Old Boys Association of Bakaro/Dangikka in Bauchi, Umar Musa insisted Pate’s record of service and international experience make him the best choice for governor.

     “It’s time for purposeful and progressive leadership in Bauchi State, with vision, experience, and dedication to public service,” he said.

     Musa believes no other aspirants can compete with Pate in terms of achievements, noting his policies such as free ambulance services for pregnant women, reduced dialysis costs for kidney patients, and maternal health reforms across the country.

     He also highlighted the Minister’s global roles, including serving as a professor at Harvard, CEO of Big Win Philanthropy, and Global Director for Health, Nutrition, and Population at the World Bank.

     According to him, Bauchi needs leaders who can improve education, healthcare, agriculture, housing, water supply, security, and jobs.

     “Professor Pate has all it takes to address these challenges,” he argued.

     “As his Primary School mates, we are proud of him and believe he is the right leader to take Bauchi forward. We will continue to call on him to run and support him fully if he accepts,” he said.

  • Will PDP survive beyond 2027?

    Will PDP survive beyond 2027?

    By Oluwaseyi Adedotun

    When the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) convened its long-awaited 102nd National Executive Committee (NEC) meeting in Abuja a couple of weeks ago, casual observers might have dismissed it as just another routine gathering.

     But for veterans of Nigeria’s political terrain, this was no ordinary assembly. It was a statement of survival, a fragile rebirth for a party once dismissed as politically extinct.

     Unlike the previous NEC sessions that collapsed into chaos, rancour and dramatic walkouts, the 102nd NEC meeting held firm.

     For a political organisation battered by post-2023 recriminations, sabotage and bitter internal feuds, the very fact that the NEC convened and ended in one piece was extraordinary.

     In Nigerian politics, where the optics could be as decisive as the outcomes, that survival was itself a victory. The PDP has always lived dangerously, walking the thin line between collapse and resurgence. Its history is fraught with crises that would have killed lesser parties.

     In 2006, the “Third Term” saga nearly tore it apart. In 2014, the dramatic walkout of governors at the Eagle Square convention gave birth to the All Progressives Congress (APC). After the 2019 elections, leadership feuds once again paralysed its national secretariat.

    READ ALSO: North frantic about 2027

     The 2023 elections represented another low. The G-5 rebellion led by Nyesom Wike openly defied the party’s presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar. The PDP lost not only at the federal level but also its claim to being Africa’s largest political party. Many analysts wrote its obituary.

     Yet, the 102nd NEC showed that, true to form, the PDP retains a survival instinct. Each cycle of crisis has forced a reinvention. The party’s resilience lies not in the absence of fractures, but in its ability to patch them together enough to remain relevant.

     The path to the 102nd NEC 2025 was strewn with landmines, explosive issues that could have sunk the party if mishandled. Three things stood out. The National Secretary, Samuel Anyanwu, became the lightning rod of factional anger.

     A determined push to unseat him threatened a constitutional crisis, one that could have crippled the party’s organisational framework. Saraki’s committee diffused this by insisting on compromise, revalidating Anyanwu’s mandate, and avoiding a destabilising legal showdown.

     Former Rivers governor and current FCT Minister, Nyesom Wike, loomed over the PDP like a storm cloud. His defiance in 2023 was still raw. His sympathisers within the PDP remained influential and outright confrontation risked another split.

     Saraki’s strategy was containment, not confrontation, keeping Wike’s bloc engaged without letting it dominate until the amiability leading to the NEC.

     Perhaps the most critical fault line was between PDP governors and the National Working Committee (NWC). Without their cooperation, no opposition party could stand.

     Saraki recognised that APC’s strength in 2023 was rooted in the unity of its governors behind Bola Tinubu. He worked to rebuild consensus between PDP governors and the NWC, a task that paid off at the 102nd NEC when both camps spoke with rare unison.

     The meeting did not just avoid implosion; it produced outcomes that could shape PDP’s future. Both the National Chairman and Secretary were affirmed in their positions, silencing rumours of imminent removal and ending months of uncertainty.

     The NEC resolved to proceed with its convention plans, signalling organisational readiness rather than paralysis. For the first time since 2023, PDP governors spoke with one voice. This unity was described by Bauchi governor Bala Mohammed as “a new beginning.”

     The gains trickled down. Disillusioned members, long weary of elite quarrels, began to see the PDP as a party once again capable of renewal.

     National Publicity Secretary, Debo Ologunagba, hailed the NEC as “a demonstration of internal democracy and resilience.”

     Symbolically, the PDP showed it could still conduct orderly meetings. Beyond resolutions, the NEC carried emblematic weight: it proved the PDP was not condemned to irrelevance. Survival itself became a rallying point for members.

     At the heart of this turnaround was Bukola Saraki. When he was tapped in late 2023 to chair the reconciliation and strategy committee, many thought it a poisoned chalice. But his leadership style, consultative disposition, patience and strategic thinking became the stabilising force.

     Saraki did not impose; he mediated. He did not crush dissent; he absorbed it. He struck a balance between ambition and survival. In doing so, he revived PDP’s tradition of consensus and accommodation – the very traits that once made it Africa’s largest party.

     This “Saraki Doctrine” offers a blueprint the PDP can institutionalise: dialogue over decrees, inclusion over exclusion, and prioritising survival above individual ambition.

     Yet, even after the NEC, a fresh test emerged. A coalition led by Wike and other heavyweights released six preconditions for what they termed a “legitimate” national convention:

     Conduct fresh congresses in Ebonyi and Anambra as mandated by court judgments. Hold a new South-East Zonal Congress immediately. Respect the outcome of the South-South Congress in Calabar, already upheld by courts.

     Conduct Ekiti State LGA congresses promptly, in line with legal orders. Reject “micro-zoning” beyond the zoning formula adopted by NEC. Retain the National Chairmanship in the North-Central, consistent with the 2021 zoning scheme.

     Signed by Nyesom Wike, Samuel Ortom, Ayo Fayose, Okezie Ikpeazu, and Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi, the communique, read by Ortom, warned that failure to comply would delegitimize the convention.

     At first glance, these demands seemed divisive. Yet they reflected something else: engagement. Wike’s bloc has not abandoned PDP; it has staked terms for inclusion. That posturing, while confrontational, was also an admission that PDP was still worth salvaging.

     What makes Wike’s demands more potent was their legal foundation. Many hinged on court judgments, Ebonyi, Anambra, Ekiti, and Calabar congresses. This highlighted how judicial pronouncements had become decisive in PDP’s internal politics, sometimes more binding than NEC resolutions.

     The danger is obvious: mishandling these court orders could invalidate a convention. But the opportunity is also clear: resolving them provides a structured path to harmony.

     Zoning has always been PDP’s adhesive. From 1999, power rotation between North and South kept the party broadly balanced. Today, disputes over whether the chairmanship should remain in North-central or move elsewhere revive old ghosts.

     Handled wisely, zoning can be the bridge to unity. Handled poorly, it can reopen fractures. The 102nd NEC managed to hold the line; the convention will be the real test.

     PDP governors remain the party’s lifeblood, financiers, grassroots mobilisers, and power brokers. Their renewed alignment with the NWC is perhaps the single strongest indicator of a rebirth. If they maintain this collective responsibility, the PDP stands a chance of repositioning. If they splinter again, the party risks sliding back into irrelevance.

     The NEC should be remembered not just for its resolutions but for its symbolism. It restored the idea that PDP is still a national party. Images of leaders seated together, communiques issued without rancour and governors speaking in unison carried psychological weight.

     For grassroots members, symbolism matters. It told them their party was not finished. For the wider electorate, it suggested PDP could still be a credible opposition.

     Yet the road ahead is treacherous. With Wike’s bloc pressing hard and unresolved grievances lurking, the PDP must recognise that reconciliation is not an event but a continuum.

     The Saraki blueprint must be institutionalised into a mechanism for harmonisation, a standing framework where grievances are absorbed and resolved without derailing the party.

     Without such a mechanism, every congress, every convention risks reopening old wounds. With it, the PDP can transform friction into fuel for consolidation.

     The NEC may not be perfect; it was a possibility. It marked a shift from paralysis to motion, from bitterness to fragile consensus. It showed that even in its weakest moment, the PDP could still hold together.

     But the true test lies ahead. If leaders confront Wike’s demands with unity and institutionalised reconciliation, the November convention could become a milestone of rebirth. If not, the landmines could still explode.

     What is undeniable is that the PDP is no longer writing its obituary. It has begun, tentatively yet resolutely, its slow march toward rebirth. And at the heart of this fragile revival is Saraki’s steady hand, a doctrine of dialogue, and the recognition that survival, in politics as in life, is the first step toward renewal.

  • Aliyu Wamakko: Unassuming general of Northern politics

    Aliyu Wamakko: Unassuming general of Northern politics

    By Emmanuel Ado

    Senator Aliyu Magatakarda Wamakko, the former governor of Sokoto State and the senator representing the Sokoto North Senatorial District in the National Assembly, hardly speaks, but when he does, it is earth-shaking and strategically deployed to achieve his desired political outcome. Senator Wamakko, aka Alu, didn’t achieve his towering public and political heights by accident but through a potent blend of amazing love for  people, his robust grassroots engagement, strategic alliances, and political savvy. He also has a knack for spotting talents.

     In a world where most leaders often take more than they give, Senator Wamakko stands out as a rare breed, a man whose staying power lies in the opportunities he creates, the hope he engenders, and his compassion. He is equally a very patient man.

     From the bustling streets of Sokoto to the rural areas where hope can be said to be scarce, the looming presence of Senator Wamakko is felt not through loud declarations like those of most transactional politicians, but through the silent transformation of lives, a foundation that ensures that school fees of indigent students are paid, hospital bills covered, and that countless families do not go hungry. These are not mere philanthropic acts; they are reflections of a humane heart that sees humanity first before religion,status or tribe.

     Long before the 1999 general elections that ushered in the 4th Republic, the people had fanatically followed the man they fondly call “Alu,” his pet name — and there is no indication that their support is about to change, because by the day, the mutual love between him and the people have continued to wax stronger. They can trust Senator Wamakko with their lives and would go to war with him.

     What’s the staying power of Senator Wamakko? The Sarkin Yamma Sokoto has been able to maintain his political standing through his open-door policy, which he adopted long before he ever considered pursuing any political office. To date, his home in the Gawon Nama area of Sokoto has remained a “Mecca” where ordinary people are not only welcome but are also sure of receiving assistance and to enjoy a decent meal — without any bureaucracy. This accessibility has clearly forged deep loyalty amongst  both the high and the low.

    READ ALSO: How long can Wike walk the tightrope?

    But despite the immense love and loyalty he enjoys, Senator Wamakko has never taken the people for granted — a critical mistake many politicians make, often at the cost of short-lived careers. One such example is former Governor Attahiru Bafarawa, who rose to power largely on the strength of Wamakko’s grassroots support. More than most, Bafarawa understands how quickly fortunes can change when leaders lose touch with the people.

    In 2025, Senator Wamakko has so far embarked on multiple poverty alleviation and empowerment initiatives, which have no doubt made a very significant impact on the lives of his people. In partnership with the National Directorate of Employment (NDE), Senator Wamakko disbursed ₦15 million to 1,000 businesswomen engaged in food-related micro-enterprises like kosai, kunu, and moulded rice sales. Each person received ₦15,000,a critical seed capital that injected into the micro-enterprises of the women have boosted their incomes and their entrepreneurial capacity. He also distributed over 1,000 motorcycles, sewing machines, and water pumps to thousands of beneficiaries.Sokoto State, is an agrarian state.

    Senator Wamakko’s guiding philosophy is deeply rooted in his belief that long-term empowerment is more beneficial to society. Hence, the ultimate goal of his efforts is to equip people with the tools and opportunities that they need to become self-reliant and economically independent. He also recognizes that empowerment must be balanced with compassion. In moments of urgent need, when hunger threatens the dignity of his people who are dear to his heart he never hesitates to urgently intervene with critical support through the distribution of essential food items. For Senator Wamakko, allowing his people to go hungry is simply not an option. His leadership reflects both strategic foresight and a deeply human response to suffering.

     To Distinguished Senator Aliyu Magatakarda Wamakko, giving is not an act but a way of life woven into the very fabric of his being. For him, giving is not measured by how much he has, but by how much he can uplift others. If Senator Wamakko had the world in his hands, he would not hesitate to give it away and not for recognition, but out of a deep, genuine desire to see his beloved people live better lives. Senator Wamakko’s generosity transcends material giving; he also gives his time, and attention. In his interaction with the people, he offers not only a listening ear but thoughtful words. He is gifted with the rare gift of empathy that sees people not as statistics but as human beings with dreams and potential.

    Giving is truly his second nature

     While the dust is yet to settle on Senator Wamakko’s first empowerment programme, out of the blues he rolled out the drums for a second phase, which many have described as the “mother of all empowerment.” It won’t be a surprise if, in December, he decides to touch lives again.

     Under the second phase of his empowerment programme, 200 electric tricycles, 200 motorcycles were distributed to the people and community leaders, including sewing and grinding machines. One thing is certain and that’s that Senator Wamakko will continue to expand the reach of his support to reinforce his economic sustainability philosophy for his people.

    Senator Wamakko’s impact goes far beyond donating foodstuffs and other short-term relief to the people. As a seasoned educationist, he understands that true and lasting empowerment is rooted in knowledge — especially in the 21st century, which has been described as one of knowledge. This explains why he has consistently invested in the future through education-focused initiatives, most notably in the area of scholarships for postgraduate studies, both within and outside the country. His scholarship schemes are not random gestures  but strategic efforts aimed at building the critical manpower needed to move Sokoto State forward.

    Perhaps one of Senator Wamakko’s most enduring legacies in the education sector is the establishment of the North-West University, a fully functional institution that is providing access to quality higher education for thousands of young Nigerians. In 2022, he spent over ₦719 million on postgraduate degrees. Through these efforts Senator Wamakko is not only expanding educational opportunity but also laying a solid foundation for a knowledge-driven economy. As Governor (2007–2015), Senator Wamakko also established the Sokoto State University in 2009.

    In Senator Wamakko, Sokoto State has not just a political figure, but a visionary leader who combines compassion with capacity and who sees empowerment not as charity, but as a moral duty to create opportunities for sustainable growth.

    Wamakko’s prominent visibility in national forums, diplomatic missions, and inter-state collaborations underlines that he is more than a regional strongman, but a political heavyweight capable of influencing broader policy discussions and election outcomes. In President Bola Tinubu’s cabinet,two Sokoto State sons sit proudly.

     While Wamakko remains a commanding figure in Sokoto’s political landscape, admired, effective, and influential, his reach extends far beyond his native Sokoto State. He wields considerable sway across the Northwest and holds a respected voice on the national stage.

     Just like in Sokoto State, Senator Wamakko is known for his philanthropic outreach and scholarship schemes, which have led political analysts to increasingly refer to him as a “Northern Political Engineer.”

     His  next moves are keenly watched by friends and rivals alike.

     In a remarkable display of his political influence and bridge-building skills, Senator Wamakko recently played a pivotal role in smoothly engineering the defection of the three Kebbi State Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) senators into the fold of the All Progressives Congress (APC), significantly strengthening the party’s position in the North-West.

     Equally notable is his successful reconciliation of the warring former Zamfara State Governors, Senators Abdulaziz Yari and Ahmad Sani Yerima, a long-standing political rift many thought irreconcilable, but which Senator Wamakko succeeded in mending through diplomacy and statesmanship. Once again, Senator Wamakko has proved himself a unifying force in northern politics.

     Wamakko’s leadership in the All Progressives Congress and his success in mobilizing grassroots support across Sokoto and neighboring states have made his endorsement highly sought after. His inclusion as a member of President Bola Tinubu’s high-profile delegation to the 2025 BRICS Summit in Brazil — and visits to the Caribbean — signals recognition at the highest levels of federal authority, not just as a delegate but as a trusted political strategist.

    In the 2027 general elections, working with Governor Ahmed Aliyu, Senator Wamakko will engineer sweeping electoral victories under his famous slogan “Sai Alu” (“Only Alu”) — a testament to his magnetic appeal among voters.

     Let’s salute a man who remains the undisputed political leader of Sokoto State and the North-West — a man who has vanquished the opposition, except on social media. 

  • NNPP expels Reps member Abdulmumin for unpaid dues, alleged anti-party activities

    NNPP expels Reps member Abdulmumin for unpaid dues, alleged anti-party activities

    The Kano chapter of the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) has expelled House of Representatives member, Abdulmumin Jibrin Kofa.

    The party accused the lawmaker of anti-party activities and failure to meet his financial obligations.

    Kano chairman of NNPP, Hashim Sulaiman Dungurawa, told journalists in Kano on Saturday, the decision followed the lawmaker’s repeated media outbursts against the party and its leadership.

    Dungurawa described Abdulmimin as a “weak politician” whose electoral success was only made possible through the Kwankwasiyya movement and NNPP platform, not personal strength.

    “If he was truly strong politically, he would have won his election under the APC but he failed. It was when he joined NNPP through Kwankwasiyya that he became a House of Reps member. Now he is deceiving himself thinking he is strong,” Dungurawa said.

    Dungurawa claimed a reconciliation committee was initially set up to engage Abdulmumin after his interview with Channels Television, “however, a subsequent media outing proved he has crossed the line.”

    “Instead of dialogue, he went further to work against our interest, openly declaring loyalty outside the party. That is why we expelled him. He has no value to add,” the chairman said.

    Dungurawa further accused Abdulmumin of defaulting in the payment of mandatory party dues, vowing that NNPP would institute legal action to recover the funds.

    “We are taking him to court to recover what he is owing the party. It is a party constitutional requirement for every member to pay dues, but he has consistently failed to do so,” the chairman added.

    On speculations that the expelled lawmaker may return to the APC, Dungurawa said such a move would not affect NNPP’s strength.

  • Present your 22-year scorecard, Obono-Obla tackles Tambuwal 

    Present your 22-year scorecard, Obono-Obla tackles Tambuwal 

    A former Presidential Aide, Okoi Obono-Obla, has challenged former Sokoto Governor, Senator Aminu Tambuwal, to give account of his achievements after spending 22 years in power in various capacities.

    Obono-Obla was reacting to Tambuwal’s recent interview where he attacked the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the personality of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister, Chief Nyesom Wike.

    He particularly asked Tambuwal to mention the tangible efforts he had made to tackle the myriad of problems facing the country.

    Obono-Obla told Tambuwal to show to Nigerians why he deserved to stay in power for such a prolonged period.

    Read Also: Tinubu sincere, requires our support, says Obono-Obla 

    Addressing Tambuwal, the Cross River born-lawyer said: “You served as Speaker of the House of Representatives for four years.  You were a member of the House of Representatives from 2003 to 2015.  You governed Sokoto State from 2015 to 2023.  You are currently a Senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.  

    “Cumulatively, you have been in government for 22 years—amounting to over two decades. Kindly present your scorecard.  

    “What have you done to justify this prolonged stay in the corridors of power?  

    What tangible efforts have you made to address the myriad challenges confronting this country?  

    “Is your presence in government merely to enjoy the perks of office, the glamour, and the razzmatazz of power?”.

  • Ndume seeks special projects for North East

    Ndume seeks special projects for North East

    Senator Ali Ndume has urged the Federal Government to initiate special priority projects in the North East region of the country,  in order to address crippling social infrastructural challenges facing the zone.

    The Senator representing Borno South made the appeal in a statement in Abuja on Friday.

    His suggestion was on the heels of Wednesday’s  visit to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu by the six governors in the region.

    Special Presidential Priority Projects are national infrastructure initiatives,  distinct from routine operations which demand dedicated focus and resources,  due to their strategic importance or urgent need of completion.

    At the meeting at the Presidential Villa, Borno Governor, Babagana Zulum, who is the Chairman of the North East Governors Forum, listed 17 vital road projects neglected for decades, seeking urgent attention.

    The roads include Kano-Maiduguri Road, Port Harcourt-Jos-Bauchi-Maiduguri Railway line, Bama-Mubi-Yola Road, Wukari-Jalingo-Yola Road, Duguri-Mansur Road (NNPC Project ongoing), Bauchi-Gombe-Biu-Damaturu Road, Damaturu-Geidam Road, Bauchi-Ningi-Nasaru-Babaldo Road and Gombe-Potiskum, Damaturu-Biu Roads.

    Others are  Alkaleri-Futuk Road, Maiduguri-Damboa-Yola Road, Gombe-Dukku-Darazo Road, Biu-Gombe Road, Ibi-Shamdam Road, Maiduguri-Monguno-Baga Road and Maiduguri-Ngala-Bama-Banki Roads.

    Read Also: Board appointments: Ndume lauds Tinubu, seeks inclusion of South East region

    The Governors also requested for resumption of oil exploration in the frontier wells, particularly the Kolmani and Lake Chad wells.

    The Senator, who commended the North East Governors Forum for  their bold move, said that the region deserved such attention as he noted that infrastructures in the six states in the  North east region have been left comatose for over 15 years, occassioned by security challenges created by the menace of the insurgents.

    The lawmaker pleaded with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to accommodate the needs of the region in the 2025 Supplementary Budget and 2026 Budget proposal.

    He said: Fifteen years down the line, there hasn’t been any meaningful infrastructural development in the North East as it  has been ravaged by the insurgents.

    “In view of this, I suggest that the present administration should give priority to the region and make provision for its urgent infrastructural needs in the 2025 Supplementary Budget.

    “Now that insurgents have receded as a results of efforts by our military who have regained lost grounds, contractors can now move to sites.”

    He further admonished the 

    North-East Governors not to relent in promoting concrete  initiatives that would make life better and meaningful for the citizens in the region.

  • Ekiti 2026: How formidable are Oyebanji, opponents?

    Ekiti 2026: How formidable are Oyebanji, opponents?

    The stage is gradually being set for next year’s governorship election in Ekiti State. Political activities are fast gaining momentum. RASAQ IBRAHIM examines the strengths, weaknesses and prospects of the three aspirants jostling for the All Progressives Congress (APC) ticket.

    Following the announcement of the Ekiti State governorship election date by the  Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the political atmosphere in the Land of Honour has changed.

    Politics have dominated public discourse with parties mobilising and aspirants are sharpening their strategies ahead of the June 20, 2026 governorship election. The  once-calm  political  landscape is now buzzing with activities. Campaign posters flood towns,  jingles dominate the airwaves, and the social media has become a battleground of propaganda and counter-propaganda.

    The aspirants and their supporters have turned digital platforms into arenas for political warfare, promoting their  own candidates while discrediting rivals with calculated and odd narratives and biting commentary. The stakes are high, and the desperation among the camps is becoming increasingly evident.

    Governorship election is not conducted in Ekiti same time with general elections nationwide following a historical shift in the state’s electoral calendar, caused by  a protracted legal battle between former Governor Segun Oni and Kayode Fayemi over the 2007 governorship poll.

    Read Also: Nigerian politics full of liars, betrayers, says Jonathan

    According to INEC,  political parties are expected to conduct their primaries on or before November 10, 2025 and submit the list of their candidates no later than December than December 22, 2025.

    While the APC had fixed its shadow poll otherwise called primary for October 27, 2025, PDP is yet to fix a date for its own primary to elect the party flag bearer for the governorship election.

    Since Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 after years of military rule, Ekiti’s political landscape of has been shaped by competitive governorship primaries within the progressive fold;  from the Alliance for Democracy to the Action Congress of Nigeria, and now the All Progressives Congress.

    In 1999, Otunba Niyi Adebayo emerged as the AD candidate after defeating prominent contenders such as Reuben Famuyibo, Chief Paul Alabi, and Obafemi Adewale, a victory that paved way for his emergence as the first democratically elected governor of Ekiti State.

    The 2007 primary was  another high-stakes affair involving Kayode Fayemi, Senators Ayo Arise, Dayo Adeyeye, and several others. Although Fayemi initially lost the general election to Segun Oni of the People’s Democratic Party, he was later declared the rightful winner by the Court of Appeal after a protracted legal battle.

    In 2014, as the incumbent governor, Fayemi was adopted as the APC’s flag bearer unopposed.  This followed the defection of Senator Opeyemi Bamidele who had shown interest in the ticket to the Labour Party. He contested under the LP but finished a distant  third behind PDP’s Ayodele Fayose.

    The 2018 APC primary saw a crowded field of aspirants. No fewer than 33 bird for the party ticket including  Babafemi Ojudu, former speaker Femi Bamisile, Wole Oluyede, Senator Bamidele, Kayode Ojo, and Segun Oni. Eventually, Fayemi emerged victorious once again.

    In 2022, the APC fielded Biodun Oyebanji, then Secretary to Ekiti State Government, as its candidate. He emerged victorious in the party primary after Senator Dayo Adeyeye, Femi Bamisile, Eng.Kayode Ojo, Bamidele Faparusi, and Otunba Demola Popoola. Oyebanji, in a landslide victory won the general election,defeating PDP’s Bisi Kolawole.

    But, this time around,only three aspirants have indicated interest so far. They are the incumbent Governor Oyebanji former Pro-Chancellor of University of Nigerian, Nsukka (UNN), Engr. Kayode Ojo, and a fearless human right activist and social media personality, Abimbola Olajumoke. They are all from Ekiti Central Senatorial District.

    Unlike past governorship elections in the state, prominent APC figures from Ekiti South Senatorial District, a region that has never produced a governor since the creation of the state in 1996 have stayed away from the race. Many believe this is a strategic decision, anticipating that the governorship might be zoned to South in 2031 after Oyebanji completes second term.

    Despite the smaller number of aspirants, the gubernatorial contest is expected to be intense. The three contenders have launched campaigns, investing heavily in political outreach, media presence and grassroots mobilization.

    The aspirants have obtained the party’s nomination and expression of interest forms. Governor Oyebanji’s forms were purchased by members of the Ekiti State University  Alumni Association, led by Engr. Dipo Bamisheayi, who said  they pooled resources to raise the N50 million fee, citing Oyebanji’s performance in his first term.

    A delegation of APC stakeholders led by pioneer Ekiti State House of Assembly Speaker, Kolawole Adeyemi, secured the forms for Ojo,  describing him as a visionary leader capable of rescuing the state.

    Olajumoke alongside her  supporters personally picked up  his forms at the APC National Secretariat, promising to transform Ekiti’s political and economic landscape if elected.

    The expression of interest by the duo of Kayode Ojo and Olajumoke  shocked many political observers, who  hitherto felt the incumbent would not have any challenger.

    The shadow poll is viewed by political pundits to be an easy ride for Oyebanji in a free and fair atmosphere. While  the  process is technically open, the existing realities in the state and the party clearly suggest that the governor remains head and shoulders above other aspirants.

    Oyebanji enters the race not only with the power of incumbency but also with a rare consensus within his party. Last month, the power brokers across partisan divides gave him a clean bill of health for second term in office during a statewide endorsement, casting a doubt to any serious opposition. Subsequent endorsements from grassroots leaders, traditional rulers, market women, union leaders and  civil servants have further underscored his dominance in the race.

    However, the two aspirants namely Ojo who hails from Ikoro-Ekiti in Ijero local government area and Olajumoke from Iyin-Ekiti in Irepodun/Ifelodun Council Area of Ekiti state have emerged  to  challenge Oyebanji in the APC shadow poll.

    Ojo fondly called EKO is one of those perennial aspirants who refuses to give up on the dream of governing Ekiti state. He has become a recurring face in governorship contests, but his political record is defined more by failure than success.

    The Engineer turned politician shot into political limelight during the run up to the APC primaries in 2018  where he came distant third at the primary. In 2022, he made another attempt to fly the party’s ticket but  was roundly defeated by  the incumbent governor at the shadow poll.

    Despite two unsuccessful attempts at the APC governorship ticket; finishing a distant third in 2018 and being defeated by the incumbent in 2022, Ojo continues to posture as a contender.

    His strength lies in his deep pocket. To many observers, if  politics in Ekiti state were strictly about cash, Ojo might stand a chance. But his reliance on  spending power without grassroots presence or structures has repeatedly exposed him as politically lightweight.

    To many analyst, Ojo worst undoing has been his consistent absence from Ekiti and the APC once the elections are over. He resurfaces only when governorship primaries approach, then vanishes after defeat.

    His decision to withdraw from the state’s political scene immediately after losing in 2022, without  consolidating on the goodwill he garnered at the primaries as he did in 2018, is widely viewed as a major setback.

    Many of the few politicians who once identified with his ambition are believed to have drifted away, citing his prolonged absence from party activities. At present, no major APC stakeholder in the state is associated with him, further weakening his standing.

    Analysts argue that his failure to build a robust political structure or secure the backing of key party leaders leaves him on the margins rather than at the centre of the governorship primaries.  While speculation persists that he may defect to another party if denied the ticket, his loyalists have dismissed such rumours as baseless and unfounded.

    The second challenger, Olajumoke, is a fearless human rights activist and social media personality. She is approaching the contest with a bold agenda tagged “Make Ekiti Great Again” MEGA.

    According to her, her foray into politics is borne out of a deep passion to champion the cause of the youth and the masses downtrodden, while  amplifying issues that affect their daily lives.

    Declaring her governorship ambition shortly in Abuja after obtaining the APC nomination forms, she vowed to liberate Ekiti state from the shackles of under-development, poverty, insecurity and infrastructural decay. She promised  to run an all-inclusive government where the people would be the cornerstone of decision-making.

    For her admirers, Olajumoke represents a breath of fresh air. She is seen as a voice of defiance against the status quo, beacon of hope for the hopeless and helpless.The human rights activist has built a reputation as a fearless crusader, unafraid to take on the establishment.

    Olajumoke’s strongest asset lies in her command of the digital space.With fast-growing influence across social media platforms,she has harnessed these tools to promote her  ambition, mobilize young supporters, and launch blistering attacks on Governor Biodun Oyebanji.

    She has also acquired notoriety for using her platforms to lampoon and, at times, abuse perceived opponents, an action that clearly undermines her credibility in political circles. Over the years, she has picked fights with traditional rulers in the state, governors, and their wives , using her social media platforms as a mega-phone for insults and abuse rather than constructive engagement.Her combative style has raised doubt about her maturity for public office.

    Political analysts believe that, beyond the screens and digital space, Olajumoke’s influence collapses. She’s is seen as a virtual politician with little to no presence in the actual political landscape of Ekiti.

    They dismissed her ambition as little more than symbolic noise, arguing that she has no genuine popularity outside of social media, no political structures to lean on, no financial strength to fund a campaign, and no grassroots network to mobilize votes.

    In Ekiti politics,where structures, party leaders and institutional support matter more than digital campaigns and social media presence,  such an aspiration is unlikely to survive beyond the energy of social media and theatrics of symbolic participation.

    To this end, Ojo and Olajumoke face significant challenges in their quest to clinch the party’s governornship ticket. The duo campaign have struggled to gain traction, with many party members backing Governor Oyebanji. No major APC leader in the state is associated with their aspiration. The feeling is that the other aspirants may not be able to withstand the governor’s arsenal  at the primaries.

    Analyst claimed that Oyebanji is poised to clinch the party ticket. The  governor’s impressive track records and firm grip on APC machinery give him a significant edge ahead of his challengers. He has the grassroot reach, presence, resources and support of APC members in all the 16 local government areas of the state.

    He has leveraged his office to strengthen his position within the umbrella party, delivering on campaign promises and earning widespread recognition as well as support from Ekiti residents including former governors Adebayo, Ayo Fayose, Segun Oni and Fayemi. The quartet are no pushovers in Ekiti politics.

    Oyebanji administration’s achievements in infrastructure development, education, and healthcare have endeared him to the people, who are likely to rally behind him in the shadow poll. He has built strong relationships with  party stakeholders, including ward chairmen and delegates and maintain unbreakable ties with party members which will likely play a crucial role in the primaries.

    Despite his incumbency, virile grassroots support, and political structures, some analysts have argued Oyebanji could be affected by the alleged involvement of his political leader, ex-governor Fayemi in opposition coalition against President Bola Tinubu.

    They pointed out that, given  Oyebanji’s longstanding political association with Fayemi, there may be wild speculations about how this could shape dynamics within the national political landscape.

    However, observers are quick to point that Oyebanji has steadily outgrown the early tag of being a mere appendage of Fayemi’s political machinery . While his rise to prominence is inseparable from the foundation laid by his predecessor, Oyebanji has gone on to chart a path that reflects independence, pragmatism, and a more people-centric leadership style.

    Unlike Fayemi, who was often viewed through the lens of intellectual elitism, the governor has cultivated an image of accessibility and grassroots appeal. This has allowed him to consolidate a wider base of support within Ekiti, giving him a political leverage that extends beyond inherited structures.

    They argued that Oyebanji’s consistent loyalty to President Bola Tinubu and his smooth  relationship him, a significant factor that places him on strong footing to navigate any such perceptions.

    The forthcoming shadow poll has turned fierce, with  accusations and counter-accusations shaping the build-up to the APC shadow poll fixed for October 27, 2025.

    The fiercest confrontation is between Oyebanji and Ojo. The businessman has openly accused the governor of financial impropriety, alleging mismanagement of over N286 billion in federal allocations and N70 billion in Internally Generated Revenue (IGR).

    He further accused Oyebanji of turning APC into “private fiefdom,” intimidating aspirants, threatening party officials, and using state institutions to  harass his supporters.

    Ojo, speaking through the head of his campaign team, Olukayode  Oluyemo urged President Bola Tinubu to caution the governor, warning that such alleged excesses could destabilize the party and further damage the president’s reelection prospects in 2027.

    The Engineer turned politician insists that APC must not be reduced to “family inheritance,” accusing the  governor of desperation. He added the governor’s popularity is fast dwindling, even within his inner circle.

    He expressed confidence that Ojo would win the party’s primary election despite alleged attacks and harassment  from Oyebanji’s camp.

    He restated his determination to govern Ekiti State to redress what he called “the inexplicable stagnation ravaging Ekiti despite the huge monthly allocation from the Federation Account as well as the state’s potential for development and growth”.

    He said that his campaign team had been mobilising APC members ahead of the forthcoming primaries to enable Ojo pick the party ticket, saying,“The problem we have been having is attacks from the side of the government, which probably feels that there should not be any opposition.

    “We are not opposition members. We are members of the same party.We only have our preferred aspirant, who we are backing to emerge as flagbearer.”

    The aspirant alleged that his supporters were being framed up and arrested for  fictitious offences, calling on the police to provide a level playing ground for all APC members to choose and follow their preferred aspirants preparatory to the party’s governorship primary election.

    He stated, “We equally plead with the leadership of APC in Ekiti State to eschew partisanship and embrace all governorship aspirants as one in the APC family.

    “We also plead with President Bola Tinubu and the national leadership of our great party to caution Governor Oyebanji against ordering the arrest, harassment and maiming of APC members in Ekiti State. The forthcoming primary election is not a do-or-die affair,” he said.

    He urged supporters across the state to remain steadfast and unshakably loyal to the cause by stepping up  mobilisation efforts across the 16 local government areas of the state without any fear as the day of liberation draws near”.

    But, in a swift reaction, the  Special Adviser to the Governor on Information, Hon. Taiwo Olatunbosun, dismissed the allegations  describing them as “reckless blackmail” targeted at  discrediting the governor.

    He said that the allegations of financial impropriety against the governor were “baseless, false and malicious,” insisting that every kobo received by the state were duly accounted for and records of transparency, audits, and due process are available for scrutiny.

    According to the Special Adviser, Ojo’s narrative is “a poorly disguised excuse in anticipation of defeat.”

    Olatunbosun maintained that Ekiti state under Oyebanji had become one of the most transparent states in Nigeria, citing open budget processes, quarterly fiscal disclosures, and national recognition by BudgIT.

    He said, “It is shameful that Ojo who has no record of public service or community development, would hurl accusations in a desperate attempt to gain relevance.

    “The claim that the governor has reduced APC to a “private fiefdom” is laughable, especially when it is on record that Oyebanji’s leadership has opened the political space, accommodated diverse interests, and unified the party across tendencies.

    “For the avoidance of doubt, the APC is not under siege in Ekiti. There is no intimidation of aspirants, no harassment of party officials, and certainly no use of security agencies to hound opponents. These are tales concocted by a camp that has seen its support base evaporate and resorting to victimhood theatrics.

    “Instead of whipping up falsehood, Ojo should face reality that APC members know the difference between substance and empty noise. Ekiti people are wise enough to separate genuine leadership from desperate ambition.

    “Governor Oyebanji will not be distracted by lies, blackmail, and attempt by Ojo to  drag President  Tinubu into his sinking political project. The governor remains one of the president’s most trusted allies in Southwest and no amount of false alarms can sow discord between them”, he added.

  • Yari and the battle to reclaim Zamfara for APC

    Yari and the battle to reclaim Zamfara for APC

    In the North, Senator Abdulazeez Yari, former governor of Zamfara State, has attracted attention as one of the dependable ally of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

    The Senator representing Zamfara West District is the leader of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Zamfara. Currently, the state is being governed by Dauda Lawal of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). The question is: can he and other APC leaders lead the party to victory during the 2027 governorship poll? Can APC bounce back in Zamfara?

    APC suffered a curious stress during the protracted rift between Yari and Senator Kabiru Marafa, who has called it quits with the progressive platform. Lack of reconciliation spelled doom. Faulty congresses pave the way for failure.

    Politics, sometimes, is characterised by shifting allegiances and self-interest. But, Yari, since his foray into the APC, has tried to overcome the challenge of loyalty. The perception of his role and stature has changed from a tactician driven by mere ambition to a man of fidelity who has stuck to the president and worthy political causes. He has also been a risk taker.

    Ahead of the next general election, some northern elements are coming with rumours of ballot war and blackmailing the president. They have hired spin doctors to peddle falseholds and demarket the president,  despite his impressive scorecard. Yari has distanced himself from the subjective assessors and come out boldly to endorse the President’s re-election bid.

    At the recent APC northern stakeholders’ meeting, the former governor publicly reaffirmed his support for President Tinubu, saying: “He is our president. We must stand by him. The time for political games is over; we must unite behind him.”

    Read Also: Tinubu meets Ibas ahead end to Rivers emergency rule

    It was not the first time he stood on the side of truth and reality. During the politically tense months leading to the 2022 APC presidential primary and the 2023 general election, Yari, was said to have quietly, but effectively sided with Tinubu, when some powerful people in former President Muhammadu Buhari’s inner circle worked to undermine him the Jagaban.

    Thus, as a powerbroker in his own right, he defied the odds, resisted pressure from Aso Villa and aligned with the future, not just out of political calculation, but with a conviction that the country needed a strong, reliable, resourceful and tested leadership.

    The details of the APC succession politics may not have been fully unveiled.

    As 2022 rolled in, it became clear that the 2023 presidential election would be very critical in Nigeria’s democratic history. With Buhari completing his constitutional two-terms of eight years, the APC was faced with a monumental challenge – the choice of a fitting successor.

    Zoning was on the front burner. But old agreement was about to be discarded. Tension was brewing. While the party had promised to zone the presidential ticket to the South, the inner workings of Buhari’s presidency, especially his tight-knit northern advisory circle,  suggested otherwise. Up came some elements trying to project former Senate President Ahmad Lawan on the wings of the former president.

    But Asiwaju Tinubu, National Leader of the APC and undisputed strategist, had made clear his intention to run. What followed was a sophisticated attempt by Buhari’s loyalists to stop him, using tools ranging from subtle delegitimisation to weaponisation of a monetary policy.

    Some leaders started speaking from two sides of the mouth. APC was about to run into turbulence. In Abeokuta, Ogun State capital, President Tinubu thundered with justification: “It is my turn.”

    It was in that heated atmosphere that prominent northerners voiced their support for equity, fairplay and justice. Yari began to distinguish himself, not with fiery speeches or social media campaigns, but through strategic silence, procedural interventions, and quiet resistance to policies and party decisions that were widely perceived to be against the national leader.

    Part of the plot was to sideline  President Tinubu by imposing a “consensus candidate” for the APC presidential ticket. During the screening of aspirants, Tinubu detected the trap. Asked whether he would embrace a consensus candidacy, he answered in the affirmative, with the condition that that candidate should be hinself.

    Names like Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, Lawan, and even Rotimi Amaechi, former transportation minister, came up as possible options when anti-Tinubu forces were testing waters. The idea was to craft an elite agreement that would force him out of contention without a proper primary.

    Notably, Yari, alongside some like-minds, flatly rejected the plot, insisting that all aspirants must go to the field. During the strategy meetings and at party fora, he opposed any undemocratic consensus arrangement.

    “We are not going to accept any consensus arrangement that sidelines other aspirants. Let every aspirant test his popularity. That is the democratic way,” Yari said.

    The former governor was also a suspect, being a presidential aspirant at the time. But opposition to the consensus gambit by Yari and others became a lifeline for Tinubu’s campaign. It kept the race open, making it impossible for any backdoor deal to materialise, much as some northern elites accused him of ‘playing the spoiler to pave an easy in-road for an influential southern candidate’.

    The political establishment in Abuja had hoped that northern governors and powerbrokers would rally behind Buhari’s preference, whoever that turned out to be. But Yari refused to play along. He was not alone. The impatient and fork-togued Nasir El-Rufai also played a honourable role, despite his initial campaign against Tinubu in Lagos as a godfather who should be stopped.

    Yari managed to tactically distance himself from the “Villa cabal,” particularly those who saw Tinubu as a threat to their post-Buhari relevance. Unlike some northern elite, who suddenly became silent, didn’t hedge his bets.

    Also, while some aspirants and major players in the APC defected to opposition parties or sat on the fence, he has been giving support for policies and programmes of the Tinubu administration under the Renewed Hope Agenda – from the most popular policies, to some that were earlier misconstrued as inimical to the North.

    The refusal to fall in line with the anti-Tinubu campaign may have been costly. He lost out on some political patronage. He was criticised in some quarters of the North for not aligning with the ‘Northern interest’, a euphemism for perpetuating northern control of the presidency. But he stood his ground, even in favour of a southerner.

    There were hurdles along the 2023 electoral route.

    The Central Bank of Nigeria’s (CBN) naira redesign policy, announced just months before the election, sparked chaos. It was a policy borne out of the ploy to edge Tinubu out.

    Endorsed by President Buhari, the policy created a debilitating cash scarcity across the country. In the eyes of the public, the widespread belief was that the policy was designed to weaken Tinubu’s base, which was known to rely heavily on market women, informal traders and grassroots mobilisers, most of whom deal in cash. The plot collapsed in many states.

    Yari was one of the few northern voices who openly opposed the policy, warning that it would hurt the common man and destabilise the country’s fragile democracy.

    “This policy is anti-people and ill-timed. It will hurt our democracy,” he said in Gusau in February, 2023, during the peak of the crisis.

    By joining El-Rufai and former Kogi State Governor Yahaya Bello in challenging the policy in court, Yari took a clear stand, not just for his people, but for Tinubu, who was the clear target of the economic chaos.

    Following Tinubu’s victory at the polls, many who had previously undermined or distanced themselves from him began to scramble for relevance. Yari, by contrast, did not need to rebrand or realign, he had remained consistent, even if low-key.

    However, his ambition to become Senate President was perceived by some as a challenge to Tinubu’s preferred candidate, Godwill Akpabio. His bid was unsuccessful. Yari maintained a respectful posture, explaining that his ambition was based on the Senate’s internal dynamics, not rebellion.

    “There is no fight with the President. We are in the same family. We can have different preferences, but the bigger goal is the stability of our party and the progress of Nigeria,” he said.

    Last month, with political undercurrents shifting toward the 2027 elections, Yari once again made a defining move. At the APC Northwest Stakeholders meeting in Kaduna, he declared support for Tinubu’s second-term bid, urging the North to throw its weight behind the President.

    The hall was filled to the brim with political figures, traditional leaders, and youth leaders.

    “We must not allow old wounds or new calculations to divide us. President Tinubu is our leader. He has earned our support. We must stand by him, not just in words, but in action. We must start now,” he said.

    It rallying cry to the North, signalling that Yari was ready to play the role of northern stabiliser for Tinubu’s 2027 campaign, much like what Tinubu did for Buhari in 2015.

    In politics, loyalty is crucial. But timing defines its value. To stand with a candidate when it is safe to do so is expected. To stand with him when it is risky, costly, and unpopular – these are what define political character.

    According to observers, Yari’s loyalty matters because he did not jump on a moving train. He stood against Buhari’s cabal, rejected elite manipulation, opposed policies designed to sabotage Tinubu and defended internal democracy in APC.

    A source said as 2027 approaches, the president would need more than just fair-weather allies, regional anchors like Yari, and leaders with both grassroots reach and national vision.

    Yari is not without his flaws. He is perceived as a controversial figure in some settings. He has been the subject of investigations by the anti-graft agencies. Also, he has not been insulated from political controversies. But in the turbulent season leading up to Tinubu’s rise, Yari showed political courage, strategic foresight, and loyalty, at a time when betrayal was more profitable.

    However, Yari should first of all rally other APC leaders in Zamfara to reclaim the state from PDP. He should work with Bello Metawall, Minister of State for Defence, in repositioning APC in the state. He has a foe in Marafa, who would fire salvos at him and his party. Yari’s support for Tinubu would be more meaningful if APC bounces to reckoning in the Northwest state and he also delivers the state to Tinubu during the general election.

  • 2027: Nigerians in Australia endorse Oyo APC aspirant Kareem

    2027: Nigerians in Australia endorse Oyo APC aspirant Kareem

    Ahead of 2027 elections, Nigerians in Australia have declared support for the All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship aspirant for Oyo State, Dr. Adewale Kolapo Kareem.

    The endorsement took place at a well-attended town hall meeting, book launch, and fundraising event in Melbourne, Victoria.

    The event marked the first step in Kareem’s global consultation tour. It attracted Yoruba, Igbo, Arewa, and other community leaders who endorsed his ambition.

    Kareem expressed appreciation, describing the moment as a demonstration of unity and hope.

    “The support I have received here in Melbourne transcends ethnic lines. It reflects a collective aspiration for a stronger Oyo State built on transparency, inclusiveness, and progress,” he said.

    The event combined interactive dialogue with the launch of Kareem’s book on good governance titled, OUR REALISTIC TOMORROW  and his manifesto for Oyo State.

    Many guests contributed financially, pledging to back his grassroots mobilisation and community-focused initiatives.

     According to Kareem, all donations will be managed with “utmost transparency and efficiency” to ensure maximum impact at the grassroots.

    Several prominent Nigerians played key roles in the success of the Melbourne gathering. Ambassador Adeniyi Ekine, who initiated the event, and Dr. Adebukola Ojediran of Elizabeth Seeds were recognised for their support, while Elder Matthew Adetifa mobilised Yoruba elders in Victoria. 

    Other guests included Dr. Moses Adepoju, past President of the Ibadan Progressive Association of Australia, who chaired the occasion; Dr. Adebukola Juliana Ojediran, who served as hairperson; Mr. Elvis Nwachukwu, President of the Igbo Association of Victoria; and Hajia Fatimah Mahmoud, President of the Arewa Association of Australia & New Zealand.

    Kareem noted that the diverse representation of Nigerian groups at the event was a strong symbol of unity. “From Yoruba to Igbo to Arewa, every community has shown faith in this vision. This is the Nigeria we must build together” he declared.

    Read Also: Nigerian politics full of liars, betrayers, says Jonathan

    The APC aspirant announced that his consultation tour will continue with a town hall in New South Wales on October 25, 2025, before moving to the United Kingdom and other European cities. He called on Nigerians at home and abroad to join what he described as a growing “coalition of hope” for Oyo State.

    Nigerians in Australia have declared support for All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship aspirant for Oyo State, Dr. Adewale Kolapo Kareem.

    “The support I have received here in Melbourne transcends ethnic lines. It reflects a collective aspiration for a stronger Oyo State built on transparency, inclusiveness, and progress,” he said.

     According to Kareem, all donations will be managed with “utmost transparency and efficiency” to ensure maximum impact at the grassroots.

    Prominent Nigerians played key roles in the success of the Melbourne gathering. Ambassador Adeniyi Ekine, who initiated the event, and Dr. Adebukola Ojediran of Elizabeth Seeds were recognised for their support, while Elder Matthew Adetifa mobilised Yoruba elders in Victoria.

     Other guests included Dr. Moses Adepoju, past President of the Ibadan Progressive Association of Australia, who chaired the occasion; Dr. Adebukola Juliana Ojediran, who served as hairperson; Mr. Elvis Nwachukwu, President of the Igbo Association of Victoria; and Hajia Fatimah Mahmoud, President of the Arewa Association of Australia & New Zealand.

    Kareem noted that the diverse representation of Nigerian groups at the event was a strong symbol of unity. “From Yoruba to Igbo to Arewa, every community has shown faith in this vision. This is the Nigeria we must build together” he declared.

  • Nigeria politics full of betrayals, lies-Jonathan

    Nigeria politics full of betrayals, lies-Jonathan

    Former President Goodluck Jonathan has said that the 2015 general elections which he lost to late former President Muhammadu Buhari were full of betrayals.

    Jonathan said Nigeria’s political atmosphere was full of betrayals and lies.

    He spoke in Benin City at the 70th birthday ceremony of his former Chief of Staff and former Edo Deputy Governor Chief Mike Ogiadomhe.

    The former President named Ogiadomhe as an ally he could trust at all times.

    “I became president , then post presidency, one of the few friends that can give up their necks for me is Mike. You know politics, in the Nigerian standard, is about betrayals.

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    “You find it difficult to see somebody who will say the same thing in the morning and in the evening. I’ve witnessed a lot of betrayals, especially my 2015 elections, and Mike is somebody who would take a bullet on my behalf.

    “He is somebody that you can take his word to the bank. Most other politicians, you cannot take their words to the bank. They will tell you something, the next one hour they are saying another”.

    Governor Monday Okpebholo, who was represented by his Deputy, Dennis Idahosa, said the foundation the celebrant laid as Deputy was still being followed.

    Former Governor Lucky Igbinedion said he used to hand over affairs of the State to Ogiadomhe as Deputy Governor whenever he travelled abroad.

    Other dignitaries present were Professor Osarhiemen Osunbor; former Gombe Governor, Ibrahim Dakwambo as well as Edo former Deputy Governors Rev. Peter Obadan, Pius Odubu and Marvelous Omobayo.