Most policemen in Nigeria are fine gentlemen: educated, well trained, cultured, matured, pleasant, dynamic, hardworking, competent, knowledgeable, experienced, smart, conscious, clean, neat, reliable, and dependable.

They are pillars of security that enforce the law according to the law, and they avoid inducement. They are psychologists and very conversant with the geography and sociology of the environment, which are critical to intelligence gathering.

Due to their professionalism, some people have developed affection for the law enforcement agency on the premise that “police is your friend”.

But the deviants have soiled their names and the hitherto good image of the force. Their untoward behaviours and nefarious activities engender public distrust of this essential security institution.

Unfortunately, policemen who misbehave and soil the image of the force are no longer few, even though most of their misdeeds don’t always become public knowledge. Corruption has become endemic in the force.

But there are still many officers and men who exhibit discipline, decorum, ethics and fidelity to the profession and the country. Paradoxically, when the deviants misbehave, the entire force is held in high opprobrium. The wheat becomes morally inseparable from the chaff.

Many patriotic policemen have risked their lives for the nation. Despite their limitations in getting modern tools to fight modern crimes, many of them have excelled in bursting armed robberies, detected myriad of intricate crimes, enforced law and order and rekindled public confidence in the prospect of an orderly society.

In Nigeria, policemen have found millions of naira on the road and in other areas of operation, kept the money and returned it to the owners. When Nigerian policemen go abroad for peacekeeping, they return with laurels, to the credit of the country.

Competent officers have contributed to the resolution of criminal cases through diligent prosecution of culprits and aided effective functioning of the judicial process. Some of them have made sacrifices for the country in many ways; in many cases, they have paid the supreme price.

But the bag eggs are like the lone rotten groundnut chewed with many delicious ones. They leave a bad taste in the mouth. When the defunct Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) was still operational, its members oppressed many law-abiding citizens with graft.

The repercussions were borne by both the innocent and the guilty. Many people were not spared during the unprecedented protests that rocked Lagos and other major towns and cities in the frenzy to consign the squad into the dustbin of history for its innumerable atrocities.

The bag eggs in the police force epitomise bribery and corruption. They are rotten. They are skilled in graft and theft. Their olfactory bulbs sniff around for money. Such policemen prioritise illicit pursuit of money in place of the constitutional duty they are trained to perform for their fatherland. Those are the money conscious, impatient, drunk, wayward, scruffy-looking policemen that wear moral indecency like a badge of honour.

You find them mounting illegal checkpoints where they solicit bribe from motorists and arrest innocent passersby they brand “suspects” in order to extort them for the filthy lucre. Those are the “give us our daily bread” policemen, who have established the culture of daily fleecing.

But the trend is not really new. For long, some policemen have worked as spies and consultants for men of the underworld, hardened criminals, armed robbers, emergency tax collectors and oppressors of the neighbourhood, among others undesirable elements.

In the days of notorious armed robbers, some policemen were found culpable. They aided and abetted crimes, having veered off from their professional path. The case of George Iyamu, a Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP) who aided the reign of terror that notorious armed robber Lawrence Anini unleashed on Benin, the Edo State capital, in 1986, will linger in our memory. There have been many others afterwards.

Some years back, a singular act of policemen made an innocent person to spend 14 years in jail, or what is called “awaiting trial”. The individual gave a repairer his spoilt standing fan for repairs. The repairer sold the fan to a policeman after completing the job. The aggrieved owner went to the police station to report. The policeman on duty was the buyer.

It was a test of integrity for the policeman. He chose to fail it. Although he knew that he bought the fan unlawfully, the policeman turned the heat on the owner, who was promptly arrested and taken to Kirikiri Prison, Lagos, where he developed serious ailments. He spent 14 years in detention.

When he was released, he was taken to a rehabilitation home set up by Evangelist Kayode Williams. Narrating his ordeal to reporters, the innocent convict said a teenage girl accompanied his wife to receive him as he was leaving detention. The girl resembled him so much. He, therefore, affixed his gaze at her. A relative told him in a voice laced with emotion that “that is your daughter”. Unknown to him, his wife was already one-month pregnant before he was arrested and detained. He wept over the agony of wasting 14 years for a crime he did not commit.

A former commissioner narrated a similar experience about his relation, who was seized on the road for what the police described as “wandering”. The policeman turned a deaf ear to pleas for the offender. The man showed his identity card, but the policemen ignored it. After three days in police cell, the detainee suddenly remembered that he had a former commissioner as a relative. He requested for his phone, saying he wanted to call a family member to bring money. He was obliged by the policeman. He reported his experience to the former commissioner, who contacted the Divisional Police Officer (DPO) who ordered his release.

The aggrieved former commissioner advised him to go to court. He rejected the advice, saying: “I don’t want to do anything again with the Nigerian police. I thank God for my freedom after three days.”

Gone are the days when Nigerians totally relied on the police for protection and safety. Yet, police is indispensable. Without the police, modern society is incomplete.

But more confounding now are the tales of killer-policemen who want to turn the institution into a “nest of killers”.

In the past, unwarranted killings due to negligence were attributed to “accidental discharge” or errors committed in the line of duty. Bereaved families usually bear the grief and sorrow. The culprit may be suspended, dismissed or jailed, but life has already been sniffed out. Nothing can replace the vacuum created by the irreparable loss.

A drunk policeman would threaten innocent drivers and commuters with a gun. Gripped with fear, the passengers would chorus: “Answer him o; give him what he wants.” They are acting from the vantage point of experience. Judging by police brutality, only a thin line separates the living and the dead in Nigeria. Our citizens are at the mercy of bullets bought for police with tax payers’ money.

With impunity, killer policemen are now on the prowl in Lekki-Ajah corridor. Mrs. Omobolanle Kareem, a lawyer and expectant mother of a set of twins, is the latest victim. She was shot on Christmas Day by a police officer, identified as Drambi Vandi, an Assistant Superintendent of Police (ASP), leaving her mother, husband, children, other relations and loved ones in perpetual agony. The pains will linger. The scars cannot fade away.

The killer-cop is not a baby policeman, having put in 33 years of service. A report said he never showed remorse as he threatened to shoot and kill more, when he was challenged for committing murder on duty. If policemen had learnt useful lessons from a similar fatal error, barely a month earlier, perhaps, the recent tragedy would have been averted. Or, is the Nigerian police assailed by  collective amnesia? Then, a young man, Gafaru Buraimoh, was shot dead. The killer remains unknown. The family is still in agony.

On assumption of office, Police Inspector General (IGP) Usman Alkali Baba promised to make a difference. He has been boosting the morale of officers with inspirational advice and strategic directives.

But recent developments have confirmed that he faces an uphill task. If Nigerian policemen go abroad and return with accolades, it means the environment in those foreign countries is conducive for the job. This means a society gets the kind of police it deserves.

The police in Nigeria need a lot of training, re-training and new orientation. There may be need for some psychological or even psychiatric tests for deviant policemen to ascertain their mental fitness. But, it is also advisable that citizens should cooperate with the police for effective law enforcement. It is in public interest.

Crime is growing in geometric proportions. The grave security challenges mean that policemen should be well equipped with new skills and tools to combat criminality. It is sad that policemen usually bow to superior weapons from today’s armed bandits.

There should special training focusing on improved capacity for intelligence gathering. Nigeria should go back to the good old days when policemen were friends of the people.

Reforms in the police should also focus on recruitment. Many youths apply for police job, not based on interest but out of frustration and desire to escape from the scourge of unemployment.

The police, as currently constituted, is not the pride of the nation. It is demoralised, impoverished, underfunded, and insufficient. It has been said that the country’s current police strength is still a far cry from the global standard.

The police force is always in want of critical tools to work with, and suffers from poor remuneration. Many policemen are not proud of their calling. Their presence, unlike before, does not evoke respect in the community.

The image of the police is that of an over-worked agency that is denied the motivation to perform effectively.

Funding is critical. The take-home pay should be jacked up to motivate the rank and file as well as the top echelon. This will not encourage them to cut corners at checkpoints and within the confines of their stations. Also, those who sit on and embezzle police pensions should face clear ignominy and legal prosecution to serve as deterrents to others thinking of treading the same ignoble path.

There should be special training focusing on improved capacity for intelligence gathering. Nigeria should go back to the good old days when policemen were friends of the people.

The bad eggs in the police should be flushed out by the IGP to prevent contamination with the patriotic elements in the system. Discipline should be vigorously enforced.

The Police Service Commission (PSC) and the IGP should not work at cross-purposes. There is the need to recruit more Nigerians into the police to bridge the manpower gap.

The police/public collaboration should be reinvigorated. Security is a collective enterprise that should unite policemen and other citizens.

An over-centralised police structure is incompatible with the spirit of federalism.

State governors have been providing guns, patrol vehicles and other tools for the police. But, policemen are only accountable only to the power-loaded Federal Government.

Governors should be able to issue directives to police commissioners in their states, instead of the current practice where the police chiefs must first get clearance from Abuja before compliance.

What is the essence of posting a Kanuri as a policeman to police Ijebu or Egba in Ogun State? How can a policeman of Enugu origin perform excellently while on duty in Nupe, Tiv and Hausa/Fulani states? Will language not be a barrier? Does he know the geography, sociology and customs of his place of assignment?

Is devolution of police not the solution? Is state or community policing not the answer? Unless these lines of reforms and restructuring are pursued, the police may not live up to expectation in the maintenance of law and order.

Happily, for a start, IGP Baba has promised to send the newly trained 10,000 constables to their communities for effective community policing, after their election duty in 2023.

President Muhammadu Buhri has also accepted the recommendation of a panel that has recommended state police. The onus is on the President to now approach the National Assembly with a Bill to make it a reality.

State police can only become a reality, if there is a constitutional amendment by the parliament in that direction.

ALL Progressives Congress (APC) presidential standard bearer Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu is not the first eminent politician to have delivered a lecture at the Chatham House in the United Kingdom (UK).

It has been the tradition of the British establishment, also called the Royal Institute of International Affairs headquartered in London, to invite frontline politicians from different parts of the world to hear them articulate their programmes for their parties and countries.

It was, therefore, surprising that Asiwaju Tinubu’s recent visit to the UK elite foreign and policy think-tank institution generated much interest, and criticisms by his ardent detractors. Why?

It must be because it was an impressive outing lauded by Nigerians – and even other nationals – across the globe.

Tinubu was on the global podium to canvass the beauty of ideas, as ideas rule the world.

It was not his first visit to the Royal Institute of International Affairs. In 2011, Tinubu, as opposition arrowhead, had stormed the intellectual arena to deliver a lecture on the role of vibrant opposition in democracy.

President Muhammadu Buhari was also there to shed light on his plans for Nigeria, especially his economic revitalisation policy and anti-corruption philosophy, which had made him popular among Nigerians.

In 2019, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar, also visited Chatham House to explain his blueprint. The Wazirin Adamawa still has the right to repeat his visit there, instead of allowing his campaign managers to fume unnecessarily because a rival had an impressive outing acknowledged by Nigerians across the globe.

Also, the Labour Party (LP) candidate, Mr. Peter Obi, is at liberty to visit the same institute to shed light on his idealistic blueprint, which was released almost three months after the kick-off of campaigns.

Chatham House is many poles apart from the subjective television stations and their collaborators in mischief, media tyranny and dictatorship at home, whose preoccupation in this electioneering is obviously going all out to de-market a thriving flag bearer in the hope that their preferred candidate would have a smooth sailing.

Unlike Nigeria’s pompous television anchors and subjective social media influencers, who are committed to the pre-determined agenda of forced interview with an intention to ridicule, abuse, embarrass, malign and dent the image of their opposition candidate and please their paymaster, the UK institute was a clean platform.

While media agents at home were eager to jettison professionalism and violate ethics of journalism at will, the lone panelist, other experienced foreign reporters and Nigerians who asked more probing questions from Tinubu maintained decorum and courteous behaviours.

They were objective and wanted genuine explanations about the APC candidate’s blueprint, tagged: Renewed Hope 2023, his fitness for the highest office, personal history, identity, source of wealth and antecedents.

The beauty of democracy was also on display outside the venue of the lecture where protesters demonstrated against Tinubu’s presidential ambition. They were not hindered. But they were soon overwhelmed by pro-Tinubu supporters who showed up in solidarity, who countered them and justified his bid for power. They sang the familiar caucus anthem: On Your Mandate We Stand, Bola.

The import of the scenario was not lost on keen observers. Indeed, the former Lagos State governor enjoys popularity among Nigerians, both at home and in the Diaspora.

Tinubu was accompanied by a delegation that reflected Nigeria’s heterogeneity. He merely gave an insight into his style of governance, if elected. He had demonstrated it during his eight years as Lagos State governor when he assembled the most diverse State Executive Council (Exco) in the nation’s political history. His commissioners were from different parts of the country: Anambra, Delta, Osun, Ekiti, Ogun, Oyo, Kwara, among others.

On the lip of Tinubu is inclusion, unlike his main rival, who is being deserted by five aggrieved governors and other party big wigs protesting exclusion, lack of equity and fairness, and injustice of lopsided distribution of party and elective offices.

Tinubu’s entourage underscored the rarity of team spirit; the unity of the ruling party and the campaign team, and the determination of APC leading lights to ensure ultimate victory for their candidate, who they have described as the original unifier, not by ordinary words of mouth but by his actions.

Living up to expectation as a hunter for talents, Tinubu conveyed three impressions in the UK.

The first is the certainty of collaboration; the impact of cooperation and advantage of group harmony. It means the outing was well planned and the APC candidate was not only adequately prepared but was also well prepared by his team, including those who accompanied him on the UK trip. In history, although in a different context, it was reminiscent of the late sage Obafemi Awolowo’s journey to Ghana for the Kwame Nkrumah Lecture. He was accompanied by egg heads in the progressive camp.

The second is the appeal of the formidable structure showcased by the APC candidate. The structure has its taproot across the nooks and crannies of the country. Its national outlook is not in doubt, and it can withstand political stress, or electoral threat. The strength of the strong Tinubu/Shettima structure is the visceral commitment of party leaders who subscribe to the agenda of power retention and consolidation by the ruling progressive party in post-Buhari period, and in national interest.

The third is, in part, a demonstration of trust and confidence in compatriots, or co-visionaries, and indeed, a pointer to the future. A tree cannot make a forest. There is no leader with a monopoly of wisdom. Tinubu’s success in Lagos was a product of his bright vision, but it was accomplished through team efforts. Therefore, his delegation of duties, including the apportioning of questions to competent members of his solid team, who answered them correctly, is consistent with his time-tested habit of inclusion and collective approach to problem solving.

However, the lesson of the Chatham House outing is not lost on discerning Nigerians. Questions which some people sought to sentimentally ask at home in a clearly manipulated environment and biased setting were asked by patriotic Nigerians in the UK and ethically inclined journalists abroad, who were genuinely concerned about the future of Nigeria.

Obidients, the moniker for many disarticulated fans of Peter Obi of LP, are glued to the social media, constantly peddling rumours about Tinubu’s health, taking along with them some gullible Nigerians. Instead of intensifying their mobilisation, their preoccupation is an imaginary health and fitness hurdle, a lie they cannot sustain.

Hale and hearty, Tinubu exuded confidence and radiated warmth on the podium. The colourful politician held his audience captive by his elucidation. His speech was electrifying. He answered questions on his age, or date of birth, which the enlightened audience in the UK, in contrast with the home audience, believed was a non-issue.

A financial surgeon, the former Lagos governor later shed light on his source of wealth at another interview session with the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), African Service, highlighting the irreducible conditions of education, sheer intelligence, appreciation of opportunities, dignity of labour, devotion to professionalism, power of investment, focus and resilience.

Today, many want to be like Asiwaju of Lagos. But they try to dodge the furnace, unwilling to pass through the same experience in the journey of life, a tough feat that constitutes the making of an achiever.

By all standards, the Chatham House lecture Asiwaju Tinubu delivered was beyond response to criticism of personal history. He made impression on the foreign audience as a fit and proper successor to President Buhari, judging by his manifestos.

The national leader of the progressives told the world that if elected, he would lead a country ready to maintain its leadership role in the West Africa sub-region and on the continent of Africa. But he is conscious of the imperative of repositioning and fortifying Nigeria to continue to perform its obvious big brother role across the sub-region and the continent.

Thus, after dissecting the national ailments – security, economy and problematic election – he proposed appropriate curative medication.

To avert a likely crisis of legitimacy, Asiwaju Tinubu said the sanctity of the ballot box is non-negotiable.

Security is a big challenge. But his approach to it means that there could be a way out: tackle the menace of terrorism, kidnapping and banditry from their roots, their causes.

Since the major problem of Nigeria is economy, Tinubu proposed a private sector driven approach.

Then, he hit the nail on the head: things will change for the better if power generation, or electricity supply, becomes regular and reliable for Nigerians to do their businesses and other undertakings.

Nigerians are full of eagerness. Many want to vote for the man who has made a big difference in political administration but whose commendable performance has remained a source of envy – and jealousy – to his opponents.

Those who desire the country to take its proper leadership position in Africa and the rest of the world are obviously eager to make February 2, 2023 a date with history. It is a day they won’t forget the lessons to take home from the Chatham House lecture by Asiwaju Tinubu.

Senator Nurudeen Jackson Ademola Adeleke has taken the oath of office as governor of Osun State. He has also reiterated his commitment to his Five-Point Agenda, including education, health, job creation, and workers’ welfare.

Mixed reactions have trailed his Executive Orders, which are aimed at merely creating a demarcation between the past and the present. But, the future, which will also be dictated by the past and present, is more important.

What is striking is that only few politicians think about the future. Also, when a great feat is attained, wise men become more careful and reflective; and they learn useful lessons from their predecessors in a bid to avoid past pitfalls.

Adeleke fought hard to become governor, a feat he attained after the first futile attempt four years ago. Those aspiring to leadership positions can as well emulate some aspects of his resilience, determination and courage. The circumstances that brought him to politics were exceptional. His styles and tactics are, therefore, different.

The new governor was thrown up to fill a void. He took up the challenge to protect the interest of a household, an ancient town, a political caucus and many fanatical followers.

The Adeleke family of Ede should elicit envy for producing two siblings who became governors within living memory. Although Ademola’s victory is still being challenged at the tribunal, he is settling down for governance. He has appointed the first set of aides – the Chief of Staff, the Secretary to the Government, and the Chief Press Secretary. More appointments are expected to follow in due course.

Ademola, the son of a union leader, Senator Ayoola Adeleke, has finally danced into the Osun State Government House. His family has contributed a lot to the growth of the state, the defunct Western Region and, indeed, Nigeria. Much, therefore, is expected of him at this critical time.

Ademola Adeleke appears like a populist. During the campaigns, he never adopted any intellectual approach. He is not a radical or revolutionary, like Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola. He is not a quiet personality, like Alhaji Adegboyega Oyetola. The elite did not rate him high. He is not an ideologue, like Chief Bisi Akande. His experience is doubtful, although he has served as a senator, following the demise of his elder brother, Isiaka Adeleke, a Third Republic governor and a grassroots politician.

His predecessor, Governor Oyetola, managed to preside over a peaceful state. His strengths and shortcomings are noted. Oyetola has confidently said he never incurred debt. Rendering his stewardship, the immediate past governor said he also paid a debt of N97 billion. He reportedly left N14 billion in the treasury. The state should expect another N72 billion from other sources, he said.

In the last four years, Oyetola has paid salaries promptly. He tried to bridge the loopholes and ran a transparent government. But he was apparently misunderstood. The cracks in his party, the All Progressives Congress (APC), were to the advantage of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

But, all eyes are now on Adeleke, fondly called ‘AdeDancer’ by his admirers. The euphoria of victory should give way and he should embrace the task of governance squarely. Occupying the governor’s seat in Osun State cannot be a tea party. Showmanship is not a trait of statesmanship. Governance is a serious business. It is not all decisions that are momentarily hailed by praise singers that can pass the test of popularity at the end of the day.

Adeleke should, therefore, work hard to erase the perception that governance has passed on to a man without preparedness and depth. The governor needs to work extra hard to prove his naysayers wrong. He should also avoid treading the path of vendetta, the facile road to perdition.

Read Also; Ademola Adeleke: Dancing up a storm in Osun

The change of guard in the Osun Government House at Abere in Osogbo was also reflected at motor parks. Regrettably, it is in the nature of the Southwest contemporary politics of raising muscle men and bands of thugs in some states. Pro-PDP transport unions sacked their APC counterparts, who are now casualties of the barely one week-old regime change.

The new governor has reversed appointments made by his predecessor, including those of permanent secretaries and 12,000 workers in the civil service. The figure might have been exaggerated as government sources said Oyetola only recruited 2,000. Only the former governor and those directly involved in the recruitment can provide the accurate figure.

Adeleke has also sacked the state electoral body, OSIEC, and reversed the appointment of some monarchs. These may not be problem-solving measures in the long run.

On Tuesday, the governor tried to apply the break. He attempted to reverse himself, saying he would set up a panel to review the activities of the Oyetola administration. Many people believed it was an afterthought. It means on Sunday and Monday, he was carried away by the crowd, instead of pondering before plunging. But the blunder is pardonable. The famous dancing senator is still new on the hot seat.

Adeleke was born with a silver spoon in his mouth. He is from a wealthy family. To get to power, he invested huge resources in politicking. But, if he expects huge returns on his political investment, the state will suffer for it. To succeed in his administrative task, the new governor needs to do four things: have the fear of God, know his limitations, seek support from sincere, neutral quarters, and shun graft.

The analysis of the poll results shows that Adeleke is presiding over a divided state. The task of reconciliation should, therefore, be urgent. It is not all the decisions of the previous administration that should be reversed. A government of the people can as well acknowledge the genuine feats of predecessors and build on certain achievements that cannot be ignored.

The new governor of Osun needs help and support. Not all governors in Nigeria are philosopher-kings. The leading lights in Osun should show interest in their state and contribute ideas to enable the new administration sail through envisaged stormy weather ahead. The governor should also listen to the voices of reason and tap from their knowledge and wealth of experience. Wisdom is the greatest companion that successful leaders don’t ever leave behind in all outings.

But can Adeleke be a talent hunter, like former Lagos State Governor Bola Tinubu? The new Osun governor should deploy the services of the intellectual community. Osun, like other states in the Southwest, is a haven of eggheads. The governor should appoint a team of patriotic, competent and service-driven commissioners and advisers who will not loot the treasury. It may not be easy to choose because of the large numbers of applicants for political positions. For 12 years, Osun PDP chieftains have been left in the cold.

Adeleke is expected to send the list of nominees to the House of Assembly dominated by the APC. He should conduct state affairs in utter sensitivity to the presence of an opposition legislature to prevent a reoccurrence of executive/legislative face-off that rocked the state in the past.

The Serubawon garrison method of invading a democratic House of Assembly with thugs and chasing out lawmakers is old fashioned, clearly outdated.

Already, the Assembly has objected to some actions the governor took hurriedly within two days. Those actions do not make Adeleke an ‘Action Governor’, like the late Lagos State Governor Lateef Kayode Jakande (LKJ).

Osun has the highest number of towns in Nigeria. It also has many villages and hamlets. It is a civil service state. Therefore, its workers, at state or local government levels, will never tolerate irregular payment of salaries.

Yet, the reality is that Osun is poor. Its revenue base has not expanded much. To boost the internally generated revenue (IGR) is challenging. The state is entitled to a meagre allocation from the Federation Account. The state has also not overcome the burden of debt.

But it appears there is a way out. One: the governor has to beam the searchlight on illegal gold mining, even though it is a federal matter. Besides, the state is also losing some money to the illegalities. It is time to grab the new chance of the PPP initiated by the Federal Government.

Osun should focus on agriculture. It was its backbone in the days of the late Premier Obafemi Awolowo. The state should also develop its tourist centres.

Coming from a family of industrialists, Governor Adeleke is in a vantage position to inspire confidence and attract investment to Osun. Job creation is assured when firms and industries take over spaces lying fallow. How many employment opportunities are available in the state civil service, teaching service and local government?

Still, infrastructure is not predominant across the State of the Living Spring. The Ibadan/Ilesa Road is an eyesore. The governor should link up with Works and Housing Minister Babatunde Fashola for major rehabilitation. There is much work to be done as many intra-state roads also need attention.

More battles lay ahead for the new administration. The tribunal hearings will continue to generate anxiety. Technically, it means the poll is inconclusive until the litigation is resolved. Judging by previous experience, election cases often got to the apex court, the final arbiter.

Another area of anxiety among the populace is that palaces of traditional rulers are being razed. It means those towns are greatly troubled. It is incumbent on the governor, who is a Chief Security Officer on paper, like his counterparts across the federation, to halt the crises and restore security and peace.

Osun may also be heated up during next year’s parliamentary elections when his party and the APC lock horns across the constituencies and districts.

The media will beam the searchlight on the new administration. They will offer constructive criticisms. Adeleke will be on the weighing scale. His temperament and tolerance would be tested. His democratic credentials will be scrutinised. Obviously, uneasy lies the head that wears the crown. The days, weeks, months – and probably the years – ahead for the new governor will birth the hope or hopelessness his administration will bring to all residents of the state. This is an issue that doesn’t distinguish political, religious, social, and ethnic status.

The next hundred days will show the place of the dancing governor of Osun in the state’s history and provide a clue to what the future holds for the Southwest state.

THE cracks on the wall of the main opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) have widened. Things appear to have fallen apart. Can the centre still hold?

 

What reconciliation can take place in the PDP to pacify the five aggrieved governors and unite them with the camp of the party’s presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar, before the general election?

Time is running out. Less than three months to the poll, the main opposition is in disarray. Every now and then, it wakes up to find more troubles at its doorsteps.

On May 28, Atiku got PDP’s nomination ticket at the national convention in Abuja. Six months after, the post-primary crisis has continued to stare the party in the face.

The lesson is instructive: it is dangerous to underrate anybody in politics or dismiss a camp as inconsequential, based on imaginary hierarchical mentality.

Governors Nyesom Wike (Rivers), Seyi Makinde (Oyo), Sam Ortom (Benue), Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi (Enugu) and Okezie Ikpeazu (Abia) are consistently up in arms, not against their party per see, but against three dominant party leaders – Atiku; PDP National Chairman Iyorchia Ayu and Sokoto State Governor Aminu Tambuwal, who is the Director-General of THE campaign.

They are not alone. With them are former Governors Ayodele Fayose (Ekiti) and Olusegun Mimiko (Ondo); PDP Deputy Chairman (South) Taofeek Arapaja, Chief Bode George, and many chieftains from the North and South.

Bauchi State Governor Bala Mohammed seems to be gravitating towards the G5, judging by his recent accusations against Atiku.

Evidently, the governors are largely in control of their state chapters. They are working hard, trying to make a statement: Atiku should not have contested at all.

The trio of Atiku, Ayu and Tambuwal are from the North. Therefore, it is the bone of contention. The question on the lips of Wike and his colleagues is: where is the place of the South in the PDP? To them, equity, fairness and justice have taken a flight from the party.

More importantly, the governors have an axe to grind with their Sokoto State colleague and co-traveller, right from 2014. Indeed, Wike had supported Tambuwal for his presidential ambition then. But four years later, he failed to reciprocate the gesture. Apart from throwing his hat into the ring, Tambuwal later opted out, due to an inexplicable regional pressure, and stepped down for the former vice president.

To Wike and his camp, the move smacked of betrayal. A day after the presidential shadow poll, Tambuwal was applauded for deserting his friends as Ayu proclaimed him the hero of the convention. After his sudden withdrawal from the contest, his votes went to Wazirin Adamawa.

Trust and mutual confidence were dismantled. Rebuilding trust is a herculean task.

The grouse of G5 against Ayu is clear. The national chairman was assisted by all the governors, coordinated by Wike, to assume party control. Atiku was comfortable with their disposition to Ayu because he is a long-standing ally. Both are founding fathers of the party when Wike, Makinde, Ugwuanyi, Fayose, and Ikpeazu were still “boys”.

But Ayu made a promise. He had acted before thinking about the implication of his action. He promised to step down, or yield his position as national chairman to a chieftain from the South, if Atiku eventually became the party’s presidential candidate.

Atiku won the contest, but Ayu is reluctant to vacate his position. The goalpost is being shifted during the match. To Atiku, the chairmanship slot cannot come to the South, as, according to him, it is against the PDP constitution. If the constitution is to be followed, the Deputy Chairman (North) is the right man to succeed him. Wike and his group cried foul against the current party hierarchy.

They, therefore, remembered that they have an unfinished business on their hand. Should power be retained in the North? they queried. In their view, the PDP, like the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), ought to have zoned its presidential ticket to the South in the first place. The reason is that in a diverse country like Nigeria, it would be odd for another northerner to succeed President Muhammadu Buhari, who is completing his two terms of eight years on May 29, next year.

Wike has accused Ayu of being reluctant to keep his promise to resign because he wanted to preside over a party with a fat purse. Elsewhere, the Rivers State governor said he visualised a rich chairman building institutions. Ayu has simply ignored the tirade.

The takeaway from the party’s feud is underscored by the fact that the PDP leadership is handicapped and can neither suspend nor expel the “rebellious” governors, members of the Integrity Group.

If the energy and resources being deployed into the battle against Atiku and Ayu have been deployed into the PDP presidential campaigns, would it not have put the party on the path of victory? Can the G5 spring a surprise? Can Atiku win without them?

Wike:

The arrowhead of the battle is Wike. Ever combative, the Rivers governor has not fully recovered from his defeat at the primary.

Shortly after the exercise, Atiku had approached him. It was said that the running mate was offered to him. But it slipped off and landed on the palm of his Delta State counterpart, Ifeanyi Okowa.

Wike does not believe that he is fighting a personal retaliatory battle. He believes he is fighting for the South, and for equity and justice.

At the home front, the Rivers governor is hugely popular. He is rated as a performer, a fact recently acknowledged by President Buhari, who gave him a national award for infrastructural development.

Also, Wike has a solid structure. Although Atiku has reached out to some chieftains from Rivers at the back to pull the rug off his feet, it has been futile. The pro-Atiku former Transportation Minister Abiye Sekibo, and former House of Representatives Deputy Speaker Austin Opara cannot match Wike in political mobilisation and organisation. The governor wields the power of incumbency.

Besides, like his predecessors – Peter Odili and Rotimi Amaechi – Wike has a deep purse. He has access to huge resources to fight a war.

Ortom:

Before the presidential primary, Ortom and Atiku seemed to have parted ways. He had criticised the ethnic nationality of the President for being behind the herder/farmer clashes and several killings in his state. Atiku is from the same ethnic group as the President. Therefore, he had transferred the aggression to the former vice president. To Atiku’s supporters, Ortom is whipping up sentiments.

Wike has been a supporter of the Benue governor, unlike Atiku, who he had criticised for abandoning him when Benue was in turmoil. It is debatable.

Ortom had supported the rotation of the presidential slot to the South. That was in virulent conflict with Atiku’s interest. Group pressure may have largely been responsible for his membership of G5, which has consistently demanded the resignation of Ayu, his Benue kinsman.

Unfortunately, Ayu has turned the heat on Ortom, a veteran of some political battles who fears nobody. He has despised Ayu by naming the road leading to his house in Makurdi after Wike.

Ayu has tried to mobilise ethnic kinsmen against the governor, threatening that he has the power to deny him his senatorial bid. The governor is unperturbed. He said the threat will not make him jettison his conviction. However, there is no evidence to show that other Benue chieftains – former Senate President David Mark, former Interior Minister Abba Moro and former Governor Gabriel Suswam – will desert Atiku during the poll.

Ikpeazu:

Abia, like Rivers, Enugu, Benue and Oyo, are PDP states. That Ikpeazu is in charge of the party structure is not in doubt, judging by the way he ensured the victory of his anointed governorship candidate at the primary. But, can Ikpeazu steer party members away from Atiku, or Peter Obi, whose supporters are campaigning on the platform of ethnicity?

Ugwuanyi:

He looks gentle like a dove. But beyond that mien is a heart of steel. He is not a talker like Wike, but he is equally resolute in demanding for Ayu’s resignation and choice of a new party chairman from the South.

Also, in Enugu State, former Governor Chimaroke Nnamani appears not to be working for Obi. Fanatical supporters of Atiku in the state are wary. They do not want to incur the wrath of the governor. Senator Ike Ekweremadu, who would have rallied support for the PDP presidential candidate, is also not at home. He is battling with organ harvesting charges in the United Kingdom (UK).

Makinde:

Makinde, an engineer and the lone PDP governor in the Southwest, has never minced words. He is an advocate of zoning to the South. He had become governor in 2019, following the division in Oyo PDP. Since then, he has strengthened his structure and projected himself as a performer, judging by his infrastructural battles in the state. His position on the PDP crises may make it increasingly difficult for Atiku to make an inroad into Oyo.

But sources have said Oyo PDP is divided on his anti-Atiku stance. If Makinde, who is also seeking a second term, does not work for Atiku, can he prevail on other loyal party chieftains to abandon the PDP candidate? Only time will tell.

The crowd was huge. It was not a rented assembly of chorus singers. Party faithful and supporters converged on the tourist city of Jos, capital of Plateau State, to make a statement: to give a collective endorsement, to convert and win more political souls, to expand the scope of mobilisation, to prepare for a titanic electoral contest, and to set the stage for ultimate victory in the national interest.

The agenda was clear: there is no vacancy at Aso Villa in Abuja for anyone else next year. It was obviously not a window dressing or theatrical display aimed at dazzling the opposition. It was not a day for the histrionic mesmerisms of the thespian. The joy, the camaraderie, the effusive brotherliness among the political heavyweights and the hoi polloi was spontaneous.

The bid is premised on a superior argument that in this electioneering, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) is the country’s best among the contenders, if Nigeria is to make meaningful progress in post-Buhari period.

The atmosphere in Jos Township Stadium revealed the picture of a united and determined party, unlike the main opposition party. The composition of leadership structure is not disputed. It reflects national outlook – a tripod of President Muhammadu Buhari from the Northwest, National Chairman Abdullahi Adamu from the Northcentral and presidential candidate Tinubu from the South.

All APC governors are on the same page. There is no “stand-alone” group of dissenting voices in the ruling party, showing that a crisis resolution mechanism is effective. It also showed that inclusion is upheld, while there is a sense of togetherness and quest for collective survival.

The ruling party has demonstrated clear sensitivity by defending the requisite rotational principle that guarantees a sense of equity, belonging, unity, fairness, and justice through its belief in the validity of power shift from the North to the South.

The standard bearer did not get to Jos until he had crossed some hurdles. His pre-election triumphs underscore his sound resolve, determination and audacity of courage.

Tinubu has been a subject of envy because of his sterling qualities and prospects of assuming political control next year. He has been the target of the campaign of calumny because he is the candidate to beat. Having become the main issue, detractors have been labouring to pull him down, but without success.

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Many never gave him a chance; he was even deserted by some trusted allies. His enemies invaded the media to mount frenzied propaganda. Hired spin doctors began their tirade with their emphasis on generational shift, saying power should be left to the youth. The theory later collapsed. At the close of party primaries, it was discovered that the big four – Tinubu (APC), Atiku Abubakar (Peoples Democratic Party), Peter Obi (Labour Party) and Rabiu Kwankwaso (New Nigerian Peoples Party) – were above 60.

Tinubu had been vilified as an old man without physical strength. They called his health to question, postulating that he was too ill to withstand the rigours. They were proved wrong.

Ahead of the shadow poll, no aspirant traversed the nooks and crannies of the country more than him. There was no evidence of fatigue, except the doctored portrayals by purveyors of fake news. At a time, Tinubu, who was never perturbed by the antics of foes, retorted: “I am not preparing for a football match; I want to be president of Nigeria.”

Hale and hearty throughout the consultations, he survived the onslaught as truth became the bulldozer that demolished the edifice of falsehood.

Some jesters also demanded to know what they described as Tinubu’s “real” age. He became the main issue, as if he was the only man contesting for president in Nigeria. They demanded to see the nurses or midwives who were present when he was born. They demanded for the hospital, clinic or house where he was weaned. If they could not ascertain those details, the political wailers insisted that no party ticket should be given to him.

Mischievous elements also invaded the social media with the unsubstantiated claim that APC was bent on retaining the ticket in the North. The falsehood was dispelled as big shots from Northern APC caucuses never aspired beyond the feeble attempts by Senate President Ahmed Lawan and Kogi State Governor Yahaya Bello. Majority of the aspirants came from the South.

Then, it was rumoured that Tinubu, national leader of the party, was an unwanted aspirant. Intra-party squabbles drew the platform to an edge. Those outside feared that APC may become fragmented and disintegrated after the primary. Their predictions collapsed in their faces like a pack of cards.

As aspirants begun to make their speeches during the convention held at the Eagle Square in Abuja, some of them voluntarily stepped down for Tinubu, making him the contender to beat. It confirmed his statement: Emi lo kan. (It is my turn).

After becoming his party’s candidate, he waved the olive branch, visited co-aspirants, got their post-primary endorsement and earned their trust and confidence.

Then, the choice of a running mate gave opponents an opportunity to twist facts and whip up religious sentiments. The fuel was supplied by the opposition, which had hoped to reap from any miscalculation by the APC. The dust over the Tinubu/Shettima ticket has vanished because it was blown wide by a phantom wind. Nigerians are now prepared to vote for candidates based on their pedigrees, competence and blueprint, and not based on religious leanings.

Tinubu’s question has resolved the controversy: “Can I Islamise Nigeria, if I cannot Islamise my family?” His wife, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, is a pastor of the Redeemed Christian Church of God. Is that not an excellent example of religious tolerance and harmony?

The current hurdle appears to be the obvious manipulation of debate arenas. Invitations for television interviews with a targeted candidate are being aired by a particular television station. It smacked of media coercion and dictatorship.

Some dons have even called for the rejection of aspirants over the shunning of invitations to certain debate venues, even if the anchor is a card-carrying member or former deputy governorship candidate of an opposition party.

Also, those who attempted to exhume the rested litigation in United States were not innovative. The indisputable fact is that Tinubu was never indicted. They laboured in vain, oblivious of court record which showed that a competent court had dismissed the case due to prejudice, meaning that a retrial cannot even be contemplated.

But, the fundamental bias and sentiments were carried too far, as reflected in the clearly subjective position of some arrogant media gurus who, in violation of the ethics of objectivity, originality and balance, adopted a forged document purportedly signed by the electoral agency, in their desperate move to dent the image of the APC candidate.

While Tinubu is focusing on the ballot box, paid agents of detractors are glued to the social media. The weapon on poll day is the permanent voter card, and not the handset for spreading fake news. The election will also not be decided by the mettle of speech, oratory skills and verbal facilities exhibited by flag bearers during the manipulated, skewed or lopsided television debates.

Unfettered, Tinubu is firing on. In Jos, he set before Nigerians a covenant of progressive governance and renewed hope for a brighter and prosperous future.

The nation’s problems were properly dissected and appropriate solutions proposed: jobs for youths, electricity for industrialisation, resuscitation of the manufacturing sector, productivity, innovation that can propel agricultural development and better funding, tactical communications and mobility for security agencies.

At issue is which direction should Nigeria go in 2023? This, in Tinubu’s view, is critical to the determination of the country’s fate. He urged Nigerians to demarcate between fact and fantasy.

The fantasy or fable, in his opinion, is that a party wants to take Nigeria to the past. But he has promised to steer Nigeria into the best and proper direction. The question is how?

The past is remembered as a period of wasted hope and opportunities to make progress. If a nation cannot move forward, it may either regress backwards or become stagnant. The reality of the Nigerian situation is that the damage done in the spate of 16 years can still reoccur, if the country clings to the past.

How would Tinubu now steer the country into the desired direction? He acknowledged that President Buhari has laid the foundation and “achieved things in the agricultural, infrastructural, power sector,” and tackled terrorism. Thus, the country now needs “more builders,” not destroyers, to build on the feats.

Tinubu’s qualifications are his democratic credentials, volume of experience, pedigree as a model governor of Lagos State, reputed as the fifth largest economy in Africa; his positive disposition towards national integration, his tolerance and sense of accommodation, his belief in the ability of Nigeria to realise its full potentials.

The greatest problem is the malevolent economy. It is not peculiar to Nigeria. Many countries are not insulated from global recession. Tinubu has a solution: there is need to transform Nigeria into a productive economy. The watchword is result-oriented reform. The key is the restoration of power. If electricity is resolved, 50 per cent of Nigeria’s economic headache would have been effectively tackled. It is the key to industrialisation and job creation in urban centres. That was why he set up Enron, a PPP arrangement that was frustrated by those he described as people struggling to take the country to its sordid past.

If Tinubu promises to assemble the best team, he should be taken seriously. His pastime as senator between 1991 and 1993, governor between 1999 and 2007, opposition arrowhead between 2007 and 2015 and national leader from 2015 and now is the hunt for vast talents across the federation.

With the pool of human resources at his disposal across the country and around the world, a Tinubu presidency will stand tall to give Nigeria the most competent managers of resources for accelerated national development.

Perhaps, this is one of the areas of his competences that give his foes endless nightmares. No wonder they cannot sleep without seeing Jagaban Borgu in their dreams. It is also not surprising that each time they wake up, they develop a headache about Asiwaju’s extensive popularity and acceptance.

This much was what the Jos campaign outing aptly demonstrated about the APC candidate. It was the people’s endorsement of the best man for the job.

WHO succeeds President Muhammadu Buhari next year? Nigerians are getting a clearer picture. The answer is getting clearer everyday, at least, to the discerning segments of the populace. A new era is imminent – and inevitable.

The next Commander-in-Chief Nigeria needs should be a man of immense experience and exposure. He should be recommended by his antecedents, pedigree and track record as a true public servant, not a product of sentimental permutations or ethnic outbursts. The country requires a tested candidate who can also be trusted, judging by his previous scorecard in governance.

The next president will inherit the burden of history. Nigeria is passing through a lean period. Many citizens are agonising. The global economic atmosphere has impacted negatively on the country, like other climes as well. A period like this requires a financial surgeon, an assembler of vast talents, a visionary, a man endowed with a deep knowledge of the nation’s nuances, a believer in unity in diversity, a courageous patriot, a rallying point for the nation’s heterogeneity, a versatile administrator, a bridge builder, a detribalised leader, an apostle of rule of law, a lover of the masses, a respected statesman, a stickler for excellence, a chivalrous leader with untainted magnanimity.

The new era will come with great expectations. Urgent solutions would be sought for pressing challenges. These include insecurity, malevolent economic climate, dwindling revenue, low productivity, unfinished infrastructure battle, erratic power supply, oil theft, porous borders, reckless importation of what can be produced at home, crises in education and health sectors, youth unemployment and restiveness, worsening corruption, inter-ethnic suspicion and disunity, and the unresolved national question.

 How candidates have attempted to resolve these issues in previous positions they held should give an insight into their capacity for problem solving at the highest level they now seek to occupy.

Nigerians have always preferred previous administrations to current regimes. This connotes a big problem, because ordinarily, the succeeding administration should draw the curtains on national misery, despair and disappointment. A new government should rekindle hope. Therefore, governance in post-Buhari period cannot be a tea party. Those scrambling to succeed President Buhari should be ready to make sacrifices and serve the beleaguered country selflessly.

The next president will inherit power and honour of fulfilling his destiny. At the same time, he will inherit the “liability of power and authority” and the demand of repositioning a country in distress.

Only four presidential candidates – Asiwaju Bola Tinubu (All Progressives Congress), Alhaji Atiku Abubakar (Peoples Democratic Party), Senator Rabiu Kwankwaso (New Nigerian Peoples Party) and Peter Obi (Labour Party) – are in the 2023 race.

However, only two – Tinubu and Atiku – are considered as frontliners.

How do they stand across the states and zones? Currently, PDP has 13 governors in Sokoto, Taraba, Bauchi, Adamawa, Oyo, Edo, Delta, Rivers, Akwa Ibom, Bayelya, Enugu, Benue, and Abia.

APC holds forte in 22 states: Zamfara, Kebbi, Jigawa, Kaduna, Kano, Katsina, Plateau, Nasarawa, Yobe, Borno, Kogi, Kwara, Imo, Cross River, Ebonyi, Lagos, Ondo, Osun, Ogun, Ekiti, Niger and Gombe.

APGA maintains its dominance in Anambra.

As Asiwaju Tinubu and Alhaji Atiku dominate the show, candidates of smaller parties will grow with envy. Either now or in the foreseeable future, mushroom parties will always labour in vain, unless they combine their strengths or cooperate to slug it out with the big parties. United they may stand, but divided they will ultimately fall.

Tinubu, an accomplished administrator, is the symbol of the ruling party’s quest for consolidation and mandate renewal. His conducts so far have portrayed him as a really serious-minded craftsman who plies his trade with a thoroughly packaged work plan and sharpened tools. The former Lagos State governor does not take anyone or anything for granted in his mission to accomplish a task. This has worked work for him in all spheres. It might explain why he has more lieutenants in high places than any other politician around. It is no wonder then that his supporters describe him as the man of the moment.

Atiku, a veteran contender, is canvassing power shift to the opposition PDP. He has kept hope alive, despite six previous attempts at the nation’s highest job. Despite his legendary deep pocket and generosity, the former Vice President does not appear to have warmed himself into the hearts of the electorate to garner the mileage for getting him into Aso Rock Villa. Perhaps, he has more homework to do ahead of the 2023 poll.  

Many Nigerians are of the view that 2023 offers a big opportunity, or the last chance, for the two great men to aspire to the highest office in the land.

Many issues will shape the outcome of the poll. They include the formidability of the parties, the personal structures of candidates, party cohesion, and public ratings.

 Zoning remains a big issue. It is critical to the resolution of the multiple questions of inclusion, equity, fairness and justice. Should a Northerner succeed another Northerner, President Buhari, whose two terms of eight years will expire on May 29, next year?

Kwankwaso’s bid appears to be an after-thought. A seasoned politician, though, the former Kano State governor and Defence Minister appears to be a household name in almost all parts of the country. But, Nigerians are not thinking about the former governor, minister and senator as they anticipate next year’s poll. Also, although Kwankwaso is competent and popular, he has weak structures in some states and no structure at all in many others.

There are speculations that the NNPP candidate and serial defector may even step down. If he decides to forge ahead, he may lose his deposit.

Obi remains popular in the social media, being hailed by fanatical “Obedients” who often deploy vulgarity and intolerance in defence of their candidate. It appears the euphoria is fizzling out among non-Igbo youths and students, the mainstream “Obidients”. It is obvious their political exhilaration is not sustainable.

Also a serial defector, Obi’s ambition has generated interest and debate. His party, the LP, is available for borrowing, a sort of ‘used and dumped’ platform. The party has had more estranged lovers than any other in the current dispensation. Those who borrowed the platform in the past have distanced themselves from it and never looked back at it. The current flag bearer never contributed to its birth and growth.

It is doubtful if Obi understands the history of LP and the vision of its founding fathers, although he is now trying to really familiarise himself with the party and its leaders.

 Fundamentally, the former Anambra State governor had his root in APGA. He defected to the PDP only when a crisis broke out between him and his successor, Willy Obiano.

But followers of Obi have contributed to the reshaping of campaigns in this electioneering. They kicked off mobilisation for their candidate through street walks. But subsequent street marches by APC across the country have reduce the approach by “Obedients” to a child’s play. Gradually, Obi’s aspiration is being fuelled partly by ethnicity and religion. As powerful as these two factors are, they also have their inherent limitations and demerits. The constant abuse and war mongering on the social media cannot translate to votes.

Observers have also pointed out that the LP is not very resourceful. It lacks the wherewithal for an enduring and long lasting mobilisation. The party coveys an impression of a natural pact with workers. But, majority of these workers are also great fans of the two big parties – APC and PDP – particularly at state and local government levels.

While Tinubu and Atiku have reeled out their manifestos, Nigerians are yet to internalise Obi’s plans for the country. He is yet to unveil his blueprint. He is surrounded by some intellectuals with doubtful skills of mobilisation for electoral victory.

It is evident that majority of Nigerians will make a choice between Tinubu and Atiku. The two are giants of contemporary history, and their activities have dominated the polity in the last 23 years.

Since the retired Custom officer was asked to contest in 1992 by his mentor, the late Gen. Shehu Yar’Adua, he has not looked back, despite the vicissitudes of political life. The attainment of Presidency is the key to self-actualisation.

In 1999, Adamawa State Governor-elect Atiku was catapulted to the position of vice president, a stone throw to the number one position.

However, he missed it at the appropriate time, following the parting of ways with his boss, former President Olusegun Obasanjo.

Atiku was undaunted. He ran on the platform of defunct Action Congress (AC), through the support of Tinubu and other compatriots. But, after losing to Umaru Yar’Adua, he could not wait to nurture AC to become a truly national platform. He later severed the chord between him and the AC family when he retraced his steps to the PDP.

Yet, he could not get the ticket in 2011 in the face of Goodluck Jonathan’s formidable arsenal, backed by his former political tormentor, Obasanjo.

Fed up with the PDP, Atiku ran to the APC. By that time, a renewal of contact with the AC bloc had become difficult. Although he ran at the 2014 primary, he trailed behind Buhari, who got the ticket, and Kwankwaso, who came second.

Atiku’s ambition was foreclosed in APC. Therefore, he ran back to the PDP, secured the ticket, but was defeated by President Buhari during the 2019 poll.

Four years later, he is running, now against Tinubu, who he sidelined in 2007 in preference for Senator Ben Obi as running mate.

Today, PDP is a divided party, unlike the APC which has succeeded in putting its house in order. The rebellion of Yakubu Dogara and Babachir Lawal in the ruling party pales into insignificance in the face of the threats and danger posed to the PDP by the protesting G5, a group of aggrieved governors leading a legitimate crusade for equity and justice in the opposition party.

The five governors and their supporters said the self-acclaimed unifier has been aloof to the lopsided distribution of important political or party offices, whereby the presidential candidate, the national chairman of the party and the director general of the campaign are from one zone.

But, the aggressive operator is firing on with determination.

Although it was not easy to unite the tendencies in the APC, Tinubu has largely succeeded because of his national outlook, team spirit, positive disposition towards dialogue, and capacity to build and sustain the bridge of understanding across zones.

His manifesto underscores his levels of knowledge, preparedness and appreciation of the enormity of the nation’s challenges.

The manifesto reflects his level of depth, past experience, exposure and totality of what he represents, particularly his previous achievements as governor of Lagos State.

Twenty-three years ago, Tinubu had approached Lagosians with a master plan. Its implementation has made Lagos a reference point in development.

Today, he has place another blueprint: Renewed Hope 2023, before Nigerians. If elected, the plan, which is premised on the progressive philosophy of APC, can catapult Nigeria to the horizon of unparalleled progress.

It is up to Nigerians to decide the fate of the candidates in February, next year.