Category: Special Report

  • How America plans to generate one trillion watts electricity

    How America plans to generate one trillion watts electricity

    Decades ago, America’s Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory (LLNL) began work on a scientific breakthrough that only became a reality on December 5, 2022. That day, a team at LLNL’s National Ignition Facility (NIF) produced more energy from fusion than the laser energy used to drive it. This development, which promises to radically change power generation capacity, among other things, was made public on December 13, 2022 by the United States Department of Energy (DOE) and DOE’s National Nuclear Security Administration (NNSA). United States Bureau Chief OLUKOREDE YISHAU, who was part of a briefing on the breakthrough, breaks down this potential path to a fusion power energy plant which can staggeringly alter for good America’s one trillion watts electricity generation capacity.

    As the Programme Director for the Weapon Physics and Design (WPD) Programme at Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory (LLNL), Mark Herrmann is one of exceptional thousands of people behind a major scientific breakthrough that is a potential path to a fusion power energy plant capable of seeing America multiplying its one trillion watts electricity generation capacity to 500 trillion watts. Herrmann, who leads LLNL’s weapon science research and development, including focused experiments, integral hydrodynamic and subcritical experiments, high-energy-density (HED) experiments at the National Ignition Facility (NIF), was guest at a briefing organised by the Department of State Foreign Press Center on the import of the breakthrough.

     Herrmann said an experiment on December 5th, 2022, on the National Ignition Facility exceeded the threshold for fusion ignition. “The amount of energy that was released by fusion was greater than the amount of energy we put in, demonstrating that fusion is – in the laboratory is a possibility for generating very extreme environments and potentially someday generating more energy out than goes in, and a potential path to a fusion power energy plant,” he said.

      The NIF laser with 192 beams, he said, can generate about 500 trillion watts of power. “So you’re used to power in terms of 100 watt lightbulb, or we can talk about the electrical generating capacity of the United States. It’s about 1 trillion watts. So at any point in time, all the electricity from all the power plants in the U.S. is about 1 trillion watts. So this laser generates 500 times that and deposits it into that little tiny target, but it only does it for a very short amount of time – four billionths of a second.

     “And when the laser goes into that target, it heats it up to a few million degrees. But that’s not extreme enough to create the fusion conditions. In fact, we have to squeeze that fusion fuel up and reach temperatures; in this experiment, we reached temperatures as high as 130 million degrees – so very, very high temperatures. The plasma gets very small; it’s about the size of a human hair at the most extreme conditions. And when we – in this experiment, the fusion reactions took place in about one-tenth of a billionth of a second. So – and the power that was generated, the fusion power that was generated, is greater than 30,000 trillion watts. So much more than the power that was generated by the laser, very extreme,” he said.

    Putting it in perspective

    According to Herrmann, the sunshine hitting the Earth at one point in time is about 170,000 trillion watts. “So for a tiny amount of time, this little thing the size of a human hair in our laboratory generated about a fifth the power of all the sunlight hitting the Earth. So it’s incredible extreme conditions. Of course, we generate those and study those because that is the same level of energy and power that’s operating in our nuclear weapons.”

     Work on the breakthrough, he said, started in the 1950s with the first ideas, and shortly thereafter the laser was invented in 1960. The laboratory then began building a series of bigger lasers to try and achieve the extreme conditions required to do fusion ignition.  “Along the way, we were maintaining our nuclear deterrent through the 1990s with underground nuclear weapons testing to maintain the confidence in our deterrent. But in 1992, we made the decision to stop our underground nuclear weapons testing and we stood up something we call the Science-Based Stockpile Stewardship Program to maintain our deterrent and our confidence in it without the need for further underground testing. And that involved capability – development of capabilities like high-performance computers, experimental testing facilities, including building the National Ignition Facility, which allows us to access those extreme regimes that are found in nuclear weapons.

     “Along the way, we did many different scientific experiments. NIF has done almost 4,000 different experiments and across many fields of science. It’s not just fusion. We study the behaviour of material at very high pressures and temperatures. We study the transport of radiation in complicated geometries. There are many different elements of physics we study with the NIF, and there are almost a thousand scientific publications that have been published,” Herrmann explained.

     This breakthrough, according to him, has a potential to be a carbon-free baseload energy source for humanity.  “And right now, having more approaches, different ways of being able to provide carbon-free baseload energy in the future is something that would be great to have. We don’t have just one silver bullet that’s going to solve what our long-term energy – carbon-free energy needs are for the planet and so this is one possible approach to that.”

    Implications

    Herrmann explained that the fusion has implications for energy security, national security and science. “Now, sometimes people look at it and say, well – and again, this was an experiment supporting our nuclear deterrent, but it does have implications for energy security if you could turn it into an energy plant. Some people look at it and say this is about national security, but it’s also about science, right, so it’s really about all of these things. It’s actually what makes in my mind fusion such an interesting thing to study because it has implications for all these different areas and certainly why we’ve been working on it for so long – why it’s been such a long-term goal for our laboratory. So I think it’s a – it’s one of those things that it’s not just one or the other, but it touches on all of these things.”

     He added that there are concerns about how to pursue energy based on this. “This is something actually that the U.S. National Academy of Sciences has studied. There was a report released in 2013, looking at both what research programmes should be done in inertial fusion energy. And what they said at that time is that the time for really pursuing that would be after fusion ignition was achieved, and obviously we’ve achieved that. So that’s something that – that report is very relevant to where we are today in terms of pursuing inertial fusion as an energy source.”

     Applications of this important breakthrough in the development of weapons and defense systems

     Herrmann said the programme is committed to the responsibility of maintaining nuclear deterrent without using underground nuclear weapons testing. “And we haven’t done an underground nuclear weapons test for almost 30 years. But nuclear weapons are complicated, and we – when we stopped our underground nuclear weapons testing, we didn’t understand all the elements that go in – that go into it,” he said, adding: “And so we’ve been embarking on a programme for this entire time to understand the science of our nuclear weapons so that we can maintain them so that as they age, we understand how we have to respond to things we find as the weapons are aging, as we currently are modernizing our nuclear deterrent so that it will be safe, secure, effective, and reliable into the foreseeable future. And these fusion experiments allow us to create the very extreme conditions that allow us to really understand all the elements of the science that are going on in our nuclear weapons. So it’s a key advance in enabling us to maintain our deterrent.”

    The progrmme, he said, does about 400 experiments a year. About 20 of them, he added, are experiments of this type. Herrmann said: “We’re working right now on how do we incorporate what we’ve learned from this experiment to both repeat this experiment but be – go beyond it. We have plans to make the laser even more energetic. We have plans to make the little targets that the laser hits even better. And we want to really explore how do we get even more energy out than the three megajoules – can we get five or 10 megajoules out, which the more we get out, the more extreme the conditions, the better the fidelity of the experiments we’re doing. We also want to understand how do we make it easier, right – if you were ever going to do energy, you’d like to not have to build a laser the size of three football fields. So how – if we could really understand it, once you have a tool and it’s working, then you can think about oh, can I take a shortcut here, can I take a shortcut there. How do I drop the requirements and make it easier to do, right, so that’s another thing that we’re trying to do. And then we’re using the output – this tremendous blast of X-rays and neutrons that come from these experiments – to study their interaction with materials for our nuclear weapons applications. So we also are going to use the output of this to do further studies as well.”

    The side effects of this breakthrough

    Herrmann said every fusion system needs to be handled with care. “When this blast is taking place, people have to be far away. We have a – we have a facility and we have the doors and things like that that we have to close, and we keep people out of it, and we have to wait for a period of time before we go back into it. So we’re very careful about that. Safety is a very important consideration.

     “People have looked at fusion and the potential it may have for proliferation. We think that the concerns associated with that, that’s something that was studied before we built the National Ignition Facility to make sure that any concerns along the lines of proliferation were manageable. I mean, the main concern is that fusion neutrons are very energetic and so they could be used to convert uranium into plutonium. And so, but that would be managed if you had a fusion energy economy, and that’s something that the IAEA and other agencies are thinking about.

     “I think – I’ve seen – again, we’re many decades away from putting power on the grid with this approach, but if you did have a lot more energy available to you, that could be good because we think that the biggest determination of how – the more energy that – there’s a strong correlation between energy usage and GDP per capita and people’s standards of living, so that’s a good thing if we could generate more energy. But having unlimited energy may not be a great thing in terms of what the implications would be for the environment and things like that. Again, I’d say we’re a long way away from that, but it’s something that people are thinking about as they work to develop fusion as an energy system,” he explained.

    Working with other labs internationally

    No nation or organisation knows it all so the American lab has collaborators in the atomic weapons establishment in the UK and the CEA in France. “In fact, France is building a facility that’s similar to our National Ignition Facility called the Laser Mégajoule. So we have strong collaboration there centered around our defense missions. But we also have university collaborators at institutions around the world who are interested in the very extreme environments that can be created in our laboratory, so we work with universities and labs all over the world,” he said.

  • Delta State: It’s PDP’s divided house against Omo-Agege’s spirited APC, LP

    Delta State: It’s PDP’s divided house against Omo-Agege’s spirited APC, LP

    All Progressives Congress (APC), Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and Labour Party (LP) have embarked on aggressive mobilisation ahead of next mouth’s presidential election in Delta State. South south Regional Editor Shola O’Neil examines the chances of the parties.

    PDP: No longer at ease

    Delta has been a bastion of the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP), and a springboard for its presidential election victories since 1999. In the last three presidential elections (2011, 2015, and 2019), it recorded suffocating victories with 98%, 98% (1,211.406 votes), and 67% (594,068 votes), respectively.

     With over half a million new voters in the 2022 CVR exercise, it is one of the states with the highest number of new voters with. With its 3.6m voters, it ranks 6th in the country. But political analysts expect those enormous votes garnered by the PDP in past elections to unravel with the use of BVAS technology.

     Ordinarily, the PDP is expected to still win the state, especially with Governor Ifeanyi Okowa, as the running mate of Atiku Abubakar. But the PDP’s umbrella is in shreds. Its albatross is, ironically the running mate. Okowa’s anointed candidate, Mr. Sheriff Oborevwori, victory and the perceived underhand antics that wrought it have split the party into countless factions. None of the three serving senators in the state are working for the PDP; in the central, Deputy Senate President, Ovie Omo-Agege is of the APC and it is the governorship, in the North, embattled Peter Nwaoboshi has decamped to the APC, while Senator James Manager, is not campaigning for PDP.

    The Delta Unity Group, which backed the candidature of Oborevwori’s main opponent, Mr. David Edevwie, who is a protégée and anointed candidate of former Governor James Ibori’s, has remained implacable. It comprised former speakers and deputies of the state assembly, federal and state lawmakers, and even members of the governor’s kitchen cabinet.

    Other aspirants who lost out are also seething and remain implacable several months after; Deputy Governor Kingsley Otuaro, Senator James Manager, Olorogun Kenneth Gbagi, and others, who have taken divergent paths toward pursuing their dreams.

     “Okowa loaded the dice in the governorship primaries to deliver his candidate, and even went as far as imposing his picks for other positions, but insisted on ‘due process’ when it was the turn of other leaders to choose the candidate. That is where he got it wrong,” one aggrieved candidate said.

      Already, the DUG is led by Daniel Reyenieju, a former member representing Warri Federal Constituency in the National Assembly. Reyenieju, an Ibori loyalist, is being tipped to switch PDP for APC, on Tuesday, 10th January. The advance team has already made the switch.

     Mr Daniel Mayuku, an Okowa loyalist, and former House of Assembly (Warri Southwest) member, accused Reyenieju and the DUG of mobilizing for APC. Mayuku spoke amidst desperate efforts by Dr Uduaghan to placate Reyenieju and his followers.

     But Okowa is the architect of PDP’s possible implosion, according to feelers from aggrieved members. The governor is accused of alienating some of the party’s most vibrant members, in his desperate desire to impose the current Speaker, whose academic qualifications are mired in controversy.

     Former Governor Emmanuel Uduaghan, and current deputy governor, Mr Kingsley Otuaro, and Senator James Manager, are the top-ranking PDP leaders in the south senatorial district of the state. They were all aggrieved by how Okowa ran the party.

     In Delta Central, the outcome of the governorship primaries saw former Minister of Education, Olorogun Kenneth Gbagi, leaving PDP for SDP, on which platform he now seeks to actualize his dream to be governor. In the last week, PDP has lost dozens of party members, including aides to the governor. Comrade Evans Iwurie, a former House of Assembly member from Ethiope East resigned his membership, “citing lack of good governance, mortgaging the state’s fortune through borrowing and Okowa’s 3rd term agenda through a puppet with questionable academic credentials”.

    None of the aggrieved PDP members are as angry as Ibori, who, after failing to secure the governorship ticket for Edevwie, also had scrounge through an intense run-off before securing the Ethiope Federal Constituency ticket for his daughter. Okowa’s hands were seen in those battles.

     Ibori’s cousin and successor, Uduaghan, was not so lucky. His daughter, Ms Orode Uduaghan, lost out to Okowa’s pick in the race for the Warri North House of Assembly ticket, much to the chagrin of the former governor. Uduaghan, seething from that humiliating defeat, likened their betrayal by Okowa to Okonkwo’s (a character in Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart), of his foster son, Ikemefuna.

     While Uduaghan has since fallen into line and supporting the PDP campaign, many others remain recalcitrant. In riverside Ijaw and Itsekiri communities in six Delta South LGAs, there is an uneasy calm in the PDP camp. Otuaro, a relative and associate of former MEND leader, Chief Government Ekpemupolo (Tompolo), has been conspicuously absent from most of the party’s activities and campaigns.

     Tompolo was instrumental in the emergence of Okowa as the PDP candidate and eventually as governor in 2015 and 2019. To secure overwhelming victory, Okowa needs Tompolo to rouse his base in the three Warris, Burutu, Bomadi, and Patani LGAs.  At the time of this report, close associates of the reticent Ijaw leader are cautiously watching the drama, being not sure of where his interest would lie during the election. Reports of a deal with the APC Presidential candidate is upsetting PDP, especially after Tinubu’s personal visit to visit Tompolo in Oporoza, the traditional headquarters of Gbaramatu Kingdom, with the full complement of top APC-PCC members.

    Read Also: Waive has done well, he will do better as a ranking member – Omo-Agege, Igbuya

     The chances of the PDP in Delta state, as in other parts of the south will be affected by the general feeling that another northerner should not succeed President Muhammadu Buhari next month. Tompolo and other southern activists may not want to support PDP, whose candidate is from Adamawa state in the Northeast.

      “If we support Okowa, we would be rewarding the betrayal of the entire south by one man who put his interest above those of millions. Okowa betrayed the governors of the SS by cutting out a deal for himself.”

    PDP’s crisis, APC’s blessings

    The greatest threat to the PDP’s old order in the state is the performance of Governor Ifeanyi Okowa in eight years and the emergence of Ovie Omo-Agege, Deputy Senate President, and the APC’s governorship candidate, who has turned the APC into a strong force in recent years. A former member of the PDP, Omo-Agege is a grassroots politician. Working with Olorogun Otega Emerho, a founding member of APC, he has a firm grip on the heavily populated Ughelli area of Delta Central, where he has twice trounced the likes of Ighoyota Amori and Evelyn Ojakovo, in past senate races. 

     Omo-Agege has endeared APC to many people in Delta central with his developmental projects such as roads, electricity transformers, and others.  He and others were instrumental to the 221,292 votes (25.1%) secured by the APC in 2019, which was a massive improvement from 48,910 (3.86) in 2015.

     The PDP’s loss has been APC’s benefit in the state, with the recent gale of defections from the ruling PDP to APC. Ibori’s allies are leaving the party in droves, with decampment from PDP to APC expected to peak this week. Former Speaker and Sapele mobiliser, Hon Monday Igbuya, and Hon Faith Majemite, former commissioner and two-time Okpe LGA chair, recently swapped PDP for APC.

    APC Deputy Governorship candidate, Hon Friday Osanebi, was until joining APC in June 2022, one of the shining lights of the PDP in the Ndokwa area of Delta North. Popularly called Helper of the Youth, Osanebi was Ibori’s protégée, and he was touted as the running mate to Godwin Edevwie, who lost out to Oborevwori. Osanebi is expected to harvest votes from the hitherto PDP enclaves from Kwale to Obiaruku, even to Agbor in the North. PDP leaders in Ndokwa are lamenting their failure to keep the vibrant politician in their fold.

    LP Riding on the wave of youths’ support

    What is left of the PDP umbrella in Delta is under siege from supporters of the Labour Party presidential candidate, Mr Peter Obi. Since the phenomenal emergence of the 2019 PDP Vice President Candidate, as the candidate of the hitherto unknown Labour Party in Delta State, its fortune has brightened.

     Labour Party and Obi have become household names from Ika in (North) through Ughelli (Central) to Burutu on the tip edge of Delta South. The new zest for the labour candidate is also expected to rub off negatively on the PDP. “APC supporters are unlikely to vote for LP, but disgruntled PDP members are joining the Obi’s train,” one source in Isoko said.

     For Comrade Sebastian Agbefe, the next election offers the people of Isoko an opportunity to reward the PDP for all it has done in the area. “The people are going to express their displeasure with the deliberate underdevelopment of Isoko land by voting massively against PDP. You can take my word to the bank, with BVAs usage, the PDP will fail woefully in Isoko land.”

    “I have sympathy for the APC candidate, Asiwaju Tinubu, but I can tell you categorically that the LP is strong in Isoko land. Even in Okowa’s north, he would lose to LP. The old and the young are united against PDP in Delta State,” Agbefe, a former President of Isoko Youth Agenda, said.

     The party is exciting the youth and middle-aged voters in the state. Our checks reveal that many youth and first-time voters were spurred to register because of the emergence of Obi. As a result, the party is expected to do well in cosmopolitan cities such as Warri, Ughelli, Agbor, and Asaba, the state capital.

     Various sources predict that Okowa would not win his Delta North senatorial district in a free and fair contest. “Obi is popular everywhere in Delta State, especially in Isoko land where the people are determined to vote against Okowa in retaliation for his gross underdevelopment in the last eight years.

    VERDICT: Delta is a battleground state

  • How subsidy removal will revive domestic refining, usher in gas as cheaper alternative

    How subsidy removal will revive domestic refining, usher in gas as cheaper alternative

    Ahead of the federal government’s plan to embrace a fully deregulated petroleum industry, especially the phasing out of Premium Motor Spirit (petrol) subsidy support, operators, regulators and other stakeholders are bracing up for the massive change the new policy will usher in: gradually adjusting to the new price regime, anticipating domestic refining, and eyeing gas as a cleaner and cheaper alternative. JOHN OFIKHENUA reports.

    With some months to the full deregulation of the petroleum sector, stakeholders in the industry are already upbeat that things will change significantly. One of the expectations, stakeholders enthused, is that the new policy direction will certainly usher in some level of independence and local content participation.

     But exactly what difference would the deregulation bring to bear in the energy business? It presupposes an industry that is simply at the mercy of demand and supply. Thus, there will be the primacy of price mechanism over the perennial government regulation. It means that the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA), which was given birth to in August 2021, will now be the instrument driving both upstream and downstream operators and regulators. This comes with a lot of implications – both positive and otherwise.

     From the downstream perspective, there has been a countdown to the ‘doomsday’ of removal of the Petroleum Support Scheme (otherwise known as petrol subsidy). There has been investment apathy for the refining and importation of the Premium Motor Spirit (petrol) because of its subsidy. Chiefly among the excuses is that with the subsidy in place, there cannot be a cost reflective pump price that should incentivise the investors.

     A new petrol market, however, now stares the stakeholders in the face. This is so because the 18 months for which President Muhammadu Buhari suspended the implementation of the PIA shall soon elapse. It would be recalled that on 22nd of January 2022, the President halted the implementation of the law for 18 months, indicating that by mid-2023, the enforcement will take off. Besides, the Minister of Finance, Zainab Ahmed, has explicitly repeated it that the government will wind down its payment of the subsidy mid this year. It indicates the end of the respite that the populace enjoys from the government intervention. Its negative impact is what the citizenry will now learn to cope with.

     For subsidy to go, the government requires the political will to say enough is enough, having postponed the doomsday for several years. A reliable source from the Ministry of Petroleum Resources, who dropped this hint, noted that no government would take the risk of removing subsidy in election year. The source, who preferred to be anonymous because he was not authorised to speak on the topic, said full deregulation is already in progress with different marketers selling petrol at their own prices across the country. He added that since the government can no longer bear the burden of subsidy, upon its removal in July, consumers must pay for the actual pump price if they must fuel their vehicles and equipment.

     The source said: “From what you are seeing, deregulation is already taking place. The law is already taking its own course. You can see that the government is trying to stop the subsidy payment. The market is going to be driven by the forces of demand and supply. That is what will be the clear determinant of price. 

    “If you go to some (petrol) filling stations in Abuja, they are selling at different prices. If you want to sell at the official pump price, nobody will supply you petrol. The landing cost is way far than what the government was paying. The government is just managing with the dwindling oil and gas revenues. So, sustaining subsidy is not possible. So, full deregulation will be determined by the forces of demand and supply. You heard what the Minister of Finance said that by July this year, government will distance itself from subsidy payment. From what we are seeing now, deregulation is going on its own. When government does not pay subsidy and you want fuel to come, the consumers will be forced to pay for the differentials. It is going away on its own.”

    Despite the pronouncements, a Senior Legislative Aide, Olabode Sowunmi, also described the situation as a very phenomenal development that needs the federal government’s political will to accomplish. According to Sowunmi, who is an aide to the Senate President, Ahmed Lawan, this is not government’s first target at full deregulation. Allaying fears that deregulation is not necessarily price hike, he explained that it means leaving the trading of petroleum products to the forces of demand and supply.

     “It should be understood that this is not the first time that the government is announcing full deregulation. We need to keep in perspective that full deregulation doesn’t just mean price increase. It means the mechanics for trading in the finished products are left to the forces of demand and supply,” he said.

     Sowunmi called for sensitisation of the consumers on the workability of petroleum price deregulation. He depicted it as national exercise that concerns all.   His words: “On the part of the consumers, it’s our responsibility to understand how petroleum price deregulation works.  People think it doesn’t concern them but what they don’t know is that these things they say don’t concern them is the difference between a more challenging economic reality and otherwise.”

     He said the deregulation is a shared responsibility, noting that, “Yes government will do their job.  However, the citizenry should take their responsibility as well.”

     Meanwhile, the Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria (IPMAN) revealed that upon the deregulation and operation of private refineries, the marketers will source products from the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC Retails). Its President, Alhaji Debo Ahmed, who spoke with The Nation on phone, noted that the marketers may choose to import their own products if they can establish their own depot.

     Asked how the marketers will source products from Dangote Refinery? He said “We will be getting products from NNPC retails. Unless we too are able to have our depot, we can as well import the product. So we are under the apron of NNPC retail where we will be taking products. NNPC Trading too will be importing. So, when they import, any marketers who want to buy from them will buy from them. Those marketers who can import will import.”

     Commenting on the current state of the petrol market, Ahmed said nothing has really changed about product availability. He stressed that there was scarcity of petrol, urging the NNPC to increase its supply. Expressing the helplessness of his association in the supply chain, Ahmed claimed that IPMAN members are merely middlemen. He added that the market is still the same old story. “There is no enough product. The government has not come out to give us product. They are not engaging marketers, although they closed down some depots that are under selling. But closing them down is not enough because there is no enough to sell. NNPC is the only importer and the only one that can give the private depots. We are just the link in the chain of distribution.”

     In the wake of the New Year in which investors and other players in the industry anticipate the in-country refining, the major transporters of petroleum products are already set with their plans. For instance, the Nigerian Association of Road Transport Owners (NARTO) is quietly waiting to understudy the emerging trend in the bid to key into it. On this note, the National President, Alhaji Yusuf Lawal Othman, told The Nation at the weekend that the members will examine how both the federal government and the consumers of the petroleum products will respond to the new market regime.

     At the very minimum, however, NARTO has projected to take advantage of the market liberalisation to expand its operations. Othman revealed that the members could replace their existing truck or overhaul them in order to cope with the haulage of the expected petroleum products supply glut. According to him, “In this year 2023, we expect towards June that the refineries across the country: Port Harcourt, Warri, and probably Dangote Refinery will come on stream. This means that there will be reduction in importation of petroleum products and off course, there will be activities of the trucks moving to the refineries and major depots across the country. That is also part of our projection.

     “And in order to ensure hitch-free operation for the smooth supply of petroleum products, we need to sensitise some our members on these plans and projections and also to inform them that there is need to replace or repair the existing trucks in order to meet the demand. By and large, we will monitor and see the response of the populace of the country as well as what the government will do as far as the full deregulation is concerned. It means that when there is full deregulation, there may be some changes in the mode of operation of trucks across the country. So these are some of the projections for the year and we plan to be actively involved.”

     Ahead of the new regime, however, is the optimism that domestic refining will drive the free petrol market regime. It is one of the factors precedent to the stoppage of the subsidy, according to the Nigeria Labour Congress and Trade Union Congress. Consequently, last month, the Nigerian Content Development Monitoring Board (NCDMB) revealed that Nigeria will harvest petroleum products from three new local modular refineries in 2023. In addition, the board noted that in partnership with Ibigwe Modular Refinery, which has been operational for two years, it is ready to increase from its 500,000 barrels per day capacity. Both the Ibigwe and other local refineries have added more capacity.

     The board’s General Manager, Corporate Communications & Zonal Coordination, Dr. Ginah O. Ginah, disclosed this at a two-day Nigerian Content Capacity Building workshop in Abuja. His words: “Our modular refinery in partnership with a reputable Nigerian firm has been running for two years in Imo State. And today, they want to increase the capacity of that refinery. The same thing we have done for the modular refinery. By the way, this year, we are expecting about three of them to also start production. Some of them have added capacity.” 

     He said while Vice-President Yemi Osinbajo was appealing to Nigerians about the need to stop illegal refineries with the promise that the federal government would replace the refineries in all the locations to give them employment, the NCDMB was already partnering with indigenous investors to develop modular refineries. Ginah said: “I remember when VP Osinbajo was going up and down talking about the need to stop the local refining even though it started in the United States and the environment does not allow them here.

     “So while he was doing that and promising that the Federal Government would come up with refineries in all those locations in the Niger Delta modular refineries so that they will now get proper employment. Before he finished all those grammar, we have started our refinery in Ibekwe in Imo State.”

     Ginah noted that similarly, the board has been enforcing the federal government gas initiative. The Board, according to him, is also working with Duport Midstream to establish an Energy Park at Egbokor, Edo State. He noted that the “park would include a 40 million standard cubic feet per day gas processing plant, 2,500 barrels per day modular refinery and 20 megawatts power plants.” He revealed that the plant was already 90 per cent complete, stressing that it is supposed to be running by now.

     Although the Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Timipre Sylva, has always considered the development of the Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) as the basic supplement for the expensive petrol, not much was heard about it development since 2020. Aside the net zero campaign from which Nigeria was to later adopt gas as its transition energy, the nation was already embarking on its implementation of gas expansion and penetration unnoticed. President Muhammadu Buhari declared 2021 – 2030 as Nigeria’s Decade of Gas and announced the federal government’s determination to fully exploit the nation’s abundant gas resources to accelerate the development of the economy.

     But Ginah explained that the particular facility in Egbokor, Edo State, has a unit dedicated to CNG. He added that that “CNG is the gas that is used for our autos, the ones we want to change from petroleum driven to gas to the Compressed Natural Gas is being produced in this facility that is mentioned.” The General Manager claimed it will now become cheaper fuelling vehicles with the CNG because it is a cleaner gas that comes without soot. He said the board dedicated the facility to produce CNG in the bid to implement the government’s auto has policy.

     The General Manager said: “So, that means we now have facility dedicated to produce CNG to push the Federal Government auto policy. That is moving from petrol powered vehicles to gas powered vehicles. Now gas powered vehicles will be cheaper to maintain; the gas itself will be cheaper. The gas-powered vehicles will be cheaper because it will not be leaving black soot on your engine. The gas is very clean, and when it burns, it is only water vapour you will be seeing from your exhaust.”

     Ginah disclosed that further some of the NCDMB gas-based projects include the partnership with Rungas to produce 1.2million LPG Composite cylinders per annum in Bayelsa and Lagos states and our collaboration with NEDO Gas Processing Company in Kwale, Delta State, for the establishment of 80 million standard cubic feet per day gas Processing Plant and a 300 million standard cubic feet per day Gas Gathering hub. The General Manager said the Board has already partnered the NNPC to invest in Brass Fertilizer and establish 10,000 tonnes per day Methanol Production plant at Odioama, Brass, Bayelsa State, “Just as we are investing with Triansel Gas Limited in Koko, Delta State, to establish a 5,000 Metric Tons per day LPG Storage and Loading Terminal Facility.”

     Continuing, he noted that the gas penetration drive has been extended to the north. His words: “Up North, we supported Butane Energy Limited to establish LPG Bottling Plants and Depots in Abuja and 10 Northern States, just as we are investing with MOB Integrated Services for the construction of the 500 Million Tons Inland LPG terminal in Dikko, Niger State.”

     The project, he said, will include the construction of a cylinder refurbishment plant, procurement of 80,000bottles of LPG cylinders and acquisition of distribution assets. The General Manager said another important partnership is with Southfield Petroleum to establish 200 million metric standard cubic feet of gas processing plant at Utorogu, Delta State. The project, according to him, will produce 123,000 million tons per annum of LPG, about 10 per cent of current LPG demand nationwide.

     Similarly, Ginah noted that the Board is collaborating with Amal Technologies to set up a plant in Abuja to produce Smart Gas/Smoke Detector Alarm devices. Phasing out petrol subsidy will certainly come with tears. But the puzzle: How will domestic refineries and gas plants meet Nigerians’ demand at affordable rates?

  • State of the race for president in the North (3)

    State of the race for president in the North (3)

    As part of our series, our MANAGING EDITOR, NORTHERN OPERATION, YUSUF ALLI reviews the state of 2023 presidential race in more states in the North with Emmanuel Oladesu; FANEN IHYONGO (KANO); AHMED RUFA’I (JIGAWA); JOEL DUKU (YOBE) and ADAMU SULEIMAN ( SOKOTO)

    KANO

    2019 Election results APC 1,464,768

    PDP 6,391,593

    In Kano state, only three political parties and their presidential candidates attract serious discussions. They include the ruling  All Progressives Congress (APC), the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). Labour Party (LP) is the fourth in terms of visibility but it has no structures in Kano. In this regard, only three presidential candidates: Asiwaju Bola Ahmad Tinubu, Rabi’u Kwankwaso and Atiku Abubakar come to mind when making analyses and permutations on who will conquer the soul of the northwestern state in the presidential election.

    Looking back:

    In 2019 presidential election, President Muhammadu Buhari of APC scored 1,464,768 (78.9 per cent) of the total 1, 891,134 valid votes cast to beat the Peoples Democratic Party presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar, who polled 391,593 (21.1 per cent).

    In 2019, Kano had 5,391,581 registered voters, out of which 2,006,410 voters were accredited for the presidential election. The result, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), showed that the total votes cast were 1,964,751, out of which 73,617 votes were rejected. Valid votes were 1, 891,134.

    Ahead of the presidential election next month, the Kano voter registration has hit over 6 million. But whereas in 2019 the election was a two-horse race between Buhari and Atiku, , three major presidential candidates  (Tinubu ,APC; Kwankwaso .NNPP;  and Atiku of PDP will fight for Kano’s votes this time. The three parties are firmly rooted in the state. Labour Party’s (LP’s) Peter Obi will get some votes, especially from those who would cast the ballot on sentiments.

    As at now, Tinubu of the APC appears to be leading the race in Kano. Only few days ago, Tinubu’s popularity and momentum were clearly shown when he with his running mate Kashim Shettima, APC governors and party chiefs across the country shut down Kano State. The mammoth crowd was during ruling the  party’s  flag off  of its North-West presidential rally. The unprecedented crowd, drawn from across the 44 local government areas of the state for the rally, his supporters are contending,  signals that victory for the former Lagos governor is assured .

    Slugging it out with  Tinubu in the state is Kwankwaso who is the NNPP presidential flag bearer. A son and former governor of the state, Kwankwaso is a household name in the state. However with the crowd being pulled by Tinubu across the country, some of his supporters are beginning to reason that even if the whole votes in Kano are given to Kwankwaso, he might not be able to win the presidency. Those who belong to this school of thought may decide not to ‘waste’ their votes on him. They may decide to vote for Tinubu who has a more likelihood of getting victory

    Atiku’s chances of winning Kano are becoming slimmer by the day because of intra-party conflicts and litigations following parallel leadership structures which had troubled the PDP in Kano.

    The crises led to factional primary elections. Recently, the court declared Mohammed Sani Abacha, son of the late Head of State, General Sani Abacha, as the duly nominated governorship candidate of the PDP in Kano. Before the judgment, Sadik Aminu Wali was the PDP’s governorship flag bearer in the state and the party was carrying out campaigns for him. Wali has appealed the judgment but the confusion has demoralised many  members of  the party  , with some of them migrating to the APC. It was gathered that Atiku had asked  Kano PDP and NNPP chapters to work together. During the meeting, it was gathered that Atiku pleaded with Kwankwaso to do a silent merger with PDP in order to deliver him in Kano. Then Kwankwaso and his party chieftains, sources said, told Atiku and PDP stakeholders in the state to also deliver his NNPP governorship candidate Abba Kabir at the poll. Kwankwaso’s demand was rejected. Those rejecting the candidacy of Abba Kabir point to the fact that he is a son-in-law to Kwankwaso. The two political parties (NNPP and PDP) have not arrived at consensus on who should be supported for the governorship and presidency when the court sacked Wali and installed Abacha. Meanwhile, the APC governorship candidate, Nasir Yusuf Gawuna appears to be more stable. He and his running mate,  Murtala Sule Garo have been in the Ganduje administration and have penetrated the grassroots as the  election builds up.

    Ganduje’s influence:

    Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje has vowed to do his best to deliver Tinubu in the presidential election. He has sacrificed his senatorial ambition to retain more bigwigs in APC, thereby opening a wider door for followers and more participation. His influence as a serving governor cannot be undermined. Pundits say, besides resources, Ganduje will be using the state apparatuses to deliver the APC candidates in the state and by extension  Tinubu.

    JIGAWA

    2019 Election results APC 797,738

    PDP 789,895

    Despite the number of registered political parties for the presidential and other elective positions in the country, only three parties are popular in Jigawa State. They are the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the New Nigerian Peoples Party (NNPP). Though there is negligible  presence of Labour Party (LP) in only two billboards in Dutse City roundabout.

    But by all indication the race would be more between APC and PDP. NNPP may not likely make serious impact in the poll going by its activities in  the state. It is a straight fight between  APC and PDP as it was in 2015 and 2019. In 2019, APC secured 794, 738  to beat PDP which had 289,895.

    A major setback for PDP in Jigawa State is the involvement of President Muhammadu Buhari in the campaign for Asiwaju Bola Tinubu. His mass followers have now got a sense of direction which may prove fatal for ex-Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who is the presidential candidate of PDP.

    Many people, especially in the rural areas , are not aware of the presidential and governorship candidates of the Labour Party. As at the time of filing this report,  the presidential candidate of the LP,  Mr. Peter Obi or his representative has not visited the state.

    While the NNPP presidential candidate Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso who is an indigene of neighbouring Kano state  seems to have minimal  support in the state , his gubernatorial candidate , Mr. Aminu Ibrahim Ringim is  not popular at all.   He has  never won his poling unit during when he was in office as a special adviser, commissioner and chief of staff.

    APC and PDP are making waves  because of their strengths and campaign strategies. The two parties boast of political heavyweights and kingmakers.

    Some of the big politicians in APC include Governor Abubakar Badaru , Second Republic Minister and two-term Senator, Bello Maitama,  a former Minority Leader in the House of Representatives , Honourable Faruk Adamu Aliyu, a former minister, Ambassador Abdulhamid Malammadori among others.

    In the PDP are  a former Minister and ex-Governor Sule Lamido , a former Senator and Governor, Alhaji Ibrahim Saminu Turaki, former ministers, Alhaji Sale Shehu, Dr. Nurudeen Mohammed,  and  Ambassador Ibrahim Musa Kazaure etc

    Though the two parties have good structures, the ruling APC seems to be at advantage and may likely  be victorious in the coming elections.

    Apart from being the party in power, the second citizen of the state is the governorship flag bearer of APC. Most of the incumbent  national and state legislative candidates have the resources to earn the confidence of voters.

    YOBE

    2019 Election results APC 7497,914

    PDP 56,763

    Yobe State has traditionally been a one-party state. Since the inception of democracy in 1999, the state has metamorphosed from  SDP, APP, ANPP and subsequently joined the major political merger of AC, CPC and ANPP which dislodged the 16 years rule of PDP in 2015.

    Ostensibly, the Presidential election in the state will not be coming with many surprises from other political parties  against the ruling All Progressives Congress, (APC). The fortunes of other political parties in the state have continued to dwindle ahead of the February general elections with  a gale of defections into the ruling APC.

    During the last presidential election,  APC polled 497,914 votes and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) scored 50, 763 votes. As at the last election, Yobe had a register of  1,365,913 voters. Out of the number, only  559,365 voted in the election.

    At the gubernatorial election, Governor Mai Mala Buni of the APC scored 444,013 to beat his opponent Alhaji Bello Iliya  Damagum of the PDP who scored 95, 703 only.

    Though the Independent National Electoral Commission has not released the final  number of registered voters and those that have collected their Permanent Voter Cards in the State, former Chairman,  APC Northeast Youth Stakeholders Forum Haruna Sardauna, believes that the performance of APC will surpass  the last election.

    He said:  “Yobe State is going to give APC more than 700,000 votes as against the near 500,000  votes the party got in the last election,” Sardauna boasted.

    But one phenomenon that has also worried both political parties in the state  is the low PVC collection rate in the state.

    As at early October last year before  the current collection exercise of PVC across the country,  60,000 PVCs out of the  over 70,000 registered voters in 2019 were left  uncollected in the state.

    “In 2019, we registered 72, 157 eligible voters out of which only 16, 446 collected their PVCs. The remaining cards are still lying in our offices across the 17 Local Government Areas(LGAs) and the state headquarters, the State Administrative Secretary of the Independent National Electoral Commission(INEC), Abatcha Bukar was quoted as saying.

    As much as defections are seen to be trimming down the size of the opposition in favour of the ruling APC, pundits believe that a section of voters may be voting based on candidates instead of party loyalty.

    Against this backdrop, the APC has always admonished its supporters  with the Hausa phrase: Kar kui cinkafa da waake, meaning “don’t do rice and beans”. The issue of support for individual candidates instead of party will always resonate among supporters in Yobe State as some of the people are die-hard supporters of former vice president Atiku Abubakar.

    But APC has launched some strategies to sway some of its supporters who might be voting for a different presidential candidate. One of those strategies is the moral persuasion with facts by putting Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu side by side with Atiuku Abubakar.

    According to Sardauna, “the political structure of former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has since collapsed but that of Bola Ahmed Tinubu is still waxing stronger.

    “The truth is that you cannot place the records of these two politicians side by side without Tinubu coming on top. Tinubu has built people in politics, in academia, business, name it.  The only thing Atiku does is to build his own businesses. The selfless disposition of Tinubu as a politician has placed him above all candidates that are running in this race.

    “Tinubu as a governor did what Atiku could not do as a Vice President. Atiku could not construct a road to his village but Tinubu built a road on top of water as a governor. It is the APC government that constructed the road to Atiku’s village in Jada. The North-East did not benefit from his tenure as Vice President. It is obvious that he cannot do better than Tinubu who is tested and trusted, “Sarduna explained.

    The APC State Secretary, Abubakar Bakabe said the party is primed to win the presidency in the state due to the support it has enjoyed from the administration of President Muhammadu Buhari.

    Bakabe said Yobe State has enjoyed enough patronage from the Federal Government with Gov. Mai Mala  Buni top-notch performance as the Acting National Chairman of the party and also his developmental projects at home as a governor.

    He said: “This election for Yobe is a big deal. Voting for Bola Ahmed Tinubu is something that Yobe cannot doubt. We have enjoyed enormous support from APC Federal Government as a state and the right thing for us to do is to vote for the same government to continue with the tempo.

    “It is on record that this same government gave our governor the opportunity to reposition our party and he exceeded the expectations of everyone in his performance by reconciling all aggrieved party members. I don’t need to mention those prominent people that we lost in the APC that Governor Buni brought back. He even converted serving governors to our party. This is unprecedented.

    “To talk about his developmental projects in the state is an endless discussion. From health, education, social investments, security, agriculture and commerce, our landscape is dotted with Governor Buni’s achievements.

    “For the first time in the history of the North-East and Yobe State we have a Senate President in person of Dr. Ahmad Lawan. Yobe is all for Tinubu and no one else.”

    In his views, the State Chairman of APC in the State, Amb. Umar El-Gash believes that the presidency is for the PDP to beat.

    “The issue of the Presidency is already settled. It is just like collecting an object from a little child. You don’t have to struggle. The evidence is clear that everywhere they shout Nigeria! People will say, Sai Atiku! ” This is even happening at an APC rally and that shows how popular our candidate is,” Amb. El-Gash said.

    Amb. El-Gash also explained that the fortunes of PDP in Yobe State are more than ever stronger and the party will spring surprises with the use of technology in the coming election.

    “We have done everything as a party to put our house in order. Our supporters are not making empty noise but we are working closely with the grassroots to wrest power from this failed Buhari led APC. The use of technology in this election is our joker and the result will shock the ruling party when it is announced,” he boasted.

    But some of the problems which may haunt the Peoples Democratic Party in Yobe border on lack of unity and the recent defection of prominent members of the party to the APC.

    The defection of Sen. Mohammed Hassan, who is now appointed as the Director-General of the State APC Presidential Council, has further affected  PDP’s chances in Zone B, which used to be its stronghold. The defection of a former state chairman, senatorial candidate and gubernatorial aspirant Abba Gana Tata to APC is also a blow that the party is yet to recover from.

    At a recent meeting in Damaturu during the inauguration of the State Presidential Campaign Council of the Party, the Leader of the party in the State Adamu Maina Waziri took responsibility for all the failures of the party in the State. He called on party supporters to be united during this electioneering and wrest power for the ruling APC in the State.

    According to him, the party is repositioning to take over from Governor Mai Mala Buni.

    But many are keen to watch and see how the apology will translate to the success of the party in the state.

    THE NATION’s findings have however revealed that the PDP has begun to rake in some gains from Zone C leveraging on the political crisis between the Senate President Ahmed Lawan and Hon. Bashir Machina.

    It was gathered that most of Sen. Lawan’s teeming supporters in the zone are angry with President Buhari and APC for allowing their benefactor to be embarrassed by Bashir Machina over the senatorial seat ticket. They have therefore vowed to do  Cinkafa da Waake(anti-party).

    With the existing crisis between the two prominent sons, the PDP is making some underground campaign to the disgruntled supporters  to scuttle the chances of  APC in the zone.

    Another strength of the PDP is Zone C , which  will rob APC of fortunes at the Presidential Election, is its gubernatorial candidate  Abdullahi Sheriff who hails from the area.

    His tenure as the  elected  chairman of a local government from 1991 to1993 was described as glorious. This has attracted much love and appeal from his people.

    His emergence as the gubernatorial candidate was a surprise to many as he defeated the former State chairman of the party and senatorial candidate in 2015, Alhaji Abba Ganatata.

    “Our candidate  has a serious grassroots connection and we are going to shock  APC in Yobe at the polls. You can only underrate PDP in Yobe at your own risk. We have put our acts together and are ready for victory, In Sha Allahu,” Salihu, the State Publicity Secretary of PDP said.

    Though the Yobe Scenario looks like a two-horse race  between  APC and PDP, the NNPP and the Labour party still have some supporters in the state.

    Unlike the NNPP that  has launched its campaign through its governorship candidate, Garba Umar in the state, the Labour Party is yet to show any meaningful presence.

    Just a few posters of Peter Obi can be sighted around Damaturu metropolis especially in the Christian dominated areas of the town.

    SOKOTO

    In less than two months, the general elections to usher in elected leaders to steer various elective offices will be conducted. However, the presidency is most focused in the chain of the process that would enable electorates to decide among candidates flying party flags.

    Although, it is clear that the contest will attract attention across four major party candidates of the APC, LP, NNPP and PDP.

    The four candidates are a former Lagos State Governor , Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu, APC; a former Anambra State Governor , Mr. Peter Obi of LP; a former Kano State Governor, Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso ( NNPP) and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar (PDP).

    But it may be a fight-to-the-finish between the APC and PDP. In 2019, APC secured 490,333  to beat PDP which had 351,604. With a population of over four  million people , going by past elections results, Sokoto State voting strength is approximately less than a million.

    It is believed that this time around the voting pattern will no doubt change due to level of awareness, sentiments, negative impact of insecurity and poverty , loss of confidence in attitude of politicians ,  alleged poor representation and non-fulfillment of campaign promises

    Besides, there are indications that most Igbo residents,  whose traditional choice has been  PDP have pitched tent with LP’s Peter Obi against other candidates. This scenario may lead to  a significant departure from voting pattern in the state.

    The arrowheads for the candidates in the caliphate are reaching out to the grassroots to outwit one  another. Those  for  PDP are  Governor Aminu Waziri  Tambuwal , former Governor Attahiru Bafarawa  and Yusuf Suleiman among the local politicians whose voices are reckoned with in the state’s politics. For Tambuwal,  his strengths are the influence and power of incumbency;  his records  in the National Assembly; his political experience and alleged fraternity with the Sultanate on one hand; and  alliance with ex-Governor Attahiru Bafarawa,  who also has significantly carved a political niche for himself after eight years as the governor of the state .

    On the other side, the APC has its presidential campaign driving force in the state in former Governor Aliyu Magatakarda Wamakko, who is believed to be a political enigma endeared to people in the caliphate for his accessibility and listening ears . He has an unmatched political record  in the state for over a decade. Wamakko has over time remained a political idol for his generosity . He has been consistent in  winning elections. He is supported  by the Minister of Police Affairs, Muhammadu Maigari Dingyadi and its gubernatorial candidate and former deputy governor of the state , Ahmed Aliyu Sokoto and Chuso Abdullahi Datijjo .

    The NNPP and LP platforms seem not to have  representation  in the caliphate . Their arrowheads Senator Umaru Dahiru Tambuwal and Comrade Umar Aminu (gubernatorial candidates of the two parties respectively)  are  weak with less formidable  structures.

    Kogi:

    2019 poll results:

    APC 283,894

    PDP 218,207

    Kogi became an APC state in 2015 when Governor Yahaya Bello assumed control, after the complimentary election. Already, the APC candidate, the late Alhaji Abubakar Audu, was coasting home to victory when he suddenly passed on. Following his inauguration, the governor consolidated his hold on the ruling party and the state.

    In 2019, Bello also defeated Musa Wada of PDP.

    Buhari and Atiku competed fiercely for votes in the state in 2019. At the close of the  presidential poll, APC scored 283,894 while PDP got 218,207 votes.

    Both parties are visible in the Northcentral state. Between 1999 and 2003, Audu governed the state on the platform of the defunct All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP). He was succeeded by Ibrahim Idris of PDP, who ruled between 2003 and 2011. From 2011 to 2011, another PDP chieftain, Captain Idris Wada, ruled the state. Thus, APC and PDP have formidable structures in Kogi.

    Those rooting for LP in the Confluence State are so few.

    Kogi APC and PDP are simultaneously preparing for presidential and governorship elections. In the view of the chieftains, the fate of the governorship poll is tied to the presidential election.

    In the last eight years, Bello has asserted himself as a leader. Controversy has dogged his steps on some occasions, but he has been very effective, both as governor and party leader.

    He is expected to bow out soon after eight years. Therefore, he is working hard to install a successor. Sources said the governor, who is from Ebiraland, is pushing for a successor from Igala, the majority ethnic group likely to give the APC many votes. His deputy,  Edwand Onoja, they said, may be the beneficiary.

    But, Kogi West is also not relenting. The West is calculating that if it gives  bloc votes to the APC, it may assist its agitation for governorship power shift.

    Kogi APC has the advantage of incumbency. Members are not ready to allow power to slip away. The three senators, Smart Adeyemi (Kogi West), Isa Echocho (East) and Yakubu Oseni (Central) are chieftains of APC.

    Bello and his team have embarked on aggressive mobilisation. After the presidential primary in Abuja last year, he has donated his campaign office to Tinubu. He has also been very active as a member of the APC Presidential Campaign Council.

    However, APC should not be overconfident.

    PDP is not at sleep. Although party elders, including General Tunde Ogbeha, General David Jemibewon and Alex Kadiri, appeared to have slowed down political activities, PDP youths are vibrant.

    They include Dino Melaye and Tijani Yusuf, a member of the House of Representatives,  who is aspiring to go to Senate.

  • Tracking the pains, gains of Nigeria’s cashless policy

    Tracking the pains, gains of Nigeria’s cashless policy

    The introduction of cashless  policy by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) has brought about a revolution in terms of financial inclusion and ease of monetary transactions. However, the policy has come at a huge cost to many bank customers, as criminals and other bad eggs within and outside the banking halls have continued to take advantage of loopholes in the system to steal customers’ hard-earned savings. LUCAS AJANAKU reports.

    For Mr Kokumo Ajanaku, July 7, 2022, will forever remain fresh in his memory. An information technology (IT) professional, a desultory chat on Facebook with an old classmate of his working with an agency of the United Nations based in the United States had led to the transfer of N200,000 to his bank account  to cushion the effect of spiralling inflation in the country.

    An elated Ajanaku, who said he had never received such a gesture from friends even when he extends such to others, was, however, shocked that at exactly 2.39am the following day, N100,000 was deducted from his bank account. The alert details showed: PG-SPORT PAY LANG. Shortly after the stealing, another message came that read: “Please use the OTP Code: 24604127 to complete your transaction. OTP code expires after 10 minutes.” On the same day, at exactly 2:06pm, another message came: “Please use the OTP code 16176641. To complete your transaction; OTP expires after 10 minutes.” Another was sent again: ‘Please use the OTP Code: 501117 Sport Pay: Amount N15,000.”

     A resident of Abesan Estate in Alimosho Local Government Area of Lagos State, he quickly rushed to a branch of the bank around Pako Bus Stop to block his automated teller machine (ATM) card. A day after the blockade, the crooks continued to pester him. This made him go to a bigger branch of the bank in Town Planning Way, Ilupeju. It was at Ilupeju that it was discovered that the thieves have been subscribing to Netflix at N4,400 monthly over the past five months from his bank account. “Well, I receive transaction alerts but since I use the USSD code regularly, most times when I receive alerts, I assumed it was for previous transactions. It was beyond my wildest imagination that my card could be cloned and used to steal my cash because as an IT practitioner, one of the lessons I teach people is keeping their ATM cards’ details close to their chests. I live with my wife who is a nurse; my three kids are young adults in private universities. So there was no way I could have fallen victim of insider sabotage,” he said.

     After 45 working days, the bank wrote to absolve itself of any complicity. “Based on the outcome of our review, we hereby inform you that the bank is unable to accede to your request for a refund,” the letter insisted.

     Another customer, Ifi Alexander’s mother, lost over N1,079,995  in her account domiciled in one of the old generation banks on August 4, 2022. Alexander said his mother, Akozor Emily Nkoyenum, had a transaction at a point of sale (PoS) stand in Abuja, where she withdrew N20,000. According to a report by the Foundation for Investigative Journalism (FIJ), after leaving the PoS stand, his mother received multiple debit alerts for a total of N1,079,995.00 from First Bank without carrying out such transactions.

     “It happened that my mother made use of a PoS machine in Abuja on August 4, 2022, to withdraw N20,000. She left the PoS shop and left for her destination. My mother could not reach out to the bank until the following day. We had to go together to their Bolingo branch on Friday, August 5, and they blocked her ATM card after receiving her complaint. We were told that the case would be referred to their fraud desk and asked to return in a week. We were also told that the transactions were carried out from a First Bank mobile app. This revelation came as a surprise to us, as my mother has not linked her account to the bank’s mobile app. She only uses USSD if she needs to make a mobile money transfer.

     “Following our August 4 visit, we went to the bank twice again and they told us my mother’s money was transferred to OPay accounts belonging to different persons. My mother’s statement of account reveals that the money was transferred to the following OPay account numbers: 9033864988 belonging to Aisha Jibril, 8060687339 belonging to Ayuba Apagu, 9063576003 belonging to Oluchi Mbaeri, and 8131289303 belonging to Esther Uwah,” he said.

     It was discovered that Aisha Jibril lives in Nasarawa and Oluchi Mbaeri is in Ubiaruku in Delta State. “The last time we went there, the bank said they had not got a reply from OPay.”

     He also said the thought of not getting a favourable response from the bank led him to escalate the complaint to the CBN through its consumer protection department, but the apex bank failed to take any action on the complaint. “When the bank was prolonging the issue and we thought we might not get a good response on time, we resolved to explore the CBN’s complaint channel.

     “We reported to CBN’s consumer protection department on October 4, 2022, and we only got an automated response. No follow-up message has been sent to us from the CPD since then, and we are confused now,” he said, adding that the incident devastated his mother.

     Another customer, Esther Kokumo, attempted to use a PoS machine in Abesan Estate. When she gave her card to the PoS operator, he asked her to input her PIN after which he said there was no network. He removed the card, slotted it into another and gave a similar verdict of no network. Forty minutes after getting home, N25,000 was withdrawn from her account. Efforts to trace the cash proved abortive. “Even my bank could not trace where the money entered. What the bank printed for me was neither here nor there,” she lamented.

     These are but a tip of an ice berg in the volume of massive theft that is going on in the country, no thanks to the cashless policy implementation of the CBN. A survey carried out by Agusto & Co showed that 59 per cent of bank customers sampled indicated that they had fallen victim to fraud. According to the survey, 41 per cent said their accounts hadn’t been compromised, “however, the remaining had been victims through phishing emails, data breaches, unauthorised access to accounts through USSD, and others.”

     Agusto & Co, in its ‘2022 Consumer Digital Banking Satisfaction Index,’ also called for investment in cyber security and awareness to avert bank customers falling victim to breaches in their accounts. “Approximately 59 per cent of survey respondents have been fraud victims on the digital platforms of their respective banks. This suggests that more investments in cyber protection by banks are required to combat the growing exposure to cyber security risks on digital platforms,” the report stated.

     It noted that a large percentage of the survey respondents are satisfied with the level of security provided on their respective digital platforms.

     “Based on the digital banking satisfaction index’s parameters, Access Bank Plc recorded the highest user experience score of 94.6 underpinned by comparably higher estimated transaction success rates, ease of navigation, and awareness and active usage of services provided. United Bank for Africa Plc (UBA) scored the second highest (94.4), while Guaranty Trust Bank Limited (GTB) was third with a user experience score of 91.4. Perceived security strength, range of platforms known, and ease of navigation on the platforms were strong ranking factors amongst respondents. Zenith Bank Plc recorded the highest percentage of respondents who perceive their bank’s respective digital platforms to be secure. UBA and Access Bank were the second and third highest respectively,” the survey showed.

     The survey stated that approximately 70 per cent of the survey respondents indicated that they are not willing to switch to another bank’s digital platform. “This is less than the 82 per cent of respondents recorded in our 2021 survey. Customers cited pain points to be high service fees, poor customer service, frequent downtime on the digital platform and as the main reasons they were willing to make a switch to another bank’s digital banking platform.

     “We expect the increasing competition in the digital space from Fintechs and neo-banks to further spur more innovation and expanded service offerings by banks. Also, given the macroeconomic headwinds, which have reduced the appetite for lending to some extent, we expect more emphasis on non-interest income from electronic banking channels to sustain profitability. Overall, we expect more digital transformation as banks compete to grow and retain market share,” it stated.

    Boom in cashless transactions

    As the rate of fraud increases, there has also been a steady rise in the volume of cashless transactions in the country. Between January and November of 2022, transactions have hit N318.66 trillion, according to data gathered by Nigeria Inter-Bank Settlement System (NIBSS), by monitoring amounts processed at PoS terminals and the Nigeria Instant Payment System (NIPS).

    The new figure marked a 45.75 per cent increase compared to the N224.79 trillion recorded in the corresponding period of 2021. The new figure, therefore, suggests a strengthened uptick in Nigeria’s digital payments as N6.85 trillion was recorded under PoS transactions, while N311.81 trillion was recorded as NIP transactions. The NIBSS had earlier disclosed in a report that since the COVID-19 pandemic, the adoption of instant payments advanced as bank customers tended to use electronic payment channels to exchange funds while the country was under lockdown.

     Even after the COVID lockdown, there was no going back as people were becoming already used to the ease of the alternative system. In 2012, the CBN introduced a policy that would encourage the adoption of electronic-based transactions in the payments for goods and services and in the transfer of funds. The policy was also supposed to discourage the handling of cash and decrease the amount of physical cash in the economy.

     Benefits outlined in the policy include: drive financial inclusion by providing more efficient transaction options and greater reach; modernise Nigeria’s payment system in line with competing economies of the world; improve the efficiency of monetary policies in the management of inflation, thereby driving economic development and growth. It was also hoped that the policy would help contain the risks involved in the usage of physical cash. According to the World Bank, the COVID-19 pandemic has spurred financial inclusion – driving a large increase in digital payments amid the global expansion of formal financial services. This expansion created new economic opportunities, narrowing the gender gap in account ownership, and building resilience at the household level to better manage financial shocks, according to the Global Findex 2021 database.

     As of 2021, 76 per cent of adults globally now have an account at a bank, other financial institution, or with a mobile money provider, up from 68 per cent in 2017 and 51per cent in 2011. Importantly, growth in account ownership was evenly distributed across many more countries. While in previous Findex surveys over the last decade much of the growth was concentrated in India and China, this year’s survey found that the percentage of account ownership increased by double digits in 34 countries since 2017.

     The pandemic has also led to an increased use of digital payments. In low-and middle-income economies (excluding China), over 40 per cent of adults who made merchant in-store or online payments using a card, phone, or the internet did so for the first time since the start of the pandemic. The same was true for more than a third of adults in all low- and middle-income economies who paid a utility bill directly from a formal account.  In India, more than 80 million adults made their first digital merchant payment after the start of the pandemic, while in China over 100 million adults did.

    Two-thirds of adults globally now make or receive a digital payment, with the share in developing economies grew from 35per cent in 2014 to 57 per cent in 2021. In developing economies, 71 per cent have an account at a bank, other financial institution, or with a mobile money provider, up from 63 per cent in 2017 and 42 per cent in 2011. Mobile money accounts drove a huge increase in financial inclusion in sub-Saharan Africa.

     “The digital revolution has catalysed increases in the access and use of financial services across the world, transforming ways in which people make and receive payments, borrow, and save. Creating an enabling policy environment, promoting the digitalization of payments, and further broadening access to formal accounts and financial services among women and the poor are some of the policy priorities to mitigate the reversals in development from the ongoing overlapping crises,” World Bank Group President David Malpass, said.

     For the first time since the Global Findex database was started in 2011, the survey found that the gender gap in account ownership has narrowed, helping women have more privacy, security, and control over their money. The gap narrowed from seven to four percentage points globally and from nine to six percentage points in low- and middle-income countries, since the last survey round in 2017.

     About 36 per cent of adults in developing economies now receive a wage or government payment, a payment for the sale of agricultural products, or a domestic remittance payment into an account. The data suggests that receiving a payment into an account instead of cash can kick-start people’s use of the formal financial system – when people receive digital payments, 83 per cent used their accounts to also make digital payments. Almost two-thirds used their account for cash management, while about 40per cent used it to save – further growing the financial ecosystem.

     Despite the advances, many adults around the world still lack a reliable source of emergency money. Only about half of adults in low- and middle-income economies said they could access extra money during an emergency with little or no difficulty, and they commonly turn to unreliable sources of finance, including family and friends.

     “The world has a crucial opportunity to build a more inclusive and resilient economy and provide a gateway to prosperity for billions of people. By investing in digital public infrastructure and technologies for payment and ID systems and updating regulations to foster innovation and protect consumers, governments can build on the progress reported in the Findex and expand access to financial services for all who need them,” Bill Gates, co-chair of the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, one of the supporters of the Global Findex database, said.

     In sub-Saharan Africa, for example, the lack of an identity document remains an important barrier holding back mobile money account ownership for 30per cent of adults with no account suggesting an opportunity for investing in accessible and trusted identification systems. Over 80 million adults with no account still receive government payments in cash – digitalising some of these payments could be cheaper and reduce corruption. Increasing account ownership and usage will require trust in financial service providers, confidence to use financial products, tailored product design, and a strong and enforced consumer protection framework.

     In Sub-Saharan Africa, mobile money adoption continued to rise such that 33per cent of adults now have a mobile money account—a share three times larger than the 10per cent global average. Although mobile money services were originally designed to allow people to send remittances to friends and family living elsewhere within the country, adoption and usage have spread beyond those origins, such that three-out-of-four mobile account owners in 2021 made or received at least one payment that was not person-to-person and 15per cent of adults used their mobile money account to save. Opportunities to increase account ownership in the region include digitalizing cash payments for the 65 million adults with no account receiving payments for agricultural products, and expanding mobile phone ownership, as lack of a phone is cited as a barrier to mobile money account adoption. Adults in the region worry more about paying school fees than adults in other regions, suggesting opportunities for policy or products to enable education-oriented savings.

     The Global Findex database, which surveyed how people in 123 economies use financial services throughout 2021, is produced by the World Bank every three years in collaboration with Gallup Inc. According to reports, going cashless not only eases one’s life but also helps authenticate and formalise the transactions done. This, in effect, helps to curb corruption and the flow of black money, which results in an increase of economic growth. In a populous nation like India, cashless policy challenges are also being tackled by bridging the technology gap and lack of civic education. These are matters of concern and the government or the financial institutes are addressing them to create a strong cashless economy.

     Besides, companies and governments will get efficient and they can reduce costs as they no longer need the manual accounting work to be done. The costs associated with accounting and handling cash are very high. Businesses and individuals can also avoid other costs as well. Theft often leaves a big hole in the pocket. The risk of theft will continue until people cease carrying cash. This also leaves an impact on the government as they can then reduce the costs that it spends on nabbing the culprits. In countries like the U.S., burglary and assault have dropped by about 10per cent once the government shifted the payment made for social welfare to electronic transfer. The authorities, however, have to take measures to curb the online scam and identify theft incidents.

     Less cash means more data. The government can use the data coming from the cashless transactions to improve and analyse their policies. By using such data, officials can predict or identify the patterns of activity and use such information for urban planning for sectors like energy management, housing and transportation, the report added. More spending helps improved economic growth. When a nation is taking a step towards a cashless economy, a boost in the economic growth can be expected. In countries like U.S. higher card usage has contributed a consumption of about $296 billion globally from the year 2011 to 2015, which is a 0.1per cent increase in the gross domestic product (GDP). Shopping online gets easy as one can use a number of payment options; from credit and debit cards to net banking. One can observe more spontaneous buying while making cashless payments.

  • COVID-19 pandemic: Reminiscences of two lockdowns

    COVID-19 pandemic: Reminiscences of two lockdowns

    A couple, Benedicta Ehanire and Andrew Ehanire, recently published a 262-page non-fiction book, Journal of the Pandemic: Reminiscences of Two Lockdowns. In a review of the book, South-south Bureau Chief BISI OLANIYI re-captures the experiences of the authors during the COVID-19 pandemic lockdown and how they navigated the turbulent period

    The authors of the book published in Benin City, Edo State, Nigeria: Dr. Benedicta Ehanire and Sir Andrew Ehanire, are a couple. Benedicta, a doctoral degree holder in English from the University of Benin (UNIBEN), and retired as Manager, News and Current Affairs from the Nigerian Television Authority (NTA), is currently the Spokesperson of UNIBEN, while her husband, Andrew, who studied Sociology at Ahmadu Bello University (ABU), Zaria, and worked for the Presidency in the Special Services Department, is currently holding the management franchise for Edo State Government-owned Ogba Zoological Garden and Nature Park on Airport Road, Benin City.

    The 262-page, six-chapter and three-part book, with well-designed and colourful cover, has neat print and attractive content, thereby making it the readers’ delight. Journal of the Pandemic: Reminiscences of Two Lockdowns is dedicated to God Almighty; Gen. T.Y. and Senator Daisy Danjuma; the authors’ lovely children: Alexander and Pearl; as well as all the people who touched their lives positively; while the forward was written by Prof. Emmanuel Omobowale of the Department of English, University of Ibadan (UI).

    The non-fiction book’s part one, of six chapters, contains reminiscences about the Coronavirus Disease (COVID-19) and lockdowns caused by the pandemic in Nigeria from March 2020, which was narrated in first-person style by Benedicta; with part two, titled: “Recollections,” by Andrew, being his harrowing and horrifying experiences in the hands of his abductors in the creeks of the Niger Delta in 2017; while part three contains the appendix.

    The diary is rendered in very simple language, even while it discusses the very serious issue of COVID-19 pandemic in a frank and pragmatic manner, thereby making the abridged memoir really interesting, as it gives the reader a rare glimpse into the superb administrative abilities of UNIBEN’s 10th substantive Vice-Chancellor, Prof. Lilian Salami, who is the second female helmsman of the federal government-owned higher institution, after the late Prof. Grace Alele-Williams.

    Chapter one of the book is titled: “One Week Shutdown,” with Benedicta giving details of the activities at UNIBEN on a daily basis, from March 25, 2020 to April 1, 2020, when the vice-chancellor had to entend the university’s shutdown by two weeks, in view of reports of escalation of the COVID-19 pandemic, despite the efforts made by health workers and top officials of the state and federal governments.

     She said: “The incidence of COVID-19 was gaining traction globally. In spite of that, Nigerians appeared skeptical that there were grave dangers posed by the pandemic. Governments at different levels, especially the Federal and Lagos State Governments, were putting stringent measures in place to sensitise the citizens and to showcase their readiness to contain the pandemic.

     “To this end, the Federal Government had constituted a high-powered taskforce, called the Presidential Task Force (PTF) on COVID-19, headed by the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Mr. Boss Mustapha, with the Minister of Health, Dr. Osagie Ehanire, and other relevant stakeholders, as members.”

    Chapter 2 of the book is titled: “A Two-Week Extension,” with Benedicta detailing what transpired at UNIBEN, between April 2, 2020 and April 14, 2020, thereby disclosing that the shutdown of the university for two weeks afforded her enough time to put together her article for the Literary Society of Nigeria’s journal. As she reflected on the best ways to fill in the next two weeks of partial holidays, she received a text from UNIBEN’s vice-chancellor, requiring her to prepare an update on the commencement of mass production of liquid soaps and sanitisers by the university, as an interventionist strategy to check the COVID-19 pandemic, while noting that at that time, people were dying like chickens in America, Italy, Spain and Germany, but the incidence was not as grave in Nigeria, by God’s mercy.

     Chapter 3 is titled: “COVID-19: An Uncertain Future,” which is a summary of the author’s activities from April 15, 2020 to April 30, 2020, and the reports of horrifying deaths from the pandemic in Nigeria, particularly that of the Chief of Staff (CoS) to President Muhammadu Buhari, Mallam Abba Kyari. Chapter 4 has as title: “Dawning and Doubts,” which chronicled what transpired between May 1, 2020 and May 17, 2020, especially on the increasing deaths from COVID-19 in Nigeria and other parts of the world, while detailing the interventions by UNIBEN, particularly the ventilators and hand-wash machines.

     Chapter 5 is titled: “A Gleam of Hope or the New Normal?” The author noted that on May 18, 2020, it was 51 days after the issuance of a formal shutdown of UNIBEN, and the directive to all staff to work from home. She stated that as at May 24, 2020, there had been 226 deaths from COVID-19 in Nigeria, with 7,839 confirmed cases, while 2,263 recovered and were discharged, and 265 new cases, according to the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control (NCDC). Benedicta titled chapter 6 “Musings,” thereby giving details of her activities between May 25 and 31, 2020, and the unpleasant COVID-19 experience, with NCDC then putting the confirmed cases in Nigeria at 10,578, with 299 deaths recorded, 3,122 recovered/discharged, while 416 new cases were discovered, which ended part one of the book.

    Part two, titled: “Out of Body Experience,” is Andrew’s story of his experience in the hands of kidnappers in September, 2017, told to Benedicta formally and in detail, for the first time, since the hellish events. Andrew said: “I was abducted from my office in Benin City on a very busy Sunday evening. There was sporadic gunfire, and three policemen were cut down by AK-47 bullets before my eyes. The gunmen dragged me on the floor of rickety car parked outside, and were firing into the air. After about two kilometres, we got to a brook with two canoes, which we boarded and rode for over an hour to join waiting speed boat with powerful twin engines on a wider river, while the canoe operators were paid off.

    “One of the gunmen in the boat, who appeared to be the leader, proudly informed me that they were the ‘strike force,’ sent to capture me, after I had eluded other teams on three occasions. I had been abducted for over two weeks, before I finally made up my mind to make an escape bid. The price for failure would be more dreadful. There appeared to be a frenzied preparation for a festival and I was very scared that I was going to play a role in it, as the sacrifice perhaps. I was familiar with the daily drumming and chanting of the Egbesu cult, with occasional gunshots. 

    “The price for attempted escape is said to be death. I had been told that most people brought to their camps never went back alive. I was also told by one of the gang leaders that their assignment was to assassinate me, but that their oracle revealed that I was not guilty of any of the offences foisted by my detractors. On the fateful day, I had seen characters looking like witch doctors being ferried to the main camp. The militants always carried AK-47 rifles with multiple magazines. The agony of doing nothing was unbearable. So, at dusk, I launched myself into the murky water of the pervasive creeks of Niger Delta. I had to keep my eyes open, while under water. My clothes were carefully folded in a polythene bag, but after a long swim, I involuntarily let go of the bag containing my clothes, while it was floating away, as I had only a boxer short for clothing, which later became tattered, and I pulled it off to swipe mosquitoes, on the 6th day of my escape into the mangrove forest, thereby lying naked.

    “I heard voices nearby, as some fisher women were paddling a small canoe. I hysterically blurted out to them to help take me to a police station. They disappeared instantly and reappeared some moments later with two gun-toting militants. One of the women removed a wrapper and it was thrown at me. We moved to the first port of call on the day of my initial arrival at the camp. It took an agonising three-day wait for them to put a call through to my wife, Bennie.”

    Andrew revealed that in the coming days, he was privy to the negotiations the kidnappers had with his family members for ransom, stressing that after the first ransom was delivered, they improved his welfare and even bought him a radio. By the end of the second week, when the co-author made his escape, a second ransom was paid, without hint on when he would be released, while for another week, he could not speak with his family, but when he eventually spoke with his wife, the new boss of the gang in the camp assured his wife that he would be released the same day, but demanded transport money.

    Andrew disclosed that he was given a white robe at the camp, and a speed boat was arranged, with eight men in black and armed with AK-47 rifles escorting him to an abandoned jetty in a village in Delta State, where his friend, Comrade Victor Ogba, picked him, after throwing the requested transport money to the escorts, while he hurriedly joined the rickety and crawling car, which arrived Benin after one hour, thereby reuniting with his wife and two children: Alexander and Pearl, with a young doctor examining him in Benin, and he then flew to Lagos for in-depth examinations in one of the best private hospitals.

    Part three of the book is the appendix, which consists of UNIBEN’s updates/press statements by Benedicta on the dreaded COVID-19 pandemic, between March 31, 2020 and May 30, 2020, as well as the new look university’s (UNIBEN’s) block of flats, epilogue and index. The minor error spotted in the book was on page 230, part two, with Andrew stating that: “…..before heading to the airport,” instead of “…..before heading for the airport.” Benedicta and Andrew’s efforts in putting the informative, educative and well-written book together are laudable, with people all over the world admonished to read it, in order to learn more about COVID-19 and its variants, as well as how to avoid being kidnapped and strategies to survive in the dens of kidnappers, thereby being alive to tell the horrifying stories.

  • The many ugly faces of Sokoto as Nigeria’s ‘poverty capital’

    The many ugly faces of Sokoto as Nigeria’s ‘poverty capital’

    But for the dirty environment and serenity signifying absence of factories that make capital cities bubble, poverty is not glaring in Sokoto State capital. Its dearth of high-rise buildings can be passed for culture, but a peep into the living standards of its urban and rural dwellers confirms the Seat of Caliphate as Nigeria’s poverty capital. ABDULGAFAR ALABELEWE, who was in Sokoto, reports

    The National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) recently released the 2022 Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) report, indicating that Sokoto State is the poorest in Nigeria, a verdict the state government finds difficult to swallow – despite the presence of various indices that make the people of the state wallow in poverty.

     Lives of the urban dwellers, who are neither civil servants nor politicians, show just a little improvement over those in the villages. Many lack access to potable water; they also can hardly afford standard medical services. Hauwa Ibrahim is one of the several Sokoto urban dwellers who cannot afford any medical, educational or social services outside those provided by the state government. Her story was narrated by her daughter, Maryam Ibrahim, who sells Soya beans cake around Offa road area of Sokoto metropolis.

      Maryam, who is a teenager, said her mother (Hauwa Ibrahim) is a full housewife; while her father is a local estate agent. According to her, her mother depends solely on the proceeds from the Soya beans cake to feed them and meet her other needs, as she gets only little from her husband who has another wife and children to take care of. Mrs Hauwa, according to her daughter, is the one that takes her children to the hospital with little or no support from her husband when the need arises. And sometimes, she just buys drugs from chemists around the neighbourhood to give them when they are sick. Maryam, who is the third of Hauwa’s seven children, had just finished her junior secondary education and her chance of proceeding with education is slim, like her immediate elder sister who she said was married off two years ago.

     Bello Shehu, a resident of Asarki, a village on the fringes of Usmanu Danfodiyo University in Sokoto, is one of the not too many lucky Sokoto villagers. He combines his subsistence farming with clerical work at the university, which makes his life better than his neighbours. Shehu lives in the same kind of mud house with thatched roof, but he and his family enjoy good medical services in the University’s Medical Center, because he is by virtue of his university job, an enrolee of the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS).  

     He has, however, not enjoyed same for education, as the fees for the subsidised demonstration school in the university was almost taking away his entire salary; he had to withdraw his children to public schools in the neighbouring communities. Despite his own employment status, Shehu is not happy. He said most of his kinsmen live from hand to mouth, without any form of support from the government in their chosen farming and cattle-rearing careers. 

     According to him, “I work in the university. Government does not do anything for us here. They are supposed to give us potable water, build school and hospital for us, but they did not do anything like that. Now, due to lack of finance, all my children who were in the primary school inside the university; I had to withdraw them and take them to a public school in another village not too far from here due to lack of government support. 

     “In the area of agriculture, we only hear on radio that government is giving support to farmers; we don’t get such here. And we have a polling unit, we participate in elections, but we don’t get democracy dividends. Other members of our community that are not working in the university are either farmers or herders. Because of the financial constraints, none of those who farm in this village get up to five bags of millet or genuine corn. What we farm now cannot even sustain our respective family all year round. So, many of us do go into the town to other menial jobs to make extra income.   

     “I have eight children; all of them were going to primary school inside the university before I withdrew then because I could no longer afford the fees. One of my children just finished secondary school; his result was not even out yet. He just disappeared; I didn’t know his whereabouts until few days later, when he called me to say he had gone to Lagos. The pregnant women in our community give birth at home, because before you can go to the hospital in the town to give birth, you must have registered with them and be going for antenatal,” Umar explained.

     Mohammed Umar lives in the same village with Shehu, but because he does not have a job in the university, only two of his seven children go to the public primary school in the neighbouring community. His excuse is that, the school is a bit far away, and that, only the two most senior of his children can withstand the rigour of trekking down. But for the free basic education policy of the state government, Umar said he would not have enrolled any of the children. “I don’t have money to send the children to school, but because the government school is free, I sent two of my children first. The other children will be going when they grow older,” he said.

     Umar’s challenge is not only the poverty that is written all over his face, his ignorance of the value of education his obvious. He doesn’t have the foresight of Shehu, the university casual staff, who think his children should acquire education, so they can someday be employed in UDUS as academic staff. He doesn’t also enjoy NHIS like Shehu and his children, yet he doesn’t care. That is why all his children were given birth to at home. Umar, a farmer and husband of two wives, had never linked the death of his sixth baby at birth to absence of antenatal care.

     “All my children were delivered at home without any challenge. Though my first wife lost her fourth child, that is the one that would have been my sixth child, the baby was given birth to already dead from inside. But that is the way God wanted it to happen.”

     Just like many of his neighbours, Umar farms corn and millets only during the wet season and without any form of mechanical aid. His harvests are used to feed his family and small proportion of it is to take to local market for sale in exchange for other household needs. He hardly can afford medical bills of his children who are fed mostly carbohydrates meals. Umar’s life story is the common lifestyle of millions of the rural farmers in Sokoto State. In fact, he is better off than those in the villages across the state, who are troubled by banditry.

     The stories of these Sokoto citizens are samples of the big statistics reeled out by the NBS. The NBS’s Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) report indicated that about 65 per cent of Nigerians, representing 133 million, are suffering from multidimensional poverty, 86 million of whom live in the Northern Nigeria, while 47 million live in the Southern part of the country, with children constituting more than half of the total figure of poor people in the country.

     According to the report, while the other five geo-political zones of the country are home to between 11-20 million people each, the North-west where Sokoto is located has 45 million poor people. It specifically ranked Sokoto and Bayelsa as the states with the highest number of people experiencing multidimensional poverty; while Gombe and Kebbi states ranked third and fourth in the recent poverty data ranking.

     A breakdown of the dimensions of poverty used for the MPI includes: nutrition, food insecurity, time to healthcare, school attendance, unemployment, security shock, housing deprivation and investment in rural areas among others.     

     Sokoto State Government’s reaction

      Meanwhile, the state government has faulted the NBS poverty ranking, daring the NBS to come up with statistics of Sokoto citizens that have been killed by hunger, which warranted it to be labelled as the poorest in the country. The Permanent Secretary, Sokoto Ministry of Budget and Economic Planning, Arzika Bodinga, who expressed displeasure at the report said, “We are pleading for more serious scrutiny on the figures, and rankings. I dare the agency to come up with data of any person found dead on account of hunger along township streets including rural areas across the state.

     ”Go to the Specialist Hospital, Usmanu Danfodio University Teaching Hospital – all in Sokoto and monitor how our people are trooping in to donate blood. Welfare of citizens is not compatible with the related figure and we will continue to push for more positive results. We facilitated the enactment of food and nutrition policies, the Conditional Cash Transfers Scheme, Water and Sanitation Health facilities and many social protection policies,” he added.

    The Permanent Secretary, however, urged the relevant authorities to cross-check their findings, and shun political infiltrations, foul play and other short changes that might be subjective in their findings. While NBS noted that the poverty indicators vary across the six geographical zones, The Nation’s investigation revealed that, virtually all the poverty indicators highlighted by the Bureau are present in Sokoto State. Hence, the conclusion that Sokoto State’s poverty indeed has many faces; with insecurity, occasioned by banditry, forming the biggest threat to the state’s development.

      Security shock, food security and access to education

       hat Zamfara and Sokoto axis of the North-west is the headquarters of banditry in Nigeria is no longer news. The most notorious of the bandits’ commanders in the region like Bello Turji and Damina live and operate from the forest of Sokoto and Zamfara states. The bandits have in the past four years terrorised people of Sokoto State, killing, maiming, kidnapping, and taking ransom and taxes from innocent citizens.

     The Nation’s check revealed that 21 out of the 23 local government areas of Sokoto State have suffered varying degrees of banditry, with Isa, Sabon Birnin, Goronyo and Rabah local governments, all in Sokoto East, as the worst hit. Illela and Wurno are also seriously affected; while Gada and Gwadabawa are the least affected councils in the eastern senatorial zone. In the seven local areas of Sokoto South, only Yano, Tambuwal, Bodinga and Denge/Shunni are relatively peaceful, as they have the least of numbers of villages sacked or under the control of bandits. But Kebbe, Shagari and Tureta, a border council with the troubled area of Zanfara are severally affected by bandits’ activities.

     For the central senatorial zone, Sokoto South and Sokoto North, which constitute the state capital city, are the most peaceful, with zero case of banditry; while the remaining six local government areas of the zone often have pockets of banditry attacks, with the exception of Tangaza, which can be said to have been seriously affected, as villages across five wards of the council have had their fair share of the bandits attacks. The impact of the security challenges is no doubt glaring poverty. The bandits had not only killed, maimed, kidnapped and collected ransoms from the citizens of Sokoto, they had rustled their livestock and imposed levies in millions on the communities to allow them continue stay in their villages and have access to their farmlands.

     Though not contributing much to the national food production when compared to other North-west states like Kaduna, Kano or even Kebbi, which has in the recent past made immense contribution to the Nigeria’s rice production, Sokoto remains an agrarian state, with majority of its farmers growing millets and vegetables. Agriculture contributes more than 80 per cent of the employment in Sokoto State, but majority of the state’s farmers who live in the rural areas are subsistent farmers, who rely solely on rainfall to cultivate their fields.  Only few financially capable ones engage in off-season irrigation farming.

     However, the rural banditry ravaging Sokoto and the other parts of North-West, has in the past few years worsened the lot of Sokoto farmers and exacerbated food insecurity crisis. Many farmers in the villages affected by banditry have been either displaced or denied access to their farm lands. The situation has reduced food production in Sokoto State in the last three years by about 60 per cent, as most farmers are either reduced to farming within their communities’ neighbourhood or bow to paying levies imposed by the bandits to access their main farmlands.

     According to UNICEF, one in every five of the world’s out-of-school children is in Nigeria. With 13.2 million out-of-school children in Nigeria, the Northern parts of the country account for more than half of the number, with Sokoto alone contributing about 1.2million. Providing a further breakdown of the educational status of Sokoto State, the 2021 Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (MICS) showed that only 5.9 per cent of children between the age of three to four have access to early childhood education; when Lagos has 84.3 per cent. 

     The state also has the third poorest statistics of secondary school completion among the Nigerian states, as the 2021 MICS report showed that only 22.4 per cent of children who started secondary school stay till completion. When Anambra has 90 per cent, Sokoto is only ahead of Bauchi and Jigawa, which have 17 and 19 per cent, respectively. The poor rate of secondary education completion may have been caused by several factors, chief among which is high rate of the early marriage. The MICS report indicated that 53.9 per cent of Sokoto State women were married off before the age of 18.

     But the state government has since declared state of emergency on education and floated an intervention programme in the sector, through which over a billion naira was spent in construction of new schools across the three geopolitical zones of the State. The programme, which was funded with three per cent and five per cent voluntary deductions from the salaries of civil servants and political appointees, was managed by Sokoto State Consultative Committee on Education under the Chairmanship of the Sultan of Sokoto, Alhaji Muhammad Sa’ad Abubakar III. Under the programme, 13 schools were constructed in three years, including Junior Secondary School at Rumbu in Sokoto North, Junior Secondary School, Gigane in Gwadabawa Local Government Area, Usman Makera Community Secondary School, Achida, Mallam Buhari Government Day Secondary School, Sifawa, Sanyinna Model Primary School and another school at Bagida in Tambuwal Local Government Area.

     Others are located at; Gagi, Danchadi, Horo Birni, Katami, Araba and Dantudu, with all being provided with solar-powered water borehole, complete electrification using solar power source, furniture for staff and students, instructional working materials, laboratories, Information Communication Technology facilities, among other.

     The Nation observed that, as commendable as the education intervention programme is, insecurity has robbed it off the desired goal, as most the schools are located in the communities troubled by banditry, even though the State Governor, Aminu Tambuwal, said his administration has reduced the number of out-of-school children in the state by half within the last two years. Speaking recently at a one-day Basic Education Development Dialogue in the Kasarawa area of the state, Tambuwal said his “administration’s declaration of emergency in the education sector at its inception and the conscientious work of the consultative committee led by the Sultan of Sokoto, Alhaji Muhammad Sa’ad Abubakar, has started yielding results as the number of OOSC, which between 2019/2020 was about 1.2 million, is now about 572,000.”

     The Governor who pointed out that, “over 600,000 children are now enrolled in schools,” said, “We must ensure that every child in Sokoto State goes back to school, is enrolled, enlisted and remain in school until the completion of his education,” Tambuwal. Tambuwal acknowledged at the event that security situation of the state has affected education negatively, noting that, “We are battling the challenges of insecurity and so many others. Without qualitative education, we cannot overcome them.”

     Nutritional deprivation/child health

     In the area of healthcare, Sokoto State, according to the 2018 National Nutrition and Health Survey, is one of the four states with the highest prevalence of malnutrition among children six to 59 months in the country. With a prevalence of 8.4 per cent, only Zamfara (10.3%) Katsina (9.2%) and Jigawa (8.5) are worse off. Similarly, Global Nutrition Report (2021) showed that 30.3 per cent of children under the age of five in Sokoto State are underweight. The report stated that 31.9 per cent of children of that age in the state are stunted, that is, their height-for-age is more than two standard deviations below the WHO Child Growth Standards median; while 15.8 per cent are wasted, that is, they have low weight for their height. The story is not different even in immunisation coverage. 2021 MICS report showed that only six per cent of the Sokoto children age between 12 to 23 months took complete immunisation. 51 per cent did not take at all; while 43 per cent were partially vaccinated.

       NBS poverty rating is in line with Sokoto realities, says an economist

      Even as the state government officials appear to be living in denial of the NBS verdict, an economist, Dr Mohammed Bashir Achida, said the MPI Report is the sad reality of Sokoto State, which he said cannot change until the government takes deliberate and decisive measures to address the poor status of education and human capital development in the state. Dr. Achida, who is a lecturer in the Department of Economics, Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto, said, without standard education, human capital development, provision of standard medical care, and maintenance of clean environment, no investor will bring their investments to Sokoto State.

     “Going by the indicators applied by the NBS, like access to healthcare, education, security and some other issues that have to do with employment generation, we can say the result of the NBS research is within what is expected. Because, year in year out, this statistic has continued to showcase Sokoto as the poorest.

    “The reason for this type of statistics is for the policy makers to take these data and work on improvement. If you look at the Sokoto State budget, you will see that the priorities are education, healthcare and social welfare, but having the budget is one thing, but when it comes to implementation and releases, you will find out that they are really poor as it relates to education, healthcare and others. When you go the rural areas, you will find out that access to healthcare is really not there; there is very low access to healthcare. Also in the Sokoto city itself, if you visit some of the General Hospitals or the ones we call tertiary health institutions, there are shortages of wards, facilities and, at times, there are no social amenities for the sick people to access.   

    “Also, if you look at the other indicators like employment, apart from government, who is the major employer of labour in Sokoto? Do we have other places where labour is employed, apart from government? Of course, we have Sokoto Cement, but what is the statistics of those working there, those with capacity to work there? Because when you have a private sector, it has to do with what you can do. That is where manpower development is key. What is the government doing in terms education? Because if there is quality education given to people, they will as well get employment. How many people of the state get access to federal jobs, how many get access to private organisations or private firms out the state and the country? How many of the Sokoto citizens get employment outside the state because of what they can do?

    “The simple defence people in the government of Sokoto State will always put up is that, there is increase in enrolment or they tell you retention. But, is that what is really necessary? Are these children doing what they are supposed to do in the school? Are there improvements? Are there qualitative staff? Are there qualitative teaching materials? You can mobilise people to school, but if they are not getting what they are supposed to get, it is zero. How many of them pass WAEC? How many of them will be able to pass JAMB?  So, there is no sector that you will be able to improve, that will ultimately reduce the level of poverty than education, because that is where you empower the human beings. Whether you provide them with employment or not, they will be able to do something for themselves, because they are equipped to do something. So, this is what Sokoto is lacking; it appears not to have what it takes to improve its manpower development. This is a serious issue.

     “Sokoto will continue to be poor, for as long as the government refuses to address issues that have to do with manpower development. And these have to do with health and education. The policy makers seem to be getting it wrong both at state and federal level, because even the Federal Government has blame; when you have a state that is being rated the poorest for almost six years now, you will make sure you tackle that issue. We expect also as a people that, that the security challenges we face should be tackled with education and skill training for people that have passed schooling age. This because the military approach alone cannot solve this problem of insecurity.

     “So, there is need for the government to come back to the root of the matter. They must look at the issue of education holistically and revamp the health sector. They must address environmental issue, because no investor will bring his money to where people cannot take care of their environment. In the area of agriculture, we have dams, but our people are only into seasonal farming. What is the government doing? The government has the responsibility to train people in the opportunities around them. You see people here farming sorghum, millets and you ask, what is the value of millet in the global economy? And it is on this farming of millet that the government will spend N6 billion a year buying fertilizer and other things and at the end, the farmers will produce less than a billion Naira worth of millet and of what economic value?

    “Now, if someone is producing maize or rice, you know the economic value. We know the value of beans. So, government needs to reorient people on some of these their cultural practices even in agriculture and economic practices, because you find farmers in the villages who only attend weekly markets and sell off whatever they have, and that is the end. The farmers need orientation. The world has changed and we cannot continue to draw back Nigeria. So, this rating by the NBS is in line with our realities and whoever is denying that is not telling you the truth. The population is growing, what are we doing to absorb it? We are doing little or nothing,” he said.

    Development partners to the rescue

    Giving insights into efforts of the government and the development partners towards addressing the challenges, especially in the areas of health, nutrition, WASH, education and child protection, the Social Policy Specialist, UNICEF Sokoto Field Office, Isah Ibrahim, said several programmes are being implemented to correct the anomalies. Ibrahim said UNICEF is gradually expanding its intervention from development to humanitarian-inclusive mode in the implementation of its intervention programmes, especially to cater for the displaced people in Sokoto in view of the ongoing violent crimes against the rural population in Zamfara and the Eastern part of Sokoto State.

     He explained that the security challenges in parts of Sokoto had restricted access to several project communities and thereby necessitated remote programming approaches. He, however, said that despite the security challenges, a lot has been achieved. “The Sokoto Food and Nutrition Policy has been approved and the number of Primary Health Care Centers (PHCs) providing lifesaving nutrition services were scaled up from 30 in 2021 to 66 in 2022, as part of efforts to increase access and coverage of nutritional services to the affected populations, while 82,502 in the state. Also, UNICEF supported 75 health facilities by mentoring 150 healthcare workers on Quality of Care (QoC); this went a long way in improving antenatal attendance rates in Sokoto State.”

     On education, the UNICEF Social Policy Specialist said, “to respond to school closures, 2,210 radio sets were distributed in the state to aid distance learning, just as the state has approved its Social Protection Policy. We are also increasing access to schooling and ensuring quality learning outcomes through working with government and all stakeholders to enrol more children in school, make the school atmosphere conducive for learners, build the capacity of teachers and mobilise learning materials, coupled with good management of the educational system, is the overall goal of the programme.

     “The programme also supports the development of approaches such as distance learning during the COVID-19 lockdown, to curb emerging challenges and provide support to families in cash transfer to cover some of the costs of parent keeping their children in school. Also, in Sokoto and Zamfara States, a Teacher Management Information System (TMIS) was developed and deployed in response to the growing challenges facing teacher management and the constant attempts to ensure the availability and easy access to critical information on teachers by planners, policy/decision-makers and development partners. TMIS is a web-based information system that can capture, analyse and generate meaningful information on teachers, and it has four main modules: teacher recruitment, teacher deployment, and teacher performance and attendance.

    “This will help to institutionalise systems and capacities that can contribute to the sustainability of key achievements through UNICEF-supported projects in effective teacher management in the States,” he said. With deliberate and sustained partnership between the state government and the development partners, Sokoto has the potential of emerging the agricultural hub of Nigeria, attracting multinational investment in the agricultural value chains

  • N21.8tr budget: How private sector funds infrastructure with CSRs-backed tax credits

    N21.8tr budget: How private sector funds infrastructure with CSRs-backed tax credits

    The N21.8 trillion budget for 2023 was the highest ever in Nigeria’s history but has minimal space for infrastructure funding. Only N998.93 billion was allocated to infrastructure for works and housing, power, transport, water resources and aviation. A large part of the budget will be channelled into consumption, neglecting critical infrastructure needed to facilitate development. In the absence of sustainable government input, private sectors are now driving critical infrastructure through tax credits and in line with their Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) initiatives. The Road Infrastructure Development and Refurbishment Investment Tax Credit Scheme, which the CSRs are anchored, was built on a public-private partnership (PPP) intervention and enables the government to leverage private sector capital and efficiency for the construction, repairs, and maintenance of critical road infrastructure in key economic areas. Assistant Business Editor COLLINS NWEZE writes on the new trend in infrastructure financing and what the CSR initiatives mean for the economy.

    Not many people saw the audacious N21.8 trillion 2023 Federal Government Budget coming. But a critical analysis of the budget gives little or no hope on building critical infrastructure, which is at the centre of economic development.

    Although N20.5 trillion Budget 2023 was initially presented to the National Assembly by President Muhammadu Buhari in October, the Senate and the House of Assembly, last Wednesday, passed N21.8 trillion as the Appropriation Bill for next year. The budget is made up of Statutory Transfers (N967 billion); Debt Service (N6.5 trillion); Recurrent Non-Debt Expenditure (N8.3 trillion ) and Capital Expenditure of (N5.9 trillion).

    The budget analysis showed that N998.93 billion, about five per cent of the budget, was allocated to infrastructure for works and housing, power, transport, water resources and aviation. Such low funding plan for infrastructure, has widened of infrastructure gap in the country.

    That has been the practice for decades until the coming of the  Road Infrastructure Tax Credit Scheme , which has become a new Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) Initiatives by private sector to open up the road networks and energise the economy. For instance, though Nigeria boasts of the largest road network in Africa, only about 60,000km of its estimated 195,000km road network is paved. Yet, some of them are in disrepair, poorly maintained or un-tarred.

    To improve the road infrastructure and transportation, the Federal Government’s efforts introduced the Executive Order 007, which gave birth to the Road Infrastructure Development and Refurbishment Investment Tax Credit Scheme.

    Executive Order 007 empowers private companies to finance construction or refurbishment of federal roads designated as “Eligible Roads.”

    They are to recoup their investments through deduction of the approved costs expended on the project from their yearly Companies Income Tax (CIT). The Road Infrastructure Scheme is a Public-Private Partnership (PPP) intervention that enables the Federal Government to leverage private sector capital and efficiency for the construction, refurbishment of critical road infrastructure in key economic areas.

    The Federal Government says over 794kms of road have been prioritised for construction through the scheme. Eleven states across the six geopolitical zones are to benefit from it. Companies and agencies that had taken the advantage of the initiative include Unilever, Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation Limited (NNPC), Dangote Industries, Julius Berger, MTN, BUA Group of Companies, Access Bank, Transcorp, Lafarge and GZI Industries.

    The NNPCL is also one of the companies that have keyed into the initiative as part of its Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) projects.  It  had expressed interest to invest in the reconstruction of select federal roads to sustain a smooth supply and distribution of petroleum products across the country.

    Few months after announcing the release of N621 billion to revamp selected roads, the company is planning to invest over N1 trillion. In the first phase, the NNPCL was expected to construct 1,804.6 kilometres of roads worth N621.27 billion  with the Northcentral getting the highest chunk of N244.87 billion. The Southsouth emerged the second highest beneficiary of the NNPCL road projects worth N172.02 billion.

    For instance, the 43km Obajana-Kabba road in Kogi was constructed by Dangote through the tax credit scheme. The Southwest was allocated N81.87 billion; N56.12 billion allocation went to Northeast, while the Southeast has N43.28 billion allocation, the Northwest got N23.05 billion. NNPCL Group Chief Executive, Mallam Mele Kyari, said during a tour of roads in the Northcentral and Southwest regions, the corporation would continue to support the government’s efforts at growing the economy.

    The road tour was also witnessed by the Chief Executive of the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), Muhammad Nami and officials of the Ministry of Works and Housing. Kyari assessed the reconstruction of 124.81-Km Bida-Lambata road in Niger State, and the Lagos-Badagry Expressway along the Agbara junction and Nigeria/Benin border. Under the scheme, the road projects will be funded by NNPCL and the equivalent amount deducted by the FIRS from the national oil company’s tax obligations.

    Through the scheme, the NNPCL will be serving as an enabler for building the economy and it is collaborating with key stakeholders such as the Ministry of Works and the FIRS on the execution of the initiative. The company said this was in response to the plight faced by petroleum products marketers in transportation which affects nationwide distribution. Kyari further stated that the NNPCL was taking cognisance of the importance of road infrastructure to the development of the economy, explaining that it is the reason it is investing in roads infrastructure.

    According to Kyari, the quality of work was top-notch, adding that the consultants deployed during President Buhari’s stint at the Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF), were handling the jobs. “We are using the same consultants in partnership with the Federal Ministry of Works and the FIRS to make sure that this works for all of us and we can see from the quality of work. This is the best framework for delivering infrastructure in the country. We are funding partners. We are development partners and enablers. So, whatsoever the FIRS and the ministry of works approve for us, we will consider from our cash flow and fund them,” he assured.

    The Director, Roads, Ministry of Works, Folorunso Esan, the NNPCL has increased the pace of the project from 10 per cent to about 40 per cent.

    Lagos-based tax expert, Nnodim Ekene, described the programme as timely and capable of boosting the Federal Government’s quest to upscale infrastructure projects.

    Fed Govt and infrastructure plans

    During the presentation of the budget to the National Assembly, President Buhari said the Federal Government incentivised some companies to invest billions of naira in constructing over 1,500km critical roads in key economic corridors.

    Under this Scheme, the Dangote Group has substantially completed the Reconstruction of 34km Apapa-Oworonshoki-Ojota Expressway and the 43km Obajana-Kabba Road. Similarly, Nigeria LNG Limited is on track to complete the 38km Bodo-Bonny Road and Bridges Project by the end of 2023.

    Also, under our Sukuk Bonds scheme, since 2017, over N600 billion has been raised and invested in 941km for over 40 critical road projects nationwide, complementing the Ministry of Works and Housing’s Highway Development and Management Initiative and other interventions.

    The government is also investing significantly to restore national railways, completing and commissioning the 156km Lagos-Ibadan Standard Gauge Rail (and its 8.72km extension to Lagos Port); the 186km Abuja-Kaduna Standard Gauge Rail; and 327km Itakpe-Warri Standard Gauge Rail.

    These completed projects complement its ongoing investments in Light Rail, Narrow and Standard Gauge Rail, Ancillary Facilities Yards, Wagon Assembly Plants, E-Ticketing infrastructure as well as the training and development of our rail engineers and other workers.

    Also,  new Airport Terminals have been completed in Lagos, Abuja, Kano and Port Harcourt, and reconstructed the Abuja Airport Runway in its first overhaul since its construction in the early 1980s.

    Other investments in airports safety facilities, aeronautical meteorological services delivery complement ongoing development of seaports and ancillary infrastructure at the Lekki Deep Sea Port, Bonny Deep Sea Port, Onitsha River Port, as well as the Kaduna, Kano and Katsina Inland Dry Ports to create a truly multimodal transport system.

    “We have transformed Nigeria’s challenging power sector, through bespoke interventions such as the Siemens Power Program, with the German government under which over $2 billion will be invested in the Transmission Grid.

    “We have leveraged over billions of US dollars in concessional and other funds from our partners at the World Bank, International Finance Corporation, African Development Bank, JICA as well as through the Central Bank of Nigeria, working with the Finance Ministry, to support the power sector reforms,” he said.

    He said the Central Bank has also been impactful in its interventions to roll out over a million meters to on-grid consumers, creating much needed jobs in assembly and installation.

    “Our financing interventions have recently been complemented with the takeover of four electricity distribution companies and the constitution of the Board of the Nigeria Electricity Liability Management Company. On the generation side, we have made significant investments in and incremental 4,000MW of power generating assets, including Zungeru Hydro, Kashimbila Hydro, Afam III Fast Power, Kudenda Kaduna Power Plant, the Okpai Phase 2 Plant, the Dangote Refinery Power Plant, and others,” he said.

    Road Infrastructure

    Tax Credit Scheme in details

    The Federal Government also disclosed that  under the Road Infrastructure Tax Credit Scheme, 33 road projects covering a total length of 1,564.95 km have been approved, pursuant to which private sector companies are incentivized to invest in the construction and rehabilitation of federal and state roads, and subsequently recover their investment back through an innovative tax credit mechanism, setting off credits against corporate tax liabilities. About N97.471 billion in tax credits have been approved for issuance.

    Minister of Works and Housing, Babatunde Fashola, noted that this sort of investment is common for high net-worth individuals and organizations who always express interest in constructing, developing, or rehabilitating roads in areas with high economic value.

    He also disclosed that no company had defaulted in completing projects and fulfilling the requirement as it is practically impossible to do so.

    “We don’t have any reported case of default. Secondly, there is unlikely to be a default because if you don’t do the work there is no payment and this is not ascertained by us. There is zero room for default. What you can classify as a default is if the contractor is unable to do the work, we change them and bring capable hands.” Fashola said.

    Stakeholders’ views on the budget

    The success of the N21.8 trillion 2023 budget depends on extensive fiscal and monetary measures to address the wide gap between Nigeria’s declining revenue and productivity levels and its ballooning expenditures.

    Economic and financial experts took cursory look at the N21.8 trillion budget for 2023  and expressed mixed reactions to the realisation of the key objectives and headline figures of the budget.

    While experts appeared to agree largely on the need to fast-track infrastructural development, they rued the disproportionate budget allocations marked 20 per cent increase in non-debt recurrent expenditure amid rising three-quarter growth in debt service and decline in capital expenditure.

    Themed “2023 Budget of Fiscal Consolidation and Transition”, the proposed 2023 budget has an oil price benchmark of $70, with an oil daily production of 1.69 million barrels per day; an exchange rate pegged at N435.57 to a dollar; projected Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth rate of 3.75 per cent and a 17.16 per cent inflation rate.

    Managing Director, Arthur Steven Asset Management Limited, Olatunde Amolegbe said the size of the budget was not unexpected given the government’s commitment to infrastructural development but cautioned that some of the budget assumptions were too ambitious in the context of scenarios.

    According to him, the government needs to take further look at the budget to realign its expectations with global and national macroeconomic realities while simultaneously working to reduce its expenditure profile.

    “While some of the assumptions are realistic, others are over optimistic given the situation on ground. For instance, the benchmark price of crude oil is quite realistic considering that oil price has been hovering around the $100 per barrel consequent on the Russian-Ukraine war which has no end in sight.

    “Also, the projected 3.75 per cent growth in Gross Domestic Product (GDP) is also realistic as the country has recorded growth for seven consecutive quarters.

    “However, the assumption of 1.69 million barrels per day (mbpd) seems not too realistic as the country has consistently fallen short of the OPEC’s quota in 2022 and at some point struggled with about 900, 000 mbpd. The issues that caused this shortfall have not been resolved and more tension might be brewing in the Niger Delta region even with the appointment of a former militant leader to safeguard pipelines without the inclusion of other groups. For the assumption on inflation, it looks over-optimistic considering the fact that two successive policy rate hikes were not sufficient to curb inflation,” Amolegbe, the immediate past president of Chartered Institute of Stockbrokers (CIS) said.

    A Professor of Capital Market and President, Association of Capital Market Academics of Nigeria (ACMAN),  Uche Uwaleke said the early presentation of the budget proposal was commendable as it ensures the sustainability of the return to the January to December budget cycle.

    He described as noteworthy the fact that the Finance Bill will be considered alongside the 2023 Appropriation Bill while the budget of government-owned enterprises is also integrated to promote transparency.

    “I think the oil price benchmark of $70 is conservative in line with budget principles. I also think the oil production benchmark of 1.69mbpd is realistic given the assurance by the president that the NNPC Limited is doing something to curb oil theft and pipeline vandalism.

    “It is, however, worrisome that capital expenditure as a proportion of total spending has gone down well below the government target of 30 per cent while debt service at over N6 trillion is in excess of amount budgeted for capital expenditure.

    “As the president rightly noted, the greatest threat to budget performance is the revenue side. This is why every effort must be made to improve revenue collection efficiency as well as monitor closely the ministries, departments and agencies (MDAs) and government-independent revenues.

    “I also think the fiscal deficit of over N10 trillion can be trimmed, especially by pruning the over N1 trillion overhead costs,” Uwaleke, a senior faculty member at Nassarawa State University, said.

    A Senior Lecturer, Department of Social Sciences, University of Lagos, Kamar Sheidu, said given the parameters of the budget and the manner of its planned funding, then the country will be faced with an increased burden of debt servicing both for now and the future generations.

    “The N21.8 trillion budget will be funded by internally generated revenue from oil and the balance will be borrowed from the external and internal sources. The implication of this is that it will increase the burden of debt services on the nation and future generation.

    He said once the government prioritises its spending on the real sector economy such as agriculture, infrastructure, health, education, fixing refineries, manufacturing sector and industrialisation, it will create more jobs and reduce poverty.

    According to him, the budget will have a symbiotic relationship with the economy, rather than having a parasitic relationship.This situation will depend on the spending behaviour of the government in all ramifications. The institution that is created to fight corruption should be enhanced to function and the three arms of government should be totally separated and have a check and balance.

    Managing Director, Centre for the promotion of Private Enterprise (CPPE), Muda Yusuf, the proposed 2023 budget has further amplified the troubling fiscal outlook for the economy as expenditure continues to accelerate amid consistent weak revenue performance.

    “In all probability, the deficit will be much bigger by year-end because of the track record of revenue under performance over the last couple of years.  We are also likely to see an acceleration of Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) financing of fiscal deficit given the revenue performance trajectory,” Yusuf said.

    He noted that the public debt stock is growing and currently at N42 trillion and with additional new borrowing of N8.8 trillion, the debt profile will be inching close to N50 trillion by May next year, warning that if the current borrowings from the CBN, which is currently about N20 trillion, the country may be confronted with a total debt of N70 trillion by end of 2023.

    Yusuf, a former director general of Lagos Chamber of Commerce and Industry (LCCI), advised that a number of issues need to be addressed to achieve fiscal sustainability aspiration.

    According to him, government owned enterprises managing huge economic assets need to justify the value of assets at their disposal to discourage what is obtainable now where returns on investment on those assets have been consistently sub optimal for many years.

    Stressing the need for oil revenue performance to be much better given the prevailing global oil price, Yusuf urged government to urgently address the lapses in the petroleum upstream ecosystem, especially the impunity of crude oil theft and vandalism of oil facilities.

    He also cautioned that the foreign exchange policy regime is adversely impacting on business environment and needs to be urgently addressed as a weak private sector performance would naturally affect non-oil tax revenues.

    “There is a need for budget reforms. The budgetary appropriations must reflect urgent national economic priorities. There are also concerns about value for money and other forms of fiscal leakages. The Auditor General of the federation had severally raised these concerns.

    “We agree with the President that funding of tertiary education cannot be adequately and sustainably supported exclusively from government budget.   New funding models need to be urgently explored for adequacy and sustainable funding.  Current budgetary provisions need to be augmented from new innovative funding windows,” Yusuf said.

    Director General, Nigerian Association of Chambers of Commerce, Industry, Mines and Agriculture (NACCIMA), Mr. Sola Obadimu, described the N21.8 trillion 2023 appropriation bill as “a non-performing budget”.

    According to him, if the federal government was proposing a N21.8 trillion budget, with a deficit that will be financed mainly through new borrowings to the tune of N8.80 trillion, coupled with the fact that it still has to service existing debts and pay interest on the principal, it means we have a budget that is totally focused on debt servicing.

    “I think it’s a non-performing budget, a budget that is probably not expected to achieve much, if anything,” Obadimu said.

    He also condemned the government’s idea of budgeting and including borrowing as part financing.

    “It’s a habit that we have to drop. Continually borrowing to finance your budget shows lack of discipline. Even on household basis, if you have your monthly income and you are continually projecting to keep borrowing, it means you are living a life that is not sustainable,” Obadimu said.

    Director, Centre for Social Justice, Eze Onyekpere, described the budget as “unrealistic.” According to him, there is no justification for government to preset such budget at a period of low revenue and ability to repay debts is doubtful.

    He said a review of some of the objectives of the government’s macroeconomic projections in the Medium Term Expenditure Framework shows some inherent challenges with evidence-based forecasting and logical consistency.

    “My immediate comment is that 2023 budget is unrealistic. The revenue projection is not realistic. Deficit is high and has opened room for new borrowing. President Buhari is likely to leave power with N73 trillion debt,” Onyekpere said.

    He said that prospect of raising more income through taxation is limited, because of the poor state of the economy and manufacturing sector.

    Onyekpere said the budget would only end up pushing the country into bigger debts and debt service costs.

    A former Dean Faculty of Agriculture, University of Ilorin, Prof Abiodun Adeloye said if the allocation for agriculture is implemented to drive mechanisation, it will boost economic growth.

    He said investing in the agriculture sector would increase productivity and growth, especially if government encourages greater investment in farm infrastructure.

    He noted that despite government’s good intention, implementation of the budget will depend on the impact of climate change on agricultural incomes.

    According to him, extreme weather patterns can impact farm incomes as farmer’s income could face problems on account of the contemporary realities of agriculture, and the harsher prospects of its vulnerability to long-term climate change.

    Other stakeholders speak

    Reacting, the General Partner, Stransact Nigeria, Eben Joels, said tax credit has the backing of government and has substantially eased Nigeria’s infrastructure woes.

    He said such practice is good the economy and ensuring that the key infrastructure for development is provided. According to him, the more showed government’s foresight, and private sector’s support for government and development.

    Also speaking, tax expert, Chukwuemeka Eze, said that tax credit is a has enabled government to make major progress in infrastructure building. He said the success of tax credit lies on the absence of government bureaucracies that normally follow government project execution.

    “I think that tax credit has helped government a lot in terms of infrastructure building. We have seen several road projects directly awarded to contractors by government not done for years. That is not the case when private sector engages in road construction under the tax credit scheme,” he said.

    He advised that the scheme be extended to other infrastructures and that more private sector should get involved to bridge Nigeria’s rising infrastructure gap.

    Other experts said more tax credit approvals should be given to private sector operators to widen Nigeria’s road networks to waterways and railways to reduce the impact of low budget allocation to infrastructure on the economy.

  • Can e-justice work in Nigeria?

    Can e-justice work in Nigeria?

    In the post-COVID-19 era, more courts are embracing technology to improve justice delivery. But such efforts have been hampered by a lack of adequate funding and some lawyers’ unwillingness to embrace technology, writes ADEBISI ONANUGA.

    Before 2019, the country’s judicial system operated manually. Filing and allocation of cases were done manually, ditto for hearing of cases with judges deploying recording proceedings in long hand.

    But the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic changed this in some states of the federation and at the federal level. The period witnessed the acquisition of technology by the different levels of the court system to prevent a breakdown of the administration of justice.

    E-Justice

    During and post-Covid-19, many jurisdictions across the world, including Nigeria, embraced ‘electronic justice’ (or e-justice) which is the use of technology, information and communication systems to improve citizens’ access to justice and effective judicial action, which consists of settling disputes or imposing criminal sanctions.

    Virtual hearing

    To ensure timely and efficient disposal of cases new practice directions were issued at the federal and state levels of the judiciary during the period of the pandemic and post covid-19 to accommodate new technology, thereby marking the introduction of virtual hearing.

    For instance, Paragraph 16 of the direction issued by the Lagos Judiciary provided that “Remote Hearings shall be by Zoom, Skype for business or any other video communication method approved by the Chief Judge.

    The practice direction also provided for matters to be filed electronically and assessed fees to be paid were communicated to counsel through email, WhatsApp, or text message

    According to paragraph 11 of the practice direction, service of court processes was also effected by email, WhatsApp or as otherwise directed by the court.

    However, the same cannot be said for most courts in the country as they lack the necessary infrastructure, particularly computers and other technology-driven equipment.

    This was due to the lack of funding and computer illiteracy of most judiciary staff which frustrated court digitalization and e-justice.

    Technology-driven courtrooms

    The National Judicial Council (NJC) on November 28, delivered retrofitted courtrooms to the Supreme Court of Nigeria.

    The retrofitted courtrooms equipped with modern electronic gadgets and with the latest cutting-edge technology are aimed at tackling Nigeria’s perennial problems of delay in the adjudication of cases and enhancing justice administration.

    The courtrooms were delivered to the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Olukayode Ariwoola by the Chairman, Judiciary Information Technology, Justice Kashim Zannah, who said it was one of the nine recently completed “technologically enhanced courtrooms” across the country.

    He explained that the retrofitted courtroom is an initiative of the National Judicial Council/JITPCO towards standardisation of courtroom infrastructure nationwide by integrating ICT into court processes in Nigeria.

    “This is done by providing the latest audio-visual aids, recording and technological advances system as obtainable in most western courts worldwide.

    “This retrofitted court is a sharp departure from our regular courts in Nigeria where power cut is a common feature and the attendant sweltering heat; and in some cases, the bar and the bench will have to use the flashlight from their mobile devices to read when it’s dark,” the Borno Chief Judge noted.

    Highlighting the benefits Zannah said: “The courts are adequately provisioned with power backup systems such that you are unlikely to notice any power cut.”

    How retrofitted courtrooms work

    The courts are designed with bespoke sound absorption acoustic panels to eliminate all types of noise from entering the courtroom, this is to ensure clarity of spoken words in court, without echo and reverberations.

    “We have a professional audio and video recording software solution that records from any type of source and enables full integration with court audio systems and court intranet,” the judge explained.

    “It is flexible and scalable and equally reliable and robust. It captures all activities in the courtroom, with the capability for playback and direct reference to the recording by court officials, even remotely.

    “This is protected by a world-class firewall and security system to avoid unwarranted access.

    “The courts are equipped with all technology necessary to enable the appearance of remotely located lawyers, witnesses, as well as defendants in correctional facilities.”

    He disclosed that lawyers can argue their cases from any part of the world without a physical appearance as being done at the moment.

    The Chief Judge expressed optimism that the new efforts would not only ensure speedy justice delivery but would go a long way in decongesting and reducing the piled-up cases in courts.

    He revealed that similar courtrooms have been provided for the Court of Appeal, Federal High Court, and National Industrial Court among others by the NJC.

    Lagos’ web solution

    Before the delivery of the retrofitted courtrooms to the CJN, the Lagos judiciary which has been blazing the trail in technology-driven courtrooms and judiciary, on November 8, inaugurated a new web solution: Bail Management Information System (BIMS), for tracking flight risk defendants and sureties in criminal proceedings.

    The solution, which is tailored after that of the Bahamas, will digitalise the documentation and management of bail processes in Lagos.

    Presenting a demo before stakeholders, the consultant who designed the platform, Mr. Musbau Famuyiwa explained that it will also give access to other judges and magistrates to access this information that has been aggregated from all the other centres.”

    It was gathered that the platform will also help ease prison congestion, and eliminate trial delays that result from failure to diligently prosecute criminal proceedings because of defendants who jump bail and cannot be traced and would resolve difficulties associated with tracking and verifying sureties.

    The system is to automate the otherwise manual processes for documenting particulars of the defendants and sureties thereby making bail processes easier to manage.

    Some of the features of the new web system are fields for validating identities of sureties by NIN, so that the court can track sureties when defendants jump bail.

    He gave the address for the web solution as http://bimslagos.com.ng and will be accessible for court registrars via the web.

    E-Filing

    Electronic filing (E-filing) is another feature already entrenched in the Lagos Judiciary Information System (JIS) for instance.

    Through E-filing, one can file a case from anywhere in the world using the internet. Users are required to have log-in credentials to file a case online.

    The system will calculate fees associated with a case automatically. The total Court Fee includes Court Fee prescribed in the Court Rules.

    The total court fee is payable online through Debit/Credit Card only.

    Other means of payment include bank payment (requires payment to designated banks) and manual/cash payment (requires walk-in to the Judiciary).

    E-filing and integrated e-justice platforms are increasingly becoming the way to handle cases in many jurisdictions.

    The COVID-pandemic boosted the use of IT in judicial proceedings and the discovery of the advantages it provides.

    Audio recordings

    A couple of years ago, Lagos introduced audio recordings in its high courts to increase efficiency and justice delivery in the judiciary. The platform to date was being used alongside the long hand notes which were still being kept by most of the judges but which are now being considered unreliable for accountability purposes in other jurisdictions.

    However, not all courts enjoyed the luxury of audio recordings as most judges still depend on long hands to record proceedings in their courts.

    In the last few years, many jurisdictions have attempted to implement e-justice platforms (EJP) enabling the digital handling of judicial procedures. But the results for these countries have been mixed due to lack of funding, and computer illiteracy which frustrated court digitalization and e-justice.

    Is e-justice sustainable?

    As the administration of justice moves from paper to digital and more courts are also going digital in the country, the question being asked by stakeholders is whether this development is capable of improving judicial performance, justice delivery and whether e-justice can be maintained and sustained in Nigeria.

    Lawyers including Wahab Shittu (SAN) and the Deputy Director of the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP), Kolawole Oluwadare submitted that digitalization of the courtrooms and e-justice is possible if there is commitment.

    Need for coordinated effort

    Shittu said efforts to digitalise the courts for effective justice delivery need to be coordinated by all stakeholders and leaders of the legal profession in Nigeria, headed by the Chief Justice of Nigeria working in conjunction with all heads of major courts, the body of benchers and the leadership of the Nigerian Bar Association.

    Review legal framework to accommodate technology

    According to him, for technology to be implemented in justice delivery in Nigeria, first the existing legal framework must recognize it and be amended to accommodate the use of technology in different aspects of justice delivery including filing, matter allocation, hearings of cases, delivery of judgments etc.

    He said: “The rules of court need to recognize and incorporate technology measures in the different aspects of justice delivery.

    “Court Directions and Protocols can also be put in place to ensure the continued administration of justice in the face of disruptions like we witnessed during the COVID-19 pandemic.

    “We are already witnessing a gradual shift and the implementation of technology for aspects of justice delivery such as filling, especially at the Supreme Court and court of appeal level.

    “We must consolidate on this across all courts, even down to the magistrate level.”

    How to deploy technology

    Shittu listed a four-pronged approach to deploying technology, ensuring computer literacy and e-justice.

    He said: ‘In terms of practical steps, the deployment of technology in the justice delivery system in Nigeria can be done in two stages.

    “First, the adoption of already existing technological infrastructure such as zoom, for remote hearings to reduce the congestion in our courts and allow for more efficient justice delivery especially given the state of insecurity in some regions of the country.

    “For example, some already existing technology possess an internal recording feature which will help the Court in producing a transcript of proceedings.

    “This will eliminate the need for Judges to write in long hand during proceedings.

    “The filing of processes can also be done by e-mail. This is more efficient and will eliminate the need to file only physical copies of processes.

    “Phase two would be the design and implementation of more permanent technological infrastructure working in conjunction with IT experts, software developers and key individuals in the justice delivery process including judges, registrars, court clerks etc.

    “Very critical to the adoption of technology in the justice delivery system is training for judges and legal practitioners (spearheaded by the NJC and the NBA) on how best to work with technology and utilize these resources for a more efficient justice delivery process.

    “This training will be conducted by experts in legal technology and must be made compulsory for all judges, registrars, lawyers etc.

    “The leaders of the profession should also map out a strategy to adopt measures that have been employed in more advanced countries and seek to replicate them within our justice delivery system.”

    Towards E-justice administration

    Oluwadare said e-justice, by the administration of justice, whether criminal or civil, is possible. He noted that some states in Nigeria already operate the platform for e-justice but that it is not as robust and all-encompassing as it should be.

    He reasoned that to have an effective e-justice administration in Nigeria, the ACJL may need to be amended to accommodate the nuances of electronic filing.

    Oluwadare said: “I am aware for instance that in Lagos State today, you can give evidence virtually. But that is giving evidence. If the administration of justice would mean from the first step of filing the court process, even to the delivery of judgment, that is a complete process.

    “But what we see operating in Nigeria is that there are parts of the ACJL, criminal and civil, that are electronic, more in the civil aspect than criminal.

    “For instance, Lagos State has e-filing but it is only filing. The proceedings in criminal and civil are still in person. With the practice direction that the Chief Judge of the state dropped after Covid-19, you have to make an application to the chief judge for your client to give evidence virtually. Even if the rules allowed that there is still the challenge of logistics,” he said.

    Call for commitment by govt

    Oluwadare prescribed that the courtrooms must accommodate infrastructure to enable the giving of virtual evidence.

    “The long and short is that it is possible but we would need a lot of commitment by way of funding, and infrastructure development in the courtrooms to make it possible.

    “All these are situated within the context of judicial independence of the judiciary,” he added.

  • Celebrities, VIPs who died in 2022

    Celebrities, VIPs who died in 2022

    One of the realities of life is the phenomenon of death as an inevitable end for every living being. It is a leveler; a reality that all mortals have come to accept irrespective of race, creed, or religion. The manner every mortal dies, the passage rites, and the last place of rest may differ, but the stark reality remains that every mortal will cease to breathe one day as did many prominent people around the world in the outgoing year.

    Unlike 2021 when the dreaded COVID-19 virus went on a rampage and claimed lives by hundreds of thousands, however, most of the deaths recorded in the outgoing period arose from natural as well as man-made causes. Indeed, the year would seem to have ended on the sad note of a three-month pregnant lawyer, Omobolanle Raheem, who was shot dead by a police officer in the presence of her family members during the Yuletide. The brutal killing of the Lagos female lawyer would linger in the memories of many even though few knew anything about her until she was shot by ASP Drambi Vandi in Ajah, a suburb of Lagos.  The unfortunate incident made her one of the individuals that trended on social media the most in 2022 with President Muhammadu Buhari describing her killing as “heinous and senseless” and directing the police authorities to take “the strongest possible action” against the culprits already in detention. Before the incident, however, many prominent people had passed on. GBENGA ADERANTI writes about other prominent celebrities that died in 2022.

    January

    Olubadan of Ibadan, Oba Saliu Adetunji

    The death of a first-class Yoruba traditional ruler, the Olubadan of Ibadanland, Oba Saliu Adetunji, was announced a day after the celebration of New Year. Although the monarch died at the ripe age of 93, he would greatly be missed by his people. He was the 41st ruler of the ancient city.

    According to a report, he died at the University College Hospital, Ibadan in the early hours of a Sunday morning.

    Sidney Poitier

    Four days after the death of Olubadan, an award-winning American actor, film director, and diplomat, Sidney Poitier, was also reported dead. He died on January 6 at the age of 93.

    Reports said he was the first black actor and the first Bahamian to win the Academy Award for Best Actor.

    Ernest Shonekan

    The death of the former Head of the Interim National Government (ING), Chief Ernest Shonekan, brought back the memory of the  June 12, 1993 election to many.

    Shonekan passed on January 11, 2022, at 85.

    The former head of the ING had succeeded former military President Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida and piloted the affairs of the country between August 26 and November 17, 1993, when he was eased out by the military junta led by the late Gen. Sanni Abacha.

    Before his eventual death in January, little was heard of him. He died of natural causes in his residence in Lekki, Lagos.

    Ibrahim Boubacar Keita

    Ibrahim Boubacar Keita (IBK), the former president of Mali died on January 16 at the age of 76.

    Reports said two years ago, he suffered a minor stroke but the cause of his death was not immediately clear. He died at his home in the nation’s capital city, Bamako.

    Keïta led Mali for seven years before he was ousted in a coup in 2020 after huge anti-government protests over his handling of jihadist unrest.

    Keïta was involved in politics for more than three decades, serving as a socialist prime minister from 1994 to 2000. February

    Ashley Bryan

    Ashley Bryan, American children’s illustrator and author, died on February 4 at the age of 98.

    Bryan created stories centered on African and African American folktales.

    He died at the home of his niece.

    Reports said that after his last birthday on July 13, 2021, he “continued to recite poetry from his vast repertoire – especially Shakespeare’s sonnets – up to the very end.”

    Pastor Ezekiel Atang

    Known in the fold of Pentecostal churches as a family life coach, Pastor Ezekiel Atang died at the age of 49. 

    His death was announced on February 21, three weeks before his 50th birthday.

    Until his death, he was the founder and Senior Pastor of God’s House Of Refuge in Nigeria.

    Lari Williams

    Ojulari Williams, who many preferred to call Lari Williams, was one of the finest Nigerian actors ever. Aside from appearing in some Nigerian TV dramas, he was never a stranger to some Nollywood movies.

    He died 27 February 2022 at 81.

    During his lifetime, Williams earned the prestigious national honour of Member of the Order of the Federal Republic in 2008.

    He was the inaugural president of the Actors’ Guild of Nigeria (AGN) and had a career that spanned over five decades.

    He featured in famous soap operas like ‘The Village Headmaster’, ‘Ripples’, and ‘Mirror in the Sun’.

    He died at his home in Ikom, Cross River State.

    March

    Emeka Obasi

    Maverick publisher, Chief Emeka Obasi, aside from being popular among the political class, was also well known in the circle of journalists in Nigeria.

    Obasi was the publisher of the defunct Hallmark and Mirror newspapers before the latter was sold to Jimoh Ibrahim. He also published Business Hallmark.

    Announcing his death, a family member, in a terse press statement, confirmed that he had passed on March 15.

    According to a statement issued by Emeka Obasi (Jnr) on behalf of the family, the publisher died at a Lagos hospital.

    “He is survived by his wife, Dr (Mrs) Betty Obasi, and Children – Emeka (Jnr), Onyedikachi, Kamsi, Miracle, siblings, aunties, and uncles.

    Madeleine Albright

    The 64th United States Secretary of State, Madeleine Albright, died in Washington, DC on March 23 at the age of 84.

    She served under Bill Clinton as an ambassador before becoming America’s first woman Secretary of State.

    She was born in Prague in 1937.

    April

    Festus Okubule

    One of Nigeria’s respected ex- referees Festus Okubule died on April 5, 2022.

    He was 80.

    According to her daughter, Sola Taiwo, the

    former referee breathed his last at around 5:50 pm on the fateful day.

    He refereed several domestic matches, as well as international matches across the length and breadth of Africa.

    Osinachi Nwachukwu

    The death of Osinachi Nwachukwu, a Nigerian gospel musician, devastated many, especially Christians.

    Her hit song, ‘Ekwueme,’ where she featured Prospa Ochimana, had shot her into the limelight.

    The news of her death was made public on April 8. She was aged 42. It was alleged that Osinachi died as a result of domestic violence. Her husband Peter Nwachukwu was arrested in connection with her death and is still facing trial at the Abuja high court.

    Initial reports said she was battling throat cancer before her death, but her family has since denied it.

    Many Nigerians, especially Christians, reacted with sorrow and anger to the news of her death.

    The Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi

    The Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi 111, was until he joined his ancestors one of the most influential rulers in Yorubaland.

    He joined his ancestors on April 23 at the age of 83.

    Report said he passed-on at the Afe Babalola University Teaching Hospital, Ado-Ekiti, Ekiti State.

    He was the longest reigning Alaafin, having reigned for 51 years.

    Report said he had been indisposed for a while and there was a plan to fly him abroad before he passed on.

    May

    Arthur Nzeribe

    Francis Arthur Nzeribe Senator would be remembered for the role he played in the annulment of the June 12 1993 general election.

    On June 10, 1993, Nzeribe attempted to stop the presidential election by relying on a court order ABN got from a midnight ruling from the late Justice Bassey Ikpeme of the Abuja High Court.

    The ABN backed the military dictator Gen. Ibrahim Babangida’s regime leading to the annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential election, adjudged to be the fairest, freest, and most transparent in the history of Nigeria, won by MKO Abiola.

    The Senator who represented the Orlu Senatorial constituency in Imo State died on May 8 at the age of 83.

    He was an accomplished lawyer.

    According to a report, the septuagenarian had a domestic accident affecting his hip and was hospitalised in Abuja for 10 days, undergoing surgery.

    Gbenga Richards

    Gbenga Richards was one of the toast of producers in Nigeria in the 1990s and 2000s. He featured in most of the Nigerian popular soap operas and Nollywood films.

    Reports said he had been battling with an unknown ailment and eventually passed on May 12.

    At a point, he was in limbo until he resurfaced again to appeal for money for the treatment of his ailment.

    Richards’ first appearance as an actor was to represent Nigeria with Hubert Ogunde at the Second World Black and African Festival of African Culture (FESTAC) in 1977.

    He also featured in blockbuster movies like ‘Sango’, ‘Mirror in the Sun’, ‘Betrayal by Love’, ‘Fighting Machine’ and a host of others.

    Leo Mezie

    Leo Mezie was one the glamorous faces of Nollywood. Until he died early this year, he was said to have had a kidney transplant four years ago before another one he had recently.

    He died May 14 at the age of 46.

    One of his colleagues, Nollywood actress, Chioma Toplis broke the news of Mezie’s death via her Instagram page.

    “Actor Leo Mezie is dead. He died on Saturday in Abuja while recovering from a kidney transplant. His corpse has been moved to Umuahia, his hometown. RIP Leo,” she wrote.

    Cardinal Angelo

    Cardinal Angelo rose to become No 2 in the Vatican. Though not much was heard about him until he was tainted by his support for the pedophile founder of an influential religious order.

    He died on May 27 at the age of 74.

    Cardinal Sodano served as secretary of state, the second-highest-ranking position in the Vatican after the pope, for 16 years.

     His tenure covered a good portion of the pontificate of John Paul II, who once described him as “my first and precious collaborator.” As Parkinson’s disease and other ailments debilitated John Paul II, Cardinal Sodano, along with the pope’s private secretary.

    July

    Akanni Aluko

    The publisher of the defunct Third Eye Newspapers, Chief Akanni Aluko, died on Friday, July 1, 2022.

    Aluko would have turned 79 on July 22, 2022.

    He died at the University College Hospital, Ibadan, Oyo State after a prolonged battle with stroke.

    Aluko, a geologist, was a native of Ilesha, Osun State.

    Shinzo Abe

    Former Prime Minister of Japan and President of the Liberal Democratic Party from 2006 to 2007, Shinzo Abe, was assassinated on 8 July, 2022.

    He was the longest-serving prime minister in Japanese history.

    Abe was said to have been shot twice at a political campaign event.

    Reports said he was in the process of giving a speech when a gunman attacked him from behind.

    He died at the age of 67.

    Ivana Trump

    Ivana Trump,  the first wife of Donald Trump, also died July 14 at the age of 73

    at her home in Manhattan.

    She rose to prominence as a celebrity and real estate investor in the 1980s and was the mother of his three eldest children.

    Donald Trump, former American president, announced her death in a post on Truth Social, the social media outlet he launched.

    Reports said Mrs. Trump was found unconscious on a staircase in her East 64th Street home near Central Park after police received an emergency call at 12:40 p.m. and she was pronounced dead at the scene.

    Ada Ameh

    When the news of the death of Ada Ameh broke on July 17, many had thought it was an old story being recycled by bloggers. It did not take long before a close relation of the vivacious ‘Domitila’ star confirmed that Ameh had passed on.

     She became prominent after she featured in Domitila, a 1996 Nigerian film about four prostitutes. Before her death, she was more prominent on ‘The Johnsons’, a TV family programme.

    Some hours before she died, she was said to have shared a video on her Instagram page where she and her family went to visit one of the top shots at the NNPC.

     Fidel Valdez Ramos Former Philippine President Fidel Valdez Ramos, 94, died July 31.

    He was 94.

     The cause of his death “was not immediately clear.”

    He died on Sunday at the Makati Medical Center in metropolitan Manila, Legaspi.

    Ramos won the 1992 presidential election and became the largely Roman Catholic nation’s first Protestant president.

    August

    Mikhail Gorbachev

    Former Soviet Union leader, Mikhail Gorbachev, died at the age of 91 on August 30.

    He died at Moscow Central Clinical Hospital, Russia.

    He served as the 8th and final leader of the Soviet Union from 1985-1991.

    Gorbachev held many positions and eventually became the Secretary-General of the Soviet Union in 1985.

    He also became the youngest ever to hold that position.

    His most notable actions in this role were the Glasnost and Perestroika policies.

    Gorbachev won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1990.

    September

    Bernard Shaw

    Bernard Shaw, until his retirement from the Cable News Network (CNN) February 28, 2001 served as chief anchor of the station for two decades.

    He won many awards as a journalist and would be remembered for calmly reporting the beginning of the Gulf War in 1991 as missiles flew around him in Baghdad.

    Shaw, died September 7 at  82.

    Prior to his time at CNN, he was a reporter and anchor for WNUS, Westinghouse Broadcasting, CBS News, and ABC News.

    Shaw covered some of the landmark stories of the last three decades, including the student uprising in Tiananmen Square in 1989, the 1994 California earthquake, the death of Princess Diana in 1997 and the 2000 presidential race.

    Queen Elizabeth

    The year 2022 will be remembered as the year that the queen of England passed on.

    Before she eventually passed on, there had been rumours of her health and passage which always turned out to be a hoax.

    She reigned for 70 years, making Britain’s longest-reigning monarch, and died at the age of 96 years.

    The late British monarch was said to have died at 3:10 p.m. UK time (10:10 a.m. ET) on September 8 at Balmoral Castle in Ballater, Scotland.

    The cause of death was listed as old age. Queen Elizabeth was buried beside her husband Prince Phillip on September 19, 2022, following a  private ceremony in Windsor bringing an end to a day of events in her honour.

    Her burial attracted world leaders including the Vice President of Nigeria, Professor, Yemi Osinbanjo.

    Coolio

    Artis Leon Ivey Jr. a.k.a. Coolio, an ex-member of the gangsta rap group WC and the Maad Circle, was one of the leading rap artistes in the 1990s.

    He died on September 28 at the age of 59.

    The rapper was among hip-hop’s biggest names of the 1990s with hits including “Gangsta’s Paradise” and “Fantastic Voyage.”

    Artis Leon Ivey Jr., known professionally as Coolio, was an American rapper.

    Coolio died without a Will in place.

    October

    Vincent Ogbulafor

    Former Peoples Democratic Party Chairman, Vincent Ogbulafor died on October 6, 2022, in Canada. He was aged 73.

    He was reputed to have boasted that the PDP would rule for 40 years, a declaration truncated by the victory of the All Progressives Congress (APC) at the 2015 presidential poll.

    He was the National Secretary of the PDP and assumed office as the national chairman of the party on March 8, 2008.

    Rico Swavey

    Patrick Fakoya a.k.a. Rico Swavey was part of Big brother Naija season 3 “Double Wahala” edition.

    Reports said Rico was involved in an auto crash on Tuesday, October 11, 2022, and died on Thursday, October 13, 2022.

    Though there were different stories about the cause of his death, clearing air on the incident, “Rico Swavey was not drunk! The road at Abraham Adesanya Roundabout is bad and it takes only a driver with a good knowledge of the road to drive safely on speed. Rico didn’t know the road well, and he hit his car against a bad spot on the road. If you notice, his car’s bonnet was split into two. He was not drunk please,” a family member said.

    Ifeanyi Adeleke

    The death of Ifeanyi Adeleke, the son of Nigeria’s pop star, David Adeleke, was probably one of the stories that trended the most in the outgoing year.

    The young Adeleke died on October 31, 2022 at the age of three after he allegedly drowned in a swimming pool at his father’s home in the Banana Island Area of Lagos State.

    According to reports, the parents had left town and dropped the three-year-old boy in the custody of a nanny in the house.

    Following the death of Ifeanyi, the Nanny and all domestic staff in the house were detained by the police for questioning.

    November

    Chief Mbazulike Amechi

    Chief Mbazulike Amechi, a former First Republic Minister of Aviation and elder statesman died on November 1, 2022, at the age of 93 years.

    The nonagenarian who was known and respected for seeking peace in the Nigerian state led a delegation of Igbo elders to President Muhammadu Buhari to plead for the release of Nnamdi Kanu, the detained leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra.

    Sam Okposo

    The death of Nigerian singer and ‘welu welu’ crooner, Sam Okposo, came as a shock to many Nigerians.

    Okposo, 51, died on Friday, November 25 in Lagos after he reportedly slumped while he was being treated for exhaustion.

    Okposo’s last Instagram post was 22 hours before his demise. It was a video of his praise party tagged SOPP live in Lagos, which was held on Friday, November 4, 2022.

    The late singer was slated to minister, alongside other gospel singers, Eben, Chuks Praise, Joy Favour, and Victor Edit, at the Outpouring Assembly International in Calabar between Friday, November 25 and Sunday, November 27.

    Before his death, he made peace with his estranged wife, Ozioma, taking to his Instagram page to apologise to her after cheating on her with another woman in the United States in 2021.

    December

    Demola Seriki

    The news of Ademola Seriki’s demise shocked many Lagosians, especially his political associates.

    Since he was posted to Spain as Nigeria’s ambassador, not much was heard about him in the social circle.

    According to a statement by his children, he passed away in Madrid, Spain in the early hours of Thursday, December 15 surrounded by his family.

    He died at the age of 63.

    Seriki served from 2008 to 2009 as the Minister of State for Defence.

    He attended Harvard University’s John F. Kennedy School of Government, where he completed a Senior Executive Education and earned a certificate in National and International Security. Seriki was the senatorial candidate for Lagos Central Senatorial District on the platform of the defunct National Republican Convention (NRC) in 1992.

    He was also elected as a member of the House of Representatives from the Lagos Island federal constituency on the ticket of the defunct United Nigeria Congress Party (UNCP) in 1998.

    Bashir Manga

    Max Air Vice Chairman Bashir Manga died on Friday, December 23. He was aged 65.

    A statement announcing his death read in part: “This is to announce the death of our beloved brother Alhaji Bashir Barau Mangal, Vice Chairman/CEO Max Air, in the early hours of today Friday 23rd December 2022. May Allah grant him Jannatul Firdaus.”

    He was described as “a man with a high entrepreneurial spirit, having come from a renowned Bangal family of Katsina, who are well known for their diligence in business and patriotism in nation-building.”

    George Obiozor

    The death of George Obiozor, one of the respected Igbo leaders, is likely to create a vacuum in the leadership of Igbo people.

    He was until his death a well-respected President-General of Ohanaeze Ndigbo, the apex-socio-cultural organisation of Igbo people.

    He died at the age of 80 years.

    His death was announced in a press statement by the Imo State governor, Hope Uzodinma.

    “On behalf of the Government of Imo State, I, Sen. Hope Uzodimma, the Executive Governor of Imo State, sorrowfully announce the passage of a great son of Imo State and Nigeria, the President-General of Ohanaeze Ndigbo Worldwide, Prof George Obiozor,” he said in the statement.

    Uzodinma described the late Igbo leader as “an exceptional diplomat and a tenacious patriot.”

    According to a report, the announcement has ended days of speculation about the death of Obiozor, who was reported to have died earlier in the week at his residence in Imo State.

    Pele

    Brazilian football legend, Pele,  died on Thursday, December 29 at the age of 82.

    Born Edson Arantes do Nascimento, Pele achieved as a teenager what many could not achieve as adults.

    He won the World Cup as a 17-year-old teenager; played in four World Cups and is the only player in history to win three.

    Before he was admitted to a hospital in São Paulo in late November for a respiratory infection and for complications related to colon cancer last week, he had been in and out of the hospital, receiving treatment for cancer.

    The hospital where he was admitted had earlier announced that his health had worsened as his cancer progressed.

    He was confirmed dead on Thursday. He died from multiple organ failure due to the progression of colon cancer, according to a statement from Albert Einstein Hospital, São Paulo, Brazil.

    Pelé had been receiving treatment for cancer in recent years, and he entered the hospital several weeks ago for treatment of a variety of health issues, including a respiratory infection.